Vague laws invite arbitrary power. Before the Revolution, the crime of treason in English law was so capaciously construed that the mere expression of disfavored opinions could invite transportation or death. The founders cited the crown's abuse of "pretended" crimes like this as one of their reasons for revolution. See Declaration of Independence ¶ 21. Today's vague laws may not be as invidious, but they can invite the exercise of arbitrary *1224power all the same-by leaving the people in the dark about what the law demands and allowing prosecutors and courts to make it up.
The law before us today is such a law. Before holding a lawful permanent resident alien like James Dimaya subject to removal for having committed a crime, the Immigration and Nationality Act requires a judge to determine that the ordinary case of the alien's crime of conviction involves a substantial risk that physical force may be used. But what does that mean? Just take the crime at issue in this case, California burglary, which applies to everyone from armed home intruders to door-to-door salesmen peddling shady products. How, on that vast spectrum, is anyone supposed to locate the ordinary case and say whether it includes a substantial risk of physical force? The truth is, no one knows. The law's silence leaves judges to their intuitions and the people to their fate. In my judgment, the Constitution demands more.
*
I begin with a foundational question. Writing for the Court in Johnson v. United States, 576 U.S. ----,
But first in Johnson and now again today Justice THOMAS has questioned whether our vagueness doctrine can fairly claim roots in the Constitution as originally understood. See, e.g., post, at 1242 - 1245 (dissenting opinion); Johnson, supra, at 1226 - 1233 (opinion concurring in judgment) ( 576 U.S., at ---- - ----,
Consider first the doctrine's due process underpinnings. The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments guarantee that "life, liberty, or property" may not be taken "without due process of law." That means the government generally may not deprive a person of those rights without affording him the benefit of (at least) those "customary procedures to which freemen were entitled by the old law of England." Pacific Mut. Life Ins. Co. v. Haslip,
Perhaps the most basic of due process's customary protections is the demand of fair notice. See Connally v. General Constr. Co.,
The same held true in civil cases affecting a person's life, liberty, or property. A civil suit began by obtaining a writ-a detailed and specific form of action asking for particular relief. Bellia, Article III and the Cause of Action,
The requirement of fair notice applied to statutes too. Blackstone illustrated the point with a case involving a statute that made "stealing sheep, or other cattle" a felony. 1 Blackstone 88 (emphasis deleted). Because the term "cattle" embraced a good deal more then than it does now (including wild animals, no less), the court held the statute failed to provide adequate notice about what it did and did not cover-and so the court treated the term "cattle" as a nullity.
This tradition of courts refusing to apply vague statutes finds parallels in early American practice as well. In The Enterprise, *1226
Nor was the concern with vague laws confined to the most serious offenses like capital crimes. Courts refused to apply vague laws in criminal cases involving relatively modest penalties. See, e.g., McJunkins v. State,
These early cases, admittedly, often spoke in terms of construing vague laws strictly rather than declaring them void. See, e.g., post, at 1243 - 1244 (opinion of THOMAS, J.); Johnson, 576 U.S., at ---------,
What history suggests, the structure of the Constitution confirms. Many of the Constitution's other provisions presuppose and depend on the existence of reasonably clear laws. Take the Fourth Amendment's requirement that arrest warrants must be supported by probable cause, and consider what would be left of that requirement if the alleged crime had no meaningful boundaries. Or take the Sixth Amendment's mandate that a defendant must be informed of the accusations against him and allowed to bring witnesses in his defense, and consider what use those rights would be if the charged crime was so vague the defendant couldn't tell what he's alleged to have done and what sort of witnesses he might need to rebut that charge. Without an assurance that the laws supply fair notice, so much else of the Constitution risks becoming only a "parchment barrie[r]" against arbitrary power. The Federalist No. 48, p. 308 (C. Rossiter ed. 1961) (J. Madison).
