United States v. DavisUnited States v. Davis
Syllabus
Respondents Maurice Davis and Andre Glover were charged with multiple counts of Hobbs Act robbery and one count of conspiracy to commit Hobbs Act robbery. They were also charged under
Held: Section 924(c)(3)(B) is unconstitutionally vague. Pp. 4–25.
(a) In our constitutional order, a vague law is no law at all. The vagueness doctrine rests on the twin constitutional pillars of due process and separation of powers. This Court has recently applied the doctrine in two cases involving statutes that bear more than a pass
(b) This Court has already read the nearly identical language of
(c) The categorical reading is also reinforced by
(d) Section 924(c)(3)(B)’s history provides still further evidence that it carries the same categorical-approach command as
(e) Relying on the canon of constitutional avoidance, the government insists that if the case-specific approach does not represent the best reading of the statute, it is nevertheless the Court’s duty to adopt any “fairly possible” reading to save the statute from being unconstitutional. But it is doubtful the canon could play a proper role in this case even if the government’s reading were “possible.” This Court has sometimes adopted the narrower construction of a criminal statute to avoid having to hold it unconstitutional if it were construed more broadly, but it has not invoked the canon to expand the reach of a criminal statute in order to save it. To do so would risk offending the very same due process and separation of powers principles on which the vagueness doctrine itself rests and would sit uneasily with the rule of lenity’s teaching that ambiguities about a criminal statute’s breadth should be resolved in the defendant’s favor. Pp. 17–19.
903 F. 3d 483, affirmed in part, vacated in part, and remanded.
Gorsuch, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Ginsburg, Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan, JJ., joined. Kavanaugh, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Thomas and Alito, JJ., joined, and in which Roberts, C. J., joined as to all but Part II–C.
Opinion of the Court
Justice Gorsuch delivered the opinion of the Court.
In our constitutional order, a vague law is no law at all. Only the people’s elected representatives in Congress have the power to write new federal criminal laws. And when Congress exercises that power, it has to write statutes that give ordinary people fair warning about what the law demands of them. Vague laws transgress both of those constitutional requirements. They hand off the legislature’s responsibility for defining criminal behavior to unelected prosecutors and judges, and they leave people with no sure way to know what consequences will attach to their conduct. When Congress passes a vague law, the role of courts under our Constitution is not to fashion a new, clearer law to take its place, but to treat the law as a nullity and invite Congress to try again.
Today we apply these principles to
I
After Maurice Davis and Andre Glover committed a string of gas station robberies in Texas, a federal prosecutor charged both men with multiple counts of robbery affecting interstate commerce in violation of the Hobbs Act,
But that was not all. This appeal concerns additional charges the government pursued against the men under
“(A) has as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against the person or property of another, or
“(B) that by its nature, involves a substantial risk that physical force against the person or property of another may be used in the course of committing the offense.”
Violators of
At trial, the government argued that Mr. Davis and Mr. Glover had each committed two separate
On appeal, both defendants argued that
Because the Fifth Circuit’s ruling deepened a dispute among the lower courts about the constitutionality of
II
Our doctrine prohibiting the enforcement of vague laws rests on the twin constitutional pillars of due process and separation of powers. See Dimaya, 584 U. S., at ___–___ (plurality opinion) (slip op., at 4–5); id., at ___–___
In recent years, this Court has applied these principles to two statutes that bear more than a passing resemblance to
Next, in Sessions v. Dimaya, we considered the residual clause of
What do Johnson and Dimaya have to say about the statute before us? Those decisions teach that the imposition of criminal punishment can’t be made to depend on a judge’s estimation of the degree of risk posed by a crime’s imagined “ordinary case.” But does
But the government thinks it has now found a way around the problem. In the aftermath of our decisions holding the residual clauses of the ACCA and
In approaching the parties’ dispute over the statute’s meaning, we begin by acknowledging that the government
But all this just tells us that it might have been a good idea for Congress to have written a residual clause for
III
A
Right out of the gate, the government faces a challenge. This Court, in a unanimous opinion, has already read the nearly identical language of
“In determining whether petitioner’s conviction falls within the ambit of
§16 , the statute directs our focus to the ‘offense’ of conviction. See§16(a) (defining a crime of violence as ‘an offense that has as an element the use . . . of physical force against the person or property of another’ (emphasis added));§16(b) (defining the term as ‘any other offense that is a felony and that, by its nature, involves a substantial risk that physical force against the person or property of another may be used in the course of committing the offense’ (emphasis added)). This language requires us to look to the elements and the nature of the offense of conviction, rather than to the particular facts relating to petitioner’s crime.” 543 U. S., at 7.