Although today's vagueness doctrine owes much to the guarantee of fair notice embodied in the Due Process Clause, it would be a mistake to overlook the doctrine's equal debt to the separation of powers. The Constitution assigns "[a]ll legislative Powers" in our federal government to Congress. Art. I, § 1. It is for the people, through their elected representatives, to choose the rules that will govern their future conduct. See The Federalist No. 78, at 465 (A. Hamilton) ("The legislature ... prescribes the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be regulated"). Meanwhile, the Constitution assigns to judges the "judicial Power" to decide "Cases" and "Controversies." Art. III, § 2. That power does not license judges to craft new laws to govern future conduct, but only to "discer[n] the course prescribed by law" as it currently exists and to "follow it" in resolving disputes between the people over past events. Osborn v. Bank of United States,
From this division of duties, it comes clear that legislators may not "abdicate their responsibilities for setting the standards of the criminal law," Smith v. Goguen,
These structural worries are more than just formal ones. Under the Constitution, the adoption of new laws restricting liberty is supposed to be a hard business, the product of an open and public debate among a large and diverse number of elected representatives. Allowing the legislature to hand off the job of lawmaking risks substituting this design for one where legislation is made easy, with a mere handful of unelected judges and prosecutors free to "condem[n] all that [they] personally disapprove and for no better reason than [they] disapprove it." Jordan, supra, at 242,
*
Persuaded that vagueness doctrine enjoys a secure footing in the original understanding of the Constitution, the next question I confront concerns the standard of review. What degree of imprecision should this Court tolerate in a statute before declaring it unconstitutionally vague? For its part, the government argues that where (as here) a person faces only civil, not criminal, consequences from a statute's operation, we should declare the law unconstitutional only if it is "unintelligible." But in the criminal context this Court has generally insisted that the law must afford "ordinary people ... fair notice of the conduct it punishes." Johnson, 576 U.S., at ----,
First principles aside, the government suggests that at least this Court's precedents support adopting a less-than-fair-notice standard for civil cases. But even that much I do not see. This Court has already expressly held that a "stringent vagueness test" should apply to at least some civil laws-those abridging basic *1229First Amendment freedoms. Hoffman Estates v. Flipside, Hoffman Estates, Inc.,
In fact, if the severity of the consequences counts when deciding the standard of review, shouldn't we also take account of the fact that today's civil laws regularly impose penalties far more severe than those found in many criminal statutes? Ours is a world filled with more and more civil laws bearing more and more extravagant punishments. Today's "civil" penalties include confiscatory rather than compensatory fines, forfeiture provisions that allow homes to be taken, remedies that strip persons of their professional licenses and livelihoods, and the power to commit persons against their will indefinitely. Some of these penalties are routinely imposed and are routinely graver than those associated with misdemeanor crimes-and often harsher than the punishment for felonies. And not only are "punitive civil sanctions ... rapidly expanding," they are "sometimes more severely punitive than the parallel criminal sanctions for the same conduct ." Mann, Punitive Civil Sanctions: The Middleground Between Criminal and Civil Law,
Retreating to a more modest line of argument, the government emphasizes that this case arises in the immigration context and so implicates matters of foreign relations where the Executive enjoys considerable constitutional authority. But to acknowledge that the President has broad authority to act in this general area supplies no justification for allowing judges to give content to an impermissibly vague law.
Alternatively still, Justice THOMAS suggests that, at least at the time of the founding, aliens present in this country may not have been understood as possessing any rights under the Due Process Clause. For support, he points to the Alien Friends Act of 1798. An Act Concerning Aliens § 1,
Besides, none of this much matters. Whether Madison or his adversaries had the better of the debate over the constitutionality of the Alien Friends Act, Congress is surely free to extend existing forms of liberty to new classes of persons-liberty that the government may then take only after affording due process. See, e.g., Sandin v. Conner,
Today, a plurality of the Court agrees that we should reject the government's plea for a feeble standard of review, but for a different reason. Ante, at 1212 - 1213. My colleagues suggest the law before us should be assessed under the fair notice standard because of the special gravity of its civil deportation penalty. But, grave as that penalty may be, I cannot see why we would single it out for special treatment when (again) so many civil laws today impose so many similarly severe sanctions. Why, for example, would due process require Congress to speak more clearly when it seeks to deport a lawfully resident alien than when it wishes to subject a citizen to indefinite civil commitment, strip him of a business license essential to his family's living, or confiscate his home? I can think of no good answer.
*
With the fair notice standard now in hand, all that remains is to ask how it applies to the case before us. And here at least the answer comes readily for me: to the extent it requires an "ordinary case" analysis, the portion of the Immigration and Nationality Act before us fails the fair notice test for the reasons Justice Scalia identified in Johnson and the Court recounts today.
Just like the statute in Johnson , the statute here instructs courts to impose special penalties on individuals previously "convicted of" a "crime of violence."
Any lingering doubt is resolved for me by taking account of just some of the *1232questions judges trying to apply the statute using an ordinary case analysis would have to confront. Does a conviction for witness tampering ordinarily involve a threat to the kneecaps or just the promise of a bribe? Does a conviction for kidnapping ordinarily involve throwing someone into a car trunk or a noncustodial parent picking up a child from daycare? These questions do not suggest obvious answers. Is the court supposed to hold evidentiary hearings to sort them out, entertaining experts with competing narratives and statistics, before deciding what the ordinary case of a given crime looks like and how much risk of violence it poses? What is the judge to do if there aren't any reliable statistics available? Should (or must) the judge predict the effects of new technology on what qualifies as the ordinary case? After all, surely the risk of injury calculus for crimes like larceny can be expected to change as more thefts are committed by computer rather than by gunpoint. Or instead of requiring real evidence, does the statute mean to just leave it all to a judicial hunch? And on top of all that may be the most difficult question yet: at what level of generality is the inquiry supposed to take place? Is a court supposed to pass on the ordinary case of burglary in the relevant neighborhood or county, or should it focus on statewide or even national experience? How is a judge to know? How are the people to know?
The implacable fact is that this isn't your everyday ambiguous statute. It leaves the people to guess about what the law demands-and leaves judges to make it up. You cannot discern answers to any of the questions this law begets by resorting to the traditional canons of statutory interpretation. No amount of staring at the statute's text, structure, or history will yield a clue. Nor does the statute call for the application of some preexisting body of law familiar to the judicial power. The statute doesn't even ask for application of common experience. Choice, pure and raw, is required. Will, not judgment, dictates the result.
*
Having said this much, it is important to acknowledge some limits on today's holding too. I have proceeded on the premise that the Immigration and Nationality Act, as it incorporates § 16(b) of the criminal code, commands courts to determine the risk of violence attending the ordinary case of conviction for a particular crime. I have done so because no party before us has argued for a different way to read these statutes in combination; because our precedent seemingly requires this approach; and because the government itself has conceded (repeatedly) that the law compels it. Johnson, supra, at 1217,
But any more than that I would not venture. In response to the problems engendered by the ordinary case analysis, Justice THOMAS suggests that we should overlook the government's concession about the propriety of that approach; reconsider our precedents endorsing it; and read the statute as requiring us to focus on the facts of the alien's crime as committed rather than as the facts appear in the ordinary case of conviction. Post, at 1252 - 1259. But normally courts do not rescue parties from their concessions, maybe least of all concessions from a party as able to protect its interests as the federal government. And normally, too, the crucible of adversarial testing is crucial to sound judicial decisionmaking. We rely on it to "yield insights (or reveal pitfalls) we cannot muster guided only by our own *1233lights." Maslenjak v. United States, 582 U.S. ----, ----,
While sometimes we may or even must forgo the adversarial process, I do not see the case for doing so today. Maybe especially because I am not sure Justice THOMAS's is the only available alternative reading of the statute we would have to consider, even if we did reject the government's concession and wipe the precedential slate clean. We might also have to consider an interpretation that would have courts ask not whether the alien's crime of conviction ordinarily involves a risk of physical force, or whether the defendant's particular crime involved such a risk, but whether the defendant's crime of conviction always does so. After all, the language before us requires a conviction for an "offense ... that, by its nature, involves a substantial risk of physical force."
It's important to note the narrowness of our decision today in another respect too. Vagueness doctrine represents a procedural, not a substantive, demand. It does not forbid the legislature from acting toward any end it wishes, but only requires it to act with enough clarity that reasonable people can know what is required of them and judges can apply the law consistent with their limited office. Our history surely bears examples of the judicial misuse of the so-called "substantive component" of due process to dictate policy on matters that belonged to the people to decide. But concerns with substantive due process should not lead us to react by withdrawing an ancient procedural protection compelled by the original meaning of the Constitution.
Today's decision sweeps narrowly in yet one more way. By any fair estimate, Congress has largely satisfied the procedural demand of fair notice even in the INA provision before us. The statute lists a number of specific crimes that can lead to a lawful resident's removal-for example, murder, rape, and sexual abuse of a minor.
But those laws are not this law. And while the statute before us doesn't rise to the level of threatening death for "pretended offences" of treason, no one should be surprised that the Constitution looks unkindly on any law so vague that reasonable people cannot understand its terms and judges do not know where to begin in applying it. A government of laws and not *1234of men can never tolerate that arbitrary power. And, in my judgment, that foundational principle dictates today's result. Because I understand them to be consistent with what I have said here, I join Parts I, III, IV-B, and V of the Court's opinion and concur in the judgment.
Chief Justice ROBERTS, with whom Justice KENNEDY, Justice THOMAS, and Justice ALITO join, dissenting.
In Johnson v. United States, we concluded that the residual clause of the Armed Career Criminal Act was unconstitutionally vague, given the "indeterminacy of the wide-ranging inquiry" it required. 576 U.S. ----, ----,
I
The term "crime of violence" appears repeatedly throughout the Federal Criminal Code. Section 16 of Title 18 defines it to mean:
"(a) an offense that has as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against the person or property of another, or
"(b) any other offense that is a felony and that, by its nature, involves a substantial risk that physical force against the person or property of another may be used in the course of committing the offense."
This definition of "crime of violence" is also incorporated in the definition of "aggravated felony" in the Immigration and Nationality Act.
Those consequences came to pass in respondent James Dimaya's case. An Immigration Judge and the Board of Immigration Appeals interpreted § 16(b) to cover Dimaya's two prior convictions for first-degree residential burglary under California law, subjecting him to removal. To stave off that result, Dimaya argued that the language of § 16(b) was void for vagueness under the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment.