Leocal went on to suggest that burglary would always be a crime of violence under
Consider the word “offense.” It’s true that “in ordinary speech,” this word can carry at least two possible meanings. It can refer to “a generic crime, say, the crime of fraud or theft in general,” or it can refer to “the specific acts in which an offender engaged on a specific occasion.” Nijhawan v. Holder, 557 U. S. 29, 33–34 (2009). But the word “offense” appears just once in
To prevail, the government admits it must persuade us that the singular term “offense” bears a split personality in
Just the opposite. The language of the residual clause itself reinforces the conclusion that the term “offense” carries the same “generic” meaning throughout the statute. Section 924(c)(3)(B), just like
Once again, the government asks us to overlook this obvious reading of the text in favor of a strained one. It suggests that the statute might be referring to the “na
B
Things become clearer yet when we consider
This case perfectly illustrates why we do that. There are dozens of federal statutes that use the phrase “crime of violence” to refer to presently charged conduct rather than a past conviction. Some of those statutes cross-reference the definition of “crime of violence” in
Take just a few examples. If the government were right,
There would be no rhyme or reason to any of this. Nor does the government offer any plausible account why Congress would have wanted courts to take such dramatically different approaches to classifying offenses as crimes of violence in these various provisions. To hold, as the government urges, that
C
Section 924(c)(3)(B)’s history provides still further evidence that it carries the same categorical-approach command as
Admittedly, things changed a bit over time. Eventually, Congress expanded
What’s more, when Congress copied
The government’s reply to this development misses the mark. The government argues that
There’s yet one further and distinct way in which
Recognizing this difficulty, the government assures us that a jury wouldn’t be allowed to find a felony to be a crime of violence solely because the defendant used a firearm, although it could consider the firearm as a “factor.” Tr. of Oral Arg. 8. But the government identifies no textual basis for this rule, and exactly how it would work in practice is anyone’s guess. The government says, for example, that “selling counterfeit handbags” while carrying a gun wouldn’t be a crime of violence under its approach. Id., at 9. But why not? Because the counterfeit-handbag trade is so inherently peaceful that there’s no substantial risk of a violent confrontation with dissatisfied customers, territorial competitors, or dogged police officers? And how are jurors supposed to determine that? The defendant presumably knew the risks of his trade, and he chose to arm himself. See United States v. Simms, 914 F. 3d 229, 247–248 (CA4 2019) (en banc) (refusing to “condem[n] jurors to such an ill-defined inquiry”). Even granting the government its handbag example, we suspect
D
With all this statutory evidence now arrayed against it, the government answers that it should prevail anyway because of the canon of constitutional avoidance. Maybe the case-specific approach doesn’t represent the best reading of the statute—but, the government insists, it is our duty to adopt any “ ‘fairly possible’ ” reading of a statute to save it from being held unconstitutional. Brief for United States 45.6
We doubt, however, the canon could play a proper role in this case even if the government’s reading were “possible.” True, when presented with two “fair alternatives,” this Court has sometimes adopted the narrower construction of a criminal statute to avoid having to hold it unconstitutional if it were construed more broadly. United States v. Rumely, 345 U. S. 41, 45, 47 (1953); see, e.g., Skilling v. United States, 561 U. S. 358, 405–406, and n. 40 (2010); United States v. Lanier, 520 U. S. 259, 265–267, and n. 6 (1997). But no one before us has identified a case in which this Court has invoked the canon to expand the reach of a criminal statute in order to save it. Yet that
Employing the avoidance canon to expand a criminal statute‘s scope would risk offending the very same due process and separation-of-powers principles on which the vagueness doctrine itself rests. See supra, at 4–5. Everyone agrees that Mr. Davis and Mr. Glover did many things that Congress had declared to be crimes; and no matter how we rule today, they will face substantial prison sentences for those offenses. But does