The parties begin by disputing whether a criminal or more relaxed civil vagueness standard should apply in resolving Dimaya's challenge. A plurality of the Court rejects the Government's argument in favor of a civil standard, because of the "grave nature of deportation," Jordan v. De George,
II
This is not our first encounter with § 16(b). In Leocal v. Ashcroft,
Leocal thus provides a model for how courts should assess whether a particular crime "by its nature" involves a risk of the use of physical force. At the outset, our opinion set forth the elements of the Florida DUI statute, which made it a felony "for a person to operate a vehicle while under the influence and, 'by reason of such operation, caus[e] ... [s]erious bodily injury to another.' "
The Court holds that the same provision we had no trouble applying in Leocal is in fact incapable of reasoned application. The sole justification for this turnabout is the resemblance between the language of § 16(b) and the language of the residual clause of the Armed Career Criminal Act (ACCA) that was at issue in Johnson . The latter provision defined a "violent felony" to include "any crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year ... that ... is burglary, arson, or extortion, involves use of explosives, or otherwise involves conduct that presents a serious potential risk of physical injury to another. "
In Johnson , we concluded that the ACCA residual clause (the "or otherwise" language) gave rise to two forms of intractable uncertainty, which "conspire [d]" to render the provision unconstitutionally vague. 576 U.S., at ----,
Section 16(b) does not present the same ambiguities. The two provisions do correspond to some extent. Under our decisions, both ask the sentencing court to consider whether a particular offense, defined without regard to the facts of the conviction, poses a specified risk. And, relevant to both statutes, we have explained *1236that in deciding whether statutory elements inherently produce a risk, a court must take into account how those elements will ordinarily be fulfilled. See James v. United States,
To begin, § 16(b) yields far less uncertainty "about how to estimate the risk posed by a crime." Johnson, 576 U.S., at ----,
Second, § 16(b) focuses exclusively on the risk that the offender will "use [ ]" "physical force" "against" another person or another person's property. Thus, unlike the ACCA residual clause, " § 16(b) plainly does not encompass all offenses which create a 'substantial risk' that injury will result from a person's conduct." Leocal,
Third, § 16(b) has a temporal limit that the ACCA residual clause lacked: The "substantial risk" of force must arise "in the course of committing the offense." Properly interpreted, this means the statute requires a substantial risk that the perpetrator will use force while carrying out the crime. See Leocal,
Why does any of this matter? Because it mattered in Johnson . More precisely, the expansive language in the ACCA residual clause contributed to our determination that the clause gave rise to "grave uncertainty about how to estimate the risk posed by a crime." 576 U.S., at ----,
Those three distinctions-the unadorned reference to "risk," the focus on the offender's own active employment of force, and the "in the course of committing" limitation-also mean that many hard cases under ACCA are easier under § 16(b). Take the firearm possession crime from Johnson itself, which had as its constituent elements (1) unlawfully (2) possessing (3) a short-barreled shotgun. None of those elements, "by its nature," carries "a substantial risk" that the possessor will use force against another "in the course of committing the offense." Nothing inherent in the act of firearm possession, even when it is unlawful, gives rise to a substantial risk that the owner will then shoot someone. See United States v. Serafin,
Failure to report to a penal institution, the subject of Chambers v. United States,
DUI offenses are yet another example. Because § 16(b) asks about the risk that the offender will "use[ ]" "physical force," we readily concluded in Leocal that the subsection does not cover offenses where the danger arises from the offender's negligent or accidental conduct, including drunk driving.
Which brings me to the second part of the Court's analysis: its objection that § 16(b), like the ACCA residual clause, leaves "uncertainty about the level of risk that makes a crime 'violent.' "Ante, at 1215. The "substantial risk" standard in § 16(b) is significantly less confusing because it is not tied to a disjointed list of paradigm offenses. Recall that the ACCA provision defined a "violent felony" to include a crime that "is burglary, arson, or extortion, involves use of explosives, or otherwise involves conduct that presents a serious potential risk of physical injury to another."
In our first foray, James, we resolved the case by asking whether the risk posed by the crime of attempted burglary was "comparable to that posed by its closest analog among the enumerated offenses," which was completed burglary.
After James came Begay, in which we concluded that the enumerated offenses served as an independent limitation on the kind of crime that could qualify.
The enumerated offenses, and our Court's failed attempts to make sense of them, were essential to Johnson 's conclusion that the residual clause "leaves uncertainty about how much risk it takes for a crime to qualify as a violent felony." Id., at ----,
With § 16(b), by contrast, a court need simply consider the meaning of the word "substantial"-a word our Court has interpreted and applied innumerable times across a wide variety of contexts.
In its effort to recast a considerable portion of Johnson as dicta, the majority speculates that if the enumerated offenses had truly mattered to the outcome, the Court would have told lower courts to "give up on trying to interpret the clause by reference to" those offenses, rather than striking down the provision entirely. Ante, at 1221. No litigant in Johnson suggested that solution, which is not surprising. Such judicial redrafting could have expanded the reach of the criminal provision-surely a job for Congress alone.
In any event, I doubt the majority's proposal would have done the trick. And that is because the result in Johnson did not follow from the presence of one frustrating textual feature or another. Quite the opposite: The decision emphasized that it was the "sum" of the "uncertainties" in the ACCA residual clause, confirmed by years of experience, that "convince[d]" us the provision was beyond salvage. Johnson, 576 U.S., at ----,
III
The more constrained inquiry required under § 16(b) -which asks only whether the offense elements naturally carry with them a risk that the offender will use force *1241in committing the offense-does not itself engender "grave uncertainty about how to estimate the risk posed by a crime." And the provision's use of a commonplace substantial risk standard-one not tied to a list of crimes that lack a unifying feature-does not give rise to intolerable "uncertainty about how much risk it takes for a crime to qualify." That should be enough to reject Dimaya's facial vagueness challenge.
Because I would rely on those distinctions to uphold § 16(b), the Court reproaches me for not giving sufficient weight to a "core insight" of Johnson . Ante, at 1215, n. 4; see ante, at 1231 (opinion of GORSUCH, J.) (arguing that § 16(b) runs afoul of Johnson "to the extent [ § 16(b) ] requires an 'ordinary case' analysis"). But the fact that the ACCA residual clause required the ordinary case approach was not itself sufficient to doom the law. We instead took pains to clarify that our opinion should not be read to impart such an absolute rule. See Johnson, 576 U.S., at ----,
The Court does the opposite, and the ramifications of that decision are significant. First, of course, today's holding invalidates a provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act-part of the definition of "aggravated felony"-on which the Government relies to "ensure that dangerous criminal aliens are removed from the United States." Brief for United States 54. Contrary to the Court's back-of-the-envelope assessment, see ante, at 1222, n. 12, the Government explains that the definition is "critical" for "numerous" immigration provisions. Brief for United States 12.