Employing the canon as the government wishes would also sit uneasily with the rule of lenity‘s teaching that ambiguities about the breadth of a criminal statute should be resolved in the defendant‘s favor. That rule is “perhaps not much less old than” the task of statutory “construction itself.” United States v. Wiltberger, 5 Wheat. 76, 95 (1820) (Marshall, C. J.). And much like the vagueness doctrine, it is founded on “the tenderness of the law for the rights of individuals” to fair notice of the law “and on the plain principle that the power of punishment is vested in the legislative, not in the judicial department.” Ibid.; see Lanier, 520 U. S., at 265–266, and n. 5. Applying constitutional avoidance to narrow a criminal statute, as this Court has historically done, accords with the rule of lenity. By contrast, using the avoidance canon instead to adopt a more expansive reading of a criminal statute would place these traditionally sympathetic doctrines at war with one another.8
IV
What does the dissent have to say about all this? It starts by emphasizing that
The dissent defends giving this old law a new meaning by appealing to intuition. It suggests that a categorical reading of
If this line of attack won‘t work, the dissent tries another by telling us that we have “not fully account[ed] for the long tradition of substantial-risk criminal statutes.” Post, at 34. The dissent proceeds to offer a lengthy bill of particulars, citing dozens of state and federal laws that do not use the categorical approach. Post, at 7–10, and nn. 4–17. But what does this prove? Most of the statutes the dissent cites impose penalties on whoever “creates,” or “engages in conduct that creates,” or acts under “circumstances that create” a substantial risk of harm; others employ similar language. Not a single one imposes penalties for committing certain acts during “an offense . . . that by its nature, involves” a substantial risk, or anything similar. Marching through the dissent‘s own catalog thus only winds up confirming that legislatures know how to write risk-based statutes that require a case-specific analysis—and that
When the dissent finally turns to address the words Congress actually wrote in
Without its misplaced reliance on the superfluity canon, there is little left of the dissent‘s textual analysis. The dissent asserts that the phrase “by its nature” must “focu[s] on the defendant‘s actual conduct“—but only because this “follows” from the dissent‘s earlier (and mistaken) superfluity argument. Post, at 21. Next, the dissent claims that “the word ‘involves‘” and “the phrase ‘in the course of committing the offense‘” both support a case-specific approach. Post, at 22. But these words do not favor either reading: It is just as natural to ask whether the offense of robbery ordinarily “involves” a substantial risk that violence will be used “in the course of committing the offense” as it is to ask whether a particular robbery “involved” a substantial risk that violence would be used “in the course of committing the offense.” If anything, the statute‘s use of the present and not the past tense lends further support to the categorical reading.10 The dissent thinks it significant, too, that the statute before us “does not use the term ‘conviction,‘” post, at 23; but that word is hardly a prerequisite for the categorical approach, as Dimaya makes clear. Remarkably, the dissent has noth
In the end, the dissent is forced to argue that holding
Of course, too, Congress always remains free to adopt a case-specific approach to defining crimes of violence for purposes of
*
We agree with the court of appeals’ conclusion that
It is so ordered.
Justice Kavanaugh, with whom Justice Thomas and Justice Alito join, and with whom The Chief Justice joins as to all but Part II–C, dissenting.
Crime and firearms form a dangerous mix. From the 1960s through the 1980s, violent gun crime was rampant in America. The wave of violence destroyed lives and devastated communities, particularly in America‘s cities. Between 1963 and 1968, annual murders with firearms rose by a staggering 87 percent, and annual aggravated assaults with firearms increased by more than 230 percent.
Faced with an onslaught of violent gun crime and its debilitating effects, the American people demanded action. In 1968, Congress passed and President Lyndon Johnson signed the Gun Control Act. That law made it a separate federal crime to use or carry a firearm during a federal felony. Despite that and other efforts, violent crime with firearms continued at extraordinarily dangerous levels. In 1984 and again in 1986, in legislation signed by President Reagan, Congress reenacted that provision of the 1968 Act, with amendments. The law now prohibits, among other things, using or carrying a firearm during and in relation to a federal “crime of violence.”
Over the last 33 years, tens of thousands of
Although the level of violent crime in America is still very high, especially in certain cities, Americans under the age of 40 probably cannot fully appreciate how much safer most American cities and towns are now than they were in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. Many factors have contributed to the decline of violent crime in America. But one cannot dismiss the effects of state and federal laws that impose steep punishments on those who commit violent crimes with firearms.
Yet today, after 33 years and tens of thousands of federal prosecutions, the Court suddenly finds a key provision of
A decision to strike down a 33-year-old, often-prosecuted
I fully understand how the Court has arrived at its conclusion given the Court‘s recent precedents in Johnson v. United States, 576 U. S. ___ (2015), and Sessions v. Dimaya, 584 U. S. ___ (2018). But this case presents an entirely different question. Those cases involved statutes that imposed additional penalties based on prior convictions. This case involves a statute that focuses on the defendant‘s current conduct during the charged crime. The statute here operates entirely in the present. Under our precedents, this statute therefore is not unconstitutionally vague. It is a serious mistake, in my respectful view, to follow Johnson and Dimaya off the constitutional cliff in this case. I respectfully dissent.1
I
Section 924(c) prohibits using or carrying a firearm during and in relation to a federal “crime of violence,” or
By any measure, Davis and Glover‘s conduct during the conspiracy was violent. Davis and Glover committed multiple armed robberies of convenience stores in the early morning hours. Those armed robberies followed a pattern: Davis and Glover (or Glover and a co-conspirator)—usually covering their faces—would arrive at a convenience store in the early morning hours in a car with no plates. One of them would point a short-barreled shotgun at a female employee and order her around. Sometimes, he would point the short-barreled shotgun in her face. Sometimes, he would put the short-barreled
Section 924(c)(3) lays out the definition of “crime of violence” for purposes of
The first prong of
The Fifth Circuit concluded that Davis and Glover‘s conspiracy offenses did not fit within the elements prong of
The second prong of
In other words, as relevant here, a defendant can fall within the scope of
The basic question in this case is whether the substantial-risk prong of
As this Court has explained multiple times, criminal laws that apply a risk standard to a defendant‘s conduct are not too vague, but instead are perfectly constitutional. Writing for the Court in Johnson, for example, Justice Scalia stated that “we do not doubt the constitutionality of laws that call for the application of a qualitative standard such as ‘substantial risk’ to real-world conduct.” 576 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 12). The following year in Welch v. United States, Justice Kennedy confirmed that Johnson “cast no doubt on the many laws that ‘require gauging the riskiness of conduct in which an individual defendant engages on a particular occasion.‘” 578 U. S. ___, ___–___ (2016) (slip op., at 3–4) (quoting Johnson, 576 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 12)). Two years later in Dimaya, Justice Kagan wrote for the Court and echoed Justice Scalia and Justice Kennedy: “In Johnson‘s words, ‘we do not doubt’ the constitutionality of applying
That kind of risk-based criminal statute is not only constitutional, it is very common. As the Court has recognized, “dozens of federal and state criminal laws use terms like ‘substantial risk,’ ‘grave risk,’ and ‘unreasonable risk,‘” and almost all of those statutes “require gauging the riskiness of conduct in which an individual defendant engages on a particular occasion.” Johnson, 576 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 12). Indeed, the Government‘s brief in Johnson collected more than 200 state and federal statutes that imposed criminal penalties for conduct that created a risk of injury to others. App. to Supp. Brief for United States in Johnson v. United States, O. T. 2014, No. 13–7120, pp. 1a–99a.
Take a few examples from federal law: It is a federal crime to create “a substantial risk of harm to human life” while illegally “manufacturing a controlled substance.”
The States’ criminal codes are similar. Among the crimes that the States define by using qualitative risk standards are resisting arrest,4 kidnaping,5 assault,6 battery,7 criminal recklessness,8 endangerment,9 unlawful
The above examples demonstrate that substantial-risk standards like the one in
In short,
II
This case therefore should be straightforward. But the Court complicates things by engaging in a two-step dance
The Court‘s first step is to construe
The Court‘s second step is based on the Court‘s decisions in Johnson and Dimaya. The Court says that the ordinary-case categorical approach makes
For purposes of this case, the Court‘s error is its first step—that is, in construing the substantial-risk prong of
I will address those three points in Parts II–A, II–B, and II–C.