In addition, § 16 serves as the universal definition of "crime of violence" for all of Title 18 of the United States Code. Its language is incorporated into many procedural and substantive provisions of criminal law, including provisions concerning racketeering, money laundering, domestic violence, using a child to commit a violent crime, and distributing information about the making or use of explosives. See
Because Johnson does not compel today's result, I respectfully dissent.
*1242Justice THOMAS, with whom Justice KENNEDY and Justice ALITO join as to Parts I-C-2, II-A-1, and II-B, dissenting.
I agree with THE CHIEF JUSTICE that
While THE CHIEF JUSTICE persuasively explains why respondent cannot prevail under our precedents, I write separately to make two additional points. First, I continue to doubt that our practice of striking down statutes as unconstitutionally vague is consistent with the original meaning of the Due Process Clause. See id., at ------- --,
I
I continue to harbor doubts about whether the vagueness doctrine can be squared with the original meaning of the Due Process Clause-and those doubts are only amplified in the removal context. I am also skeptical that the vagueness doctrine can be justified as a way to prevent delegations of core legislative power in this context. But I need not resolve these questions because, if the vagueness doctrine has any basis in the Due Process Clause, it must be limited to cases in which the statute is unconstitutionally vague as applied to the person challenging it. That is not the case for respondent, whose prior convictions for first-degree residential burglary in California fall comfortably within the scope of § 16(b).
A
The Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause provides that no person shall be "deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." Section 16(b), as incorporated by the INA, cannot violate this Clause unless the following propositions are true: The Due Process Clause requires federal statutes to provide certain minimal procedures, the vagueness doctrine is one of those procedures, and the vagueness doctrine applies to statutes governing the removal of aliens. Although I need not resolve any of these propositions today, each one is questionable. I will address them in turn.
1
First, the vagueness doctrine is not legitimate unless the "law of the land" view of due process is incorrect. Under that view, due process "require[s] only that our Government ... proceed ... according to written constitutional and statutory provision[s]
*1243before depriving someone of life, liberty, or property." Nelson v. Colorado, 581 U.S. ----, ----, n. 1,
2
Even under Murray's Lessee, the vagueness doctrine is legitimate only if it is a "settled usag[e] and mod[e] of proceeding existing in the common and statute law of England, before the emigration of our ancestors." Id ., at 277. That proposition is dubious. Until the end of the 19th century, "there is little indication that anyone ... believed that courts had the power under the Due Process Claus[e] to nullify statutes on [vagueness] ground[s]." Johnson, supra, at ----,
The difference between the traditional rule of lenity and the modern vagueness doctrine is not merely semantic. Most obviously, lenity is a tool of statutory construction, which means States can abrogate it-and many have. Hall, Strict or Liberal Construction of Penal Statutes,
Tellingly, the modern vagueness doctrine emerged at a time when this Court was actively interpreting the Due Process Clause to strike down democratically enacted laws-first in the name of the "liberty of contract," then in the name of the "right to privacy." See Johnson, 576 U.S., at ---------,
This Court also has a bad habit of invoking the Due Process Clause to constitutionalize rules that were traditionally left to the democratic process. See, e.g., Williams v. Pennsylvania, 579 U.S. ----,
3
Even assuming the Due Process Clause prohibits vague laws, this prohibition might not apply to laws governing the removal of aliens. Cf. Johnson, 576 U.S., at ----, n. 7,
Less than a decade after the ratification of the Bill of Rights, the founding generation had an extensive debate about the relationship between the Constitution and federal removal statutes. In 1798, the Fifth Congress enacted the Alien Acts. One of those Acts, the Alien Friends Act, gave the President unfettered discretion to expel any aliens "he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof." An Act Concerning Aliens § 1,
The Jeffersonian Democratic-Republicans, who viewed the Alien Friends Act as a threat to their party and the institution of slavery,
The Federalists gave two primary responses to this due process argument. First, the Federalists argued that the rights of aliens were governed by the law of nations, not the Constitution. See, e.g., Randolph, Debate on Virginia Resolutions, in The Virginia Report of 1799-1800, pp. 34-35 (1850) (Virginia Debates) (statement of George K. Taylor) (arguing that aliens "were not a party to the [Constitution]" and that "cases between the government and aliens ... arise under the law of nations");
Second, the Federalists responded that the expulsion of aliens "did not touch life, liberty, or property." Virginia Debates 34. The founding generation understood the phrase "life, liberty, or property" to refer to a relatively narrow set of core private rights that did not depend on the will of the government. See Wellness Int'l Network, Ltd. v. Sharif, 575 U.S. ----, ---------,
After the Alien Friends Act lapsed in 1800, Congress did not enact another removal statute for nearly a century. The States enacted their own removal statutes during this period, see G. Neuman, Strangers to the Constitution 19-43 (1996), and I am aware of no decision questioning the legality of these statutes under State due-process or law-of-the-land provisions. Beginning in the late 19th century, the Federal Government reinserted itself into the regulation of immigration. When this Court was presented with constitutional challenges to Congress' removal laws, it initially rejected them for many of the same reasons that Marshall and the Federalists had cited in defense of the Alien Friends Act. Although the Court rejected the Federalists' argument that resident aliens do not enjoy constitutional rights, see Wong Wing v. United States,
It was not until the 20th century that this Court held that nonpenal removal statutes could violate the Due Process Clause. See Wong Yang Sung v. McGrath,
Thus, for more than a century after the founding, it was, at best, unclear whether federal removal statutes could violate the Due Process Clause. And until today, this Court had never deemed a federal removal statute void for vagueness. Given this history, it is difficult to conclude that a ban on *1248vague removal statutes is a "settled usag[e] and mod[e] of proceeding existing in the common and statute law of England, before the emigration of our ancestors" protected by the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause. Murray's Lessee,
B
Instead of a longstanding procedure under Murray's Lessee, perhaps the vagueness doctrine is really a way to enforce the separation of powers-specifically, the doctrine of nondelegation. See Chapman & McConnell, Due Process as Separation of Powers,
I agree that the Constitution prohibits Congress from delegating core legislative power to another branch. See Department of Transportation v. Association of American Railroads, 575 U.S. ----, ----,
Respondent does not argue that § 16(b), as incorporated by the INA, is an impermissible delegation of power. See Brief for Respondent 50 (stating that "there is no delegation question" in this case). I would not reach that question here, because this case can be resolved on narrower grounds. See Part I-C, infra . But at first blush, it is not at all obvious that the nondelegation doctrine would justify wholesale invalidation of § 16(b).