A
According to the Court, if
But it makes little sense, as I see it, to say that
Why does the Court read the substantial-risk prong in such an unnatural way? The Court explains that Johnson interpreted similar substantial-risk language to require the ordinary-case categorical approach. See 576 U. S., at ___–___ (slip op., at 12–13). A plurality of the Court did the same in Dimaya. See 584 U. S., at ___–___ (slip op., at 12–15). And the Court today casts this case as the third installment in a trilogy with a predictable ending, one that was supposedly foreordained by Johnson and Dimaya.
The gaping hole in the Court’s analysis, in my view, is that Johnson and Dimaya addressed statutes that im
In Johnson, the Court interpreted a definition of “violent felony” that was used in sentencing proceedings to classify prior convictions as predicates for stricter sentences. See
In interpreting those statutes, the Court employed the ordinary-case categorical approach to assess an individual’s past convictions. And application of that categorical approach, the Court then said, rendered the statutes at issue in those cases unconstitutionally vague. See Dimaya, 584 U. S., at ___–___ (slip op., at 9–11); Johnson, 576 U. S., at ___–___ (slip op., at 5–6).20
Two important principles drove the Court’s adoption of the categorical approach in the prior-conviction context in Johnson and Dimaya.
First, in the prior-conviction cases, the Court emphasized that the categorical approach avoids the difficulties and inequities of relitigating “past convictions in minitrials conducted long after the fact.” Moncrieffe v. Holder, 569 U. S. 184, 200–201 (2013). Without the categorical approach, courts would have to determine the underlying
Second, in the prior-conviction cases, the Court insisted on the categorical approach to avoid “Sixth Amendment concerns.” Descamps, 570 U. S., at 269. The Sixth Amendment, as interpreted by this Court’s precedents, does not allow a judge (rather than a jury) to make factual determinations that increase the maximum penalty. See Apprendi v. New Jersey, 530 U. S. 466, 490 (2000). The Court has read its Sixth Amendment precedents to require the categorical approach. Under the categorical approach, the judge looks only to the fact of conviction and the statutory definition of the prior offense. The Court has reiterated those Sixth Amendment concerns in countless categorical-approach cases. See, e.g., Dimaya, 584 U. S., at ___ (plurality opinion) (slip op., at 13); Mathis, 579 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 10); Shepard v. United States, 544 U. S. 13, 24–25 (2005) (plurality opinion); Taylor, 495 U. S., at 601.
In short, the Court in Johnson and Dimaya employed something akin to the constitutional avoidance doctrine to read the statutes at issue to avoid practical and Sixth Amendment problems. In the words of Justice Thomas, the “categorical approach was never really about the best reading of the text.” Dimaya, 584 U. S., at ___ (dissenting
But neither of the two reasons identified in Johnson and Dimaya applies to
First,
Second,
No practical or Sixth Amendment problems exist with
We should recognize that Johnson and Dimaya dealt with an entirely different context: prior convictions. There is no need to follow Johnson and Dimaya off the cliff here. We should read
B
Now to the statutory text of
To begin with, the text of
This Court applied an exception in Johnson and Dimaya for substantial-risk statutes that impose sentencing and
With that background, I turn to the precise text of
I will focus on four particular aspects of the statutory text of
First, start with the term “offense.” Section 924(c)(3) has two prongs under which a defendant might qualify for a
The term “offense” applies to both prongs. In the elements prong, the term refers to the elements of the underlying crime. In the substantial-risk prong, the term refers to the defendant’s conduct during the underlying crime. That is entirely commonplace and sensible.
Reading “offense” in that commonsense way follows from the Court’s precedents interpreting the term “offense.” As the Court has explained many times, the term “offense” may “sometimes refer to a generic crime” and may “sometimes refer to the specific acts in which an
In United States v. Hayes, for example, the Court interpreted the term “misdemeanor crime of domestic violence.” That term was defined as “an offense” that (1) “has, as an element, the use or attempted use of physical force, or the threatened use of a deadly weapon,” and (2) was “committed by” a person who has a particular relationship with the victim.