If § 16(b) delegates power in this context, it delegates power primarily to the Executive Branch entities that administer the INA-namely, the Attorney General, immigration judges, and the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA). But Congress does not "delegate" when it merely authorizes the Executive Branch to exercise a power that it already has. See AAR, supra, *1249at ----,
Blackstone-one of the political philosophers whose writings on executive power were "most familiar to the Framers," Prakash & Ramsey, The Executive Power Over Foreign Affairs,
Instead of the Executive, perhaps § 16(b) impermissibly delegates power to the Judiciary, since the Courts of Appeals often review the BIA's application of § 16(b). I assume that, at some point, a statute could be so devoid of content that a court tasked with interpreting it "would simply be making up a law-that is, exercising legislative power." Lawson, Delegation and Original Meaning,
C
1
I need not resolve these historical questions today, as this case can be decided on narrower grounds. If the vagueness doctrine has any basis in the original meaning of the Due Process Clause, it must be limited to case-by-case challenges to particular applications of a statute. That is what early American courts did when they applied the rule of lenity. See id., at ----,
2
This Court's precedents likewise recognize that, outside the First Amendment context, a challenger must prove that the statute is vague as applied to him. See Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project,
In my view, § 16(b) is not vague as applied to respondent. When respondent committed his burglaries in 2007 and 2009, he was "sufficiently forewarned ... that the statutory consequence ... is deportation." De George,
That same risk is present with respect to respondent's statute of conviction-first-degree residential burglary, Cal.Penal Code Ann. §§ 459, 460(a) (West 1999). The California Supreme Court has explained that the State's burglary laws recognize "the dangers to personal safety created by the usual burglary situation." People v. Davis,
Drawing on Johnson and the decision below, the Court suggests that residential burglary might not be a crime of violence because " 'only about seven percent of burglaries actually involve violence.' " Ante, at 1214, n. 3 (citing Dimaya v. Lynch,
3
Finally, if facial vagueness challenges are ever appropriate, I adhere to my view that a law is not facially vague " '[i]f any fool would know that a particular category of conduct would be within the reach of the statute, if there is an unmistakable core that a reasonable person would know is forbidden by the law.' " Morales,
II
Even taking the vagueness doctrine and Johnson at face value, I disagree with the Court's decision to invalidate § 16(b). The sole reason that the Court deems § 16(b) unconstitutionally vague is because it reads the statute as incorporating the categorical approach-specifically, the "ordinary case" approach from ACCA's residual clause. Although the Court mentions "[t]wo features" of § 16(b) that make it vague-the ordinary-case approach and an imprecise risk standard-the Court admits that the second feature is problematic only in combination with the first. Ante, at 1214. Without the ordinary-case approach, the Court "do[es] not doubt" the constitutionality of § 16(b). Ante, at 1215.
But if the categorical approach renders § 16(b) unconstitutionally vague, then constitutional avoidance requires us to make a reasonable effort to avoid that interpretation. And a reasonable alternative interpretation is available: Instead of asking whether the ordinary case of an alien's offense presents a substantial risk of physical force, courts should ask whether the alien's actual underlying conduct presents a substantial risk of physical force. I will briefly discuss the origins of the categorical approach and then explain why the Court should abandon it for § 16(b).
A
1
The categorical approach originated with Justice Blackmun's opinion for the Court in Taylor v. United States,
Although Taylor was interpreting one of ACCA's enumerated offenses, this Court later extended the categorical approach to ACCA's residual clause. See James,
Taylor gave a few reasons why the categorical approach was the correct reading of ACCA, see
2
I disagreed with the Court's decision to extend the categorical approach to ACCA's residual clause. See James,
*1254Shepard,
B
My objection aside, the ordinary-case approach soon created problems of its own. The Court's attempt to avoid the Scylla of the Sixth Amendment steered it straight into the Charybdis of the Fifth. The ordinary-case approach that was created to honor the individual right to a jury is now, according to the Court, so vague that it deprives individuals of due process.