Another example is the Immigration and Nationality Act. That statute defines “aggravated felony” in part as “an offense” (1) that “involves fraud or deceit” and (2) “in which the loss to the victim or victims exceeds $10,000.”
Section 924(c)(3) is the same kind of statutory provision. It likewise encompasses both the legal prohibition (in subpart (A)) and the defendant’s actual conduct (in subpart (B)). The term “offense” was read in Hayes, Kawashima, and Nijhawan to encompass both the legal prohibition and the defendant’s conduct. The term should be read that same way here.
Moreover, if the substantial-risk prong of
The Court usually tries to avoid an interpretation of a statutory provision that would make the provision redundant and accomplish virtually nothing. See, e.g., Republic of Sudan v. Harrison, 587 U. S. ___, ___ (2019) (slip op., at 10); Dastar Corp. v. Twentieth Century Fox Film Corp., 539 U. S. 23, 35 (2003); Mackey v. Lanier Collection Agency & Service, Inc., 486 U. S. 825, 837 (1988); A. Scalia & B. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 174–179 (2012); W. Eskridge, Interpreting Law: A Primer on How to Read Statutes and the Constitution 112–114 (2016). We should heed that principle here, and recognize that the term “offense” in the substantial-risk prong refers to the actual defendant’s conduct during the underlying crime.
In short, the term “offense” in
Second,
Under the conduct-specific approach to the substantial-risk prong, the “by its nature” language simply means that the Government has to show more than a defendant’s proclivity for crime and more than the mere fact that the defendant was carrying a gun. The Government has to
In short, as Justice Thomas has pointed out, it “is entirely natural to use words like ‘nature’ and ‘offense’ to refer to an offender’s actual underlying conduct.” Ibid. So it is here.
Third,
Fourth,
Importantly, the law at issue in Johnson did not have the “in the course of committing the offense” language.
In short, those four textual indicators, while not all entirely one-sided, together strongly suggest that
On top of all the language in the statute,
Section 924(c)(3)(B) does not use the term “conviction.” This Court has historically recognized the term “conviction” as a key textual driver of the categorical approach. In cases such as Taylor and Johnson, the Court zeroed in on the word “convictions.” See Johnson, 576 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 13); Taylor, 495 U. S., at 600; see also Mathis, 579 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 9); Moncrieffe, 569 U. S., at 191; Ovalles, 905 F. 3d, at 1245. So too, the Court in Leocal v. Ashcroft emphasized that the text of the INA that incorporated
The term “conviction” is nowhere to be found in the text of
Put simply, the textual clues—both the words that are used and the words that are not used—point strongly to the conclusion that
C
But after all of that, suppose that you are not convinced. Suppose that you think that this case is still a close call on the text, even with the background of substantial-risk statutes and the Court’s precedents. Indeed, suppose you ultimately disagree with the above analysis of the text. Even so, the Government still wins—unless it can be said that
The Court says that if
It is an elementary principle of statutory interpretation that an ambiguous statute must be interpreted, whenever possible, to avoid unconstitutionality. See generally Scalia, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts, at 247–251; Eskridge, Interpreting Law: A Primer on How to Read Statutes and the Constitution, at 317–322. That uncontroversial principle of statutory interpretation dates back to the Founding era. See Mossman v. Higginson, 4 Dall. 12, 14 (1800). As Justice Thomas has explained, the traditional doctrine of constitutional avoidance commands “courts, when faced with two plausible constructions of a statute—one constitutional and the other unconstitutional—to choose the constitutional reading.” Clark, 543 U. S., at 395 (dissenting opinion). This Court’s duty is “not to destroy the Act if we can, but to construe it, if consistent with the will of Congress, so as to comport with constitutional limitations.” Civil Service Comm’n v. Letter Carriers, 413 U. S. 548, 571 (1973). In discharging that duty, “every reasonable construction must be resorted to, in order to save a statute from unconstitutionality.” Hooper, 155 U. S., at 657.