I see no good reason for the Court to persist in reading the ordinary-case approach into § 16(b). The text of § 16(b) does not mandate the ordinary-case approach, the concerns that led this Court to adopt it do not apply here, and there are no prudential reasons for retaining it. In my view, we should abandon the categorical approach for § 16(b).
1
The text of § 16(b) does not require a categorical approach. The INA declares an alien deportable if he is "convicted of an aggravated felony" after he is admitted to the United States.
"(a) an offense that has as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against the person or property of another, or
"(b) any other offense that is a felony and that, by its nature, involves a substantial risk that physical force against the person or property of another may be used in the course of committing the offense."
At first glance, § 16(b) is not clear about the precise question it poses. On the one hand, the statute might refer to the metaphysical "nature" of the offense and ask whether it ordinarily involves a substantial risk of physical force. On the other hand, the statute might refer to the underlying facts of the offense that the offender committed; the words "by its nature," "substantial risk," and "may" would mean only that an offender who engages in risky conduct cannot benefit from the fortuitous fact that physical force was not actually used during his offense. The text can bear either interpretation. See Nijhawan v. Holder,
*1255Although both interpretations are linguistically possible, several factors indicate that the underlying-conduct approach is the better one. To begin, § 16(b) asks whether an offense "involves" a substantial risk of force. The word "involves" suggests that the offense must necessarily include a substantial risk of force. See The New Oxford Dictionary of English 962 (2001) ("include (something) as a necessary part or result"); Random House Dictionary of the English Language 1005 (2d ed. 1987) ("1. to include as a necessary circumstance, condition, or consequence"); Oxford American Dictionary 349 (1980) ("1. to contain within itself, to make necessary as a condition or result"). That condition is always satisfied if the Government must prove that the alien's underlying conduct involves a substantial risk of force, but it is not always satisfied if the Government need only prove that the "ordinary case" involves such a risk. See Johnson, 576 U.S., at ----,
A comparison of § 16(b) and § 16(a) further highlights why the former likely adopts an underlying-conduct approach. Section 16(a) covers offenses that have the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force "as an element." Because § 16(b) covers "other" offenses and is separated from § 16(a) by the disjunctive word "or," the natural inference is that § 16(b) asks a different question. In other words, § 16(b) must require immigration judges to look beyond the elements of an offense to determine whether it involves a substantial risk of physical force. But if the elements are insufficient, where else should immigration judges look to determine the riskiness of an offense? Two options are possible, only one of which is workable.
The first option is to consult the underlying facts of the alien's crime and then assess its riskiness. This approach would provide a definitive answer in every case. And courts are already familiar with this kind of inquiry. Cf. Johnson, supra, at ----,
The second option is to imagine the "ordinary case" of the alien's crime and then assess the riskiness of that hypothetical offense. But the phrase "ordinary case" does not appear in the statute. And imagining the ordinary case, the Court reminds us, is "hopeless[ly] indetermina[te]," "wholly 'speculative,' " and mere "guesswork." Ante, at 1213 - 1214, 1223 (quoting Johnson, supra, at --------- (576 U.S., at ----, ----,
2
That the categorical approach is not the better reading of § 16(b) should not be surprising, since the categorical approach was never really about the best reading of the text. As explained, this Court adopted that approach to avoid a potential Sixth Amendment problem with sentencing judges conducting minitrials to determine a defendant's past conduct. But even assuming the categorical approach solved this Sixth Amendment problem in criminal cases, no such problem arises in immigration cases. "[T]he provisions of the Constitution securing the right of trial by jury have no application" in a removal proceeding. Turner,
If constitutional avoidance applies here at all, it requires us to reject the categorical approach for § 16(b). According to the Court, the categorical approach is unconstitutionally vague. And, all agree that the underlying-conduct approach would not be. See Johnson, 576 U.S., at ----,
In Johnson , the Court declined to adopt the underlying-conduct approach for ACCA's residual clause. See 576 U.S., at ---------,
Neither of these arguments is persuasive with respect to the INA. Moreover, this Court has already rejected them. In Nijhawan, this Court unanimously concluded that one of the aggravated felonies in the INA-"an offense that ... involves fraud or deceit in which the loss to the victim or victims exceeds $10,000," § 1101(a)(43)(M)(i) -applies the underlying-conduct approach, not the categorical approach.
There are additional reasons why the practical problems identified in Johnson should not matter for § 16(b) -even assuming they should have mattered for ACCA's residual clause, see Lewis v. Chicago,
In short, we should not blithely assume that the reasons why this Court adopted the categorical approach for ACCA's residual clause also apply to the INA's list of aggravated felonies. As Nijhawan explained, "the 'aggravated felony' statute, unlike ACCA, contains some language that refers to generic crimes and some language that almost certainly refers to the specific circumstances in which a crime was committed."