This Court’s longstanding practice of saving ambiguous statutes from unconstitutionality where fairly possible affords proper respect for the representative branches of our Government. The Court has explained that “a presumption never ought to be indulged, that congress meant to exercise or usurp any unconstitutional authority, unless that conclusion is forced upon the Court by language altogether unambiguous.” United States v. Coombs, 12 Pet. 72, 76 (1838).
In countless cases for more than 200 years, this Court has recognized the principle that courts should construe
To be clear, the case before us is not a case of avoiding
Section 924(c)(3)(B) is best read to focus on the defendant’s actual conduct. But at a minimum—given the text, the background of substantial-risk laws, and the relevant precedents—it is fairly possible to interpret
The Court did not apply constitutional avoidance in Johnson and Dimaya. Why not? In those two cases, the Court explained, the canon of constitutional avoidance was essentially rendered a nullity. That is because, as the Court described the situation, the Court was between a rock and a hard place. The categorical approach would have led to Fifth Amendment vagueness concerns, whereas applying the conduct-specific approach would have led to Sixth Amendment jury-trial concerns. See Dimaya, 584 U. S., at ___–___ (plurality opinion) (slip op., at 13–14).
Here, by contrast, the Court is not between a rock and a hard place. Applying the categorical approach to
Faced with a choice between a rock and constitutionality,
The Court offers two related reasons for its choice to run the statute into a rock. Neither reason holds up.
First, the Court concludes that the constitutional avoidance canon must yield to the rule of lenity. That argument disregards the Court’s oft-repeated statements that the rule of lenity is a tool of last resort that applies “only when, after consulting traditional canons of statutory construction,” grievous ambiguity remains. Hayes, 555 U. S., at 429 (internal quotation marks omitted); see also, e.g., Ocasio v. United States, 578 U. S. ___, ___, n. 8 (2016) (slip op., at 13, n. 8) (“after seizing everything from which aid can be derived” (internal quotation marks omitted)); Muscarello v. United States, 524 U. S. 125, 138 (1998) (same); United States v. Wells, 519 U. S. 482, 499 (1997) (same); Reno v. Koray, 515 U. S. 50, 65 (1995) (same); United States v. Shabani, 513 U. S. 10, 17 (1994) (“after consulting traditional canons of statutory construction“); Smith v. United States, 508 U. S. 223, 239 (1993) (“after seizing every thing from which aid can be derived” (internal quotation marks and alterations omitted)); Moskal v. United States, 498 U. S. 103, 108 (1990) (“after resort to the language and structure, legislative history, and motivating policies of the statute” (internal quotation marks omitted)); Callanan v. United States, 364 U. S. 587, 596 (1961) (“at the end of the process of construing what Congress has expressed“).
The constitutional avoidance canon is a traditional canon of statutory interpretation. The constitutional avoidance canon is employed to reach a reasonable interpretation of an ambiguous statute. Where, as here, that canon applies and yields such a reasonable interpretation, no grievous ambiguity remains. The rule of lenity has no role to play. Contrary to the Court’s assertion, the canon of constitutional avoidance is not “at war” with the rule of
In addition, the rule of lenity is triggered only in the face of “grievous ambiguity.” Muscarello, 524 U. S., at 139 (internal quotation marks omitted). To reiterate,
Second, and relatedly, the Court claims that the canon of constitutional avoidance, as a general matter, cannot be relied upon to broaden the scope of a criminal statute, as opposed to narrowing the scope of a criminal statute. And the Court says that the canon cannot be used here because, in the Court’s view, relying on the constitutional avoidance canon in this case would expand the scope of
To begin with, that theory seems to come out of nowhere. The Court’s novel cabining of the constitutional avoidance canon is not reflected in this Court’s precedents. On the contrary, it contradicts several precedents. This Court has applied the constitutional avoidance canon even when avoiding the constitutional problems would have broadened the statute’s scope. For example, in United States v. Culbert, this Court rejected a narrowing construction of the Hobbs Act because that construction would have raised vagueness concerns. 435 U. S. 371, 374 (1978); see also United States v. Shreveport Grain & Elevator Co., 287 U. S. 77, 82 (1932); cf. United States v. Grace, 461 U. S. 171, 176 (1983).
Moreover, the premise of this novel broadening/narrowing theory is flawed. A categorical approach to
In sum, the constitutional avoidance canon makes this an especially straightforward case. It is at least fairly possible to read
III
The consequences of the Court’s decision today will be severe. By invalidating the substantial-risk prong of
The Court’s decision means that people who in the future commit violent crimes with firearms may be able to escape conviction under
To get a flavor of the offenders who will now potentially avoid conviction under
- One defendant committed assault with intent to commit murder. The defendant shot his wife multiple times while the couple was camping in Buffalo River National Park. See United States v. Prickett, 839 F. 3d 697, 698 (CA8 2016).
- One defendant committed arson. The defendant used a molotov cocktail to firebomb the Irish Ink Tattoo Shop. See Salas, 889 F. 3d, at 683; United States v. Salazar, 2014 WL 12788997, *1 (NM, Aug. 14, 2014).
- One defendant and others kidnaped a man who they believed had stolen money and an Xbox from the defendant. They beat the man severely and threatened to kill him. See Pet. for Cert. in United States v. Jenkins, O. T. 2017, No. 17–97, p. 2.
- One defendant committed conspiracy to commit robbery. The defendant and his co-conspirators planned to steal Percocet and cash from a man they thought was a drug dealer. Armed with a pistol and a crowbar, they broke into the man’s home by shattering a sliding glass door and found three men there. One of the defendant’s co-conspirators attacked all three men with the crowbar, and the defendant threatened the
men with a pistol multiple times. See United States v. Douglas, 907 F. 3d 1, 4–5 (CA1 2018). - One defendant committed attempted carjacking. Armed with guns and baseball bats, the defendant and her co-conspirators robbed a grocery store and carjacked two vehicles, pistol whipping the owner of one of the vehicles in the process. They then attempted to carjack a third vehicle. They approached a family getting out of a minivan and demanded the keys. One of the defendant’s co-conspirators hit a 13-year-old girl in the mouth with a baseball bat. Another shot an AK–47 at the girl’s family. See Ovalles, 905 F. 3d, at 1235.
- One defendant operated multiple houses of prostitution in Annapolis. The defendant threatened perceived competitors with violence. He also beat and threatened women, sometimes to compel them to engage in prostitution. See United States v. Fuertes, 805 F. 3d 485, 490–492 (CA4 2015).
- One defendant committed conspiracy to commit robbery. In the middle of the night, the defendant and a co-conspirator crawled into a McDonald’s through the drive-through window. The defendant pointed a gun at the restaurant’s manager and attempted to hit another employee. The defendant demanded money, and the manager complied. The defendant then removed the money from the cash drawer, pistol whipped the manager, threw the cash drawer at the other employee, and fled the scene along with his co-conspirators and $1,100. See Simms, 914 F. 3d, at 232.
- One defendant committed conspiracy to commit robbery. The defendant and his co-conspirators committed a string of armed robberies of small businesses. During the robberies, they wore masks and gloves.
They were armed with guns, knives, and baseball bats. They injured several people during the course of their robberies, breaking bones, drawing blood, and knocking people out. They also shot and killed one of their victims point blank. See Barrett, 903 F. 3d, at 170, 184.
Those real-life stories highlight a second unfortunate consequence of the Court’s decision. Many offenders who have already committed violent crimes with firearms—and who have already been convicted under
Moreover, defendants who successfully challenge their
All because the Court thinks that
To be sure, the consequences cannot change our understanding of the law. But when the consequences are this bad, it is useful to double-check the work. And double-checking here, in my view, reveals several problems: relying on cases from the prior-conviction context whose rationales do not apply in this current-offense context; not fully accounting for the long tradition of substantial-risk criminal statutes; not reading the words of the statute in context and consistent with precedents such as Hayes; and then, perhaps most problematically, misapplying the longstanding constitutional avoidance canon. After
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The Court usually reads statutes with a presumption of rationality and a presumption of constitutionality. Instead of reading
I respect and entirely understand how the Court got here. Johnson and Dimaya were earth-rattling decisions. But we should not follow Johnson and Dimaya off the constitutional cliff in this different