3
I see no prudential reason for maintaining the categorical approach for § 16(b). The Court notes that the Government "explicitly acknowledges" that § 16(b) employs the categorical approach. Ante, at 1215. But we cannot permit the Government's concessions to dictate how we interpret a statute, much less cause us to invalidate a statute enacted by a coordinate branch. See United States Nat. Bank of Ore. v. Independent Ins. Agents of America, Inc.,
Nor should stare decisis prevent us from rejecting the categorical approach for § 16(b). This Court has never held that § 16(b) incorporates the ordinary-case approach. Although Leocal held that § 16(b) incorporates a version of the categorical approach, the Court must not feel bound by that decision, as it largely overrules it today. See ante, at 1222, n. 7. Surely the Court cannot credibly invoke stare decisis to defend the categorical approach-the same approach it says only a "lunatic" would continue to apply. Ante, at 1223. If the Court views the categorical approach that way-the same way Johnson viewed it-then it must also agree that "[s]tanding by [the categorical approach]
*1259would undermine, rather than promote, the goals that stare decisis is meant to serve." 576 U.S., at ----,
* * *
The Court's decision today is triply flawed. It unnecessarily extends our incorrect decision in Johnson . It uses a constitutional doctrine with dubious origins to invalidate yet another statute (while calling into question countless more). And it does all this in the name of a statutory interpretation that we should have discarded long ago. Because I cannot follow the Court down any of these rabbit holes, I respectfully dissent.
Notes
Many state courts also held vague laws ineffectual. See, e.g., State v. Mann,
See, e.g., Virginia Resolutions in 4 Debates on the Federal Constitution 528 (J. Elliot ed. 1836) (explaining that the Act, "by uniting legislative and judicial powers to those of executive, subverts ... the particular organization, and positive provisions of the federal constitution"); Madison's Report on the Virginia Resolutions (Jan. 7, 1800) in 17 Papers of James Madison 318 (D. Mattern ed. 1991) (Madison's Report) (contending that the Act violated "the only preventive justice known to American jurisprudence," because "[t]he ground of suspicion is to be judged of, not by any judicial authority, but by the executive magistrate alone"); L. Canfield & H. Wilder, The Making of Modern America 158 (H. Anderson et al. eds. 1952) ("People all over the country protested against the Alien and Sedition Acts"); M. Baseler, "Asylum for Mankind": America, 1607-1800, p. 287 (1998) ("The election of 1800 was a referendum on-and a repudiation of-the Federalist 'doctrines' enunciated in the debates" over, among other things, the Alien Friends Act); Moore, Aliens and the Constitution,
This Court already and long ago held that due process requires affording aliens the "opportunity, at some time, to be heard" before some lawful authority in advance of removal-and it's unclear how that opportunity might be meaningful without fair notice of the law's demands. The Japanese Immigrant Case,
All this "ordinary case" caveat means is that while "[o]ne can always hypothesize unusual cases in which even a prototypically violent crime might not present a genuine risk," courts should exclude those atypical cases in assessing whether the offense qualifies. James,
The Court protests that this straightforward analysis fails to take account of the crime's ordinary case. Ante, at 1219 - 1220, n. 6. But the fact that the element of "possession" may "take[ ] place in a variety of ways"-for instance, one may possess a firearm "in a closet, in a storeroom, in a car, in a pocket," "unloaded, disassembled, or locked away," Johnson, 576 U.S., at ----,
To name a round dozen: Ayestas v. Davis, 584 U.S. ----, ----,
The Court also finds it probative that "a host of issues" respecting § 16(b)"divide" the lower courts. Ante, at 1222. Yet the Court does little to explain how those alleged conflicts vindicate its particular concern about the provision (namely, the ordinary case inquiry). And as the Government illustrates, many of those divergent results likely can be chalked up to material differences in the state offense statutes at issue. Compare Escudero-Arciniega v. Holder,
See, e.g., In re Winship,
Before the 19th century, when virtually all felonies were punishable by death, English courts would sometimes go to extremes to find a reason to invoke the rule of lenity. See Hall, Strict or Liberal Construction of Penal Statutes,
Early American courts also declined to apply nonpenal statutes that were "unintelligible." Johnson v. United States, 576 U.S. ----, ----, n. 3,
This distinction between penal and nonpenal statutes would be decisive here because, traditionally, civil deportation laws were not considered penal. See Bugajewitz v. Adams,
The Jeffersonian Democratic-Republicans who opposed the Alien Friends Act primarily represented slave States, and their party's political strength came from the South. See Fehlings, Storm on the Constitution: The First Deportation Law,
The Jeffersonians also argued that the Alien Friends Act violated due process because, if aliens disobeyed the President's orders to leave the country, they could be convicted of a crime and imprisoned without a trial. See, e.g., Kentucky Resolutions ¶ 6, 4 Elliot's Debates 541. That charge was false. The Alien Friends Act gave federal courts jurisdiction over alleged violations of the President's orders. See § 4,
The Sixth Amendment is, thus, not a reason to maintain the categorical approach in criminal cases. Contra, ante, at 1217 - 1218 (plurality opinion). Even if it were, the Sixth Amendment does not apply in immigration cases like this one. See Part II-B-2, infra . The plurality contends that, if it must contort the text of § 16(b) to avoid a Sixth Amendment problem in criminal cases, then it must also contort the text of § 16(b) in immigration cases, even though the Sixth Amendment problem does not arise in the immigration context. See ante, at 1217 - 1218, 1218. But, as I have explained elsewhere, this "lowest common denominator" approach to constitutional avoidance is both ahistorical and illogical. See Clark v. Martinez,
See, e.g.,
