UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Plaintiff-Appellee, v. JOSHUA BODEAN SMITH, Defendant-Appellant.
No. 13-1112
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS TENTH CIRCUIT
June 30, 2014
PUBLISH. FILED United States Court of Appeals Tenth Circuit. Elisabeth A. Shumaker Clerk of Court. Appeal from the United States District Court for the District of Colorado (D.C. No. 1:10-CR-00612-CMA-1)
J. Bishop Grewell, Assistant United States Attorney (John F. Walsh, United States Attorney, with him on the brief), Denver, Colorado, for Plaintiff-Appellee.
Before LUCERO, GORSUCH, and HOLMES, Circuit Judges.
GORSUCH, Circuit Judge.
Must a sentencing court studiously ignore one of the most conspicuous facts about a defendant when deciding how long he should spend in prison? After a court sentences a man to many decades in prison for using a gun during a crime of violence, must the court pretend the gun sentence doesn‘t exist when weighing an appropriate prison term for the underlying crime of violence?
That‘s the blinkered view the government persuaded the district court to adopt in this case. No one doubts that Joshua Smith deserves a long prison sentence. He robbed two stores and shot the managers in both. For his conduct he stands
When it comes to those facts alone the government argued and the district court held a sentencing judge must remain willfully blind. According to the government, a sentencing judge is powerless to reduce by a year, a month, or a day the prison time it issues for an underlying crime of violence in light of a simultaneously issued
We are convinced the law doesn‘t require so much from sentencing courts. Neither should the perfidiousness of a defendant‘s conduct be allowed to obscure (or perhaps warp) the law‘s teachings on this score. Viewed with a cold eye, the relevant statutes permit a sentencing court to consider a defendant‘s
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We begin with
The government‘s theory in this appeal sits uncomfortably with
The government‘s theory in this appeal sits uneasily, too, with the even more specific guidance the Supreme Court has provided about
If anything, the case for applying
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Still, that‘s just the beginning of the government‘s troubles. While
Consider just one of the policy goals the statute says a district court must consider,
In fact, sentencing courts routinely consider facts just like these. They routinely consider the impact of a sentence already issued for one count of conviction when trying to determine the appropriate punishment under
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So where does that leave us? Under a longstanding American tradition embodied in
The government replies that two subsections lurking within
The first subsection the government points to,
But more than this
Our thoughtful colleague in dissent disputes none of this. Instead, he joins the government in relying on a second subsection,
By its plain terms, this language ensures that a
But while doing all this, the subsection says nothing about the quantum of punishment a defendant should receive for his underlying offense. Instead, the provision speaks of its mandatory minimum gun sentences as coming “in addition to the punishment provided” for the underlying offense. So it is the statute here (again) takes it as given that the proper scope of punishment for a defendant‘s underlying crime is ”provided” by some other lawful source. And, of course, it is. In Mr. Smith‘s case, the robbery statute (
Put differently,
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That the government wishes us to impress on
Just as
But after subsection
in determining any term of imprisonment to be imposed for the felony during which the [identity theft occurred], a court shall not in any way reduce the term to be imposed for such crime so as to compensate for, or otherwise take into account, any separate term of imprisonment imposed or to be imposed for a violation of this section[.]
By its plain terms, this language prohibits a district court from considering any sentence imposed under
Here, then, is exactly the language the government wants to read into
Neither does the government‘s response help its cause. The government doesn‘t dispute that
Recognizing the weakness of the government‘s reply, our dissenting colleague offers another of his own devise. In his view, Congress added subsection
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So far we‘ve consulted the traditional statutory sentencing structure in
Take the sentencing commission. It isn‘t necessary for us to decide what deference (if any) this court owes the commission‘s interpretations of sentencing statutes. For our present purposes it is surely notable, however, that those appointed by Congress to advise the federal courts on their sentencing responsibilities don‘t seem to read
Next consider the case law. The government argues before this court that
Many cases arise this way. In light of
Typically, the government‘s argument goes like this: “[T]he fact that the District Court imposed separate sentences on [the defendant] for each count of conviction did not diminish their legal relatedness . . . .”5 And typically the
courts of appeals respond with a remand for resentencing like this: “Clearly, the
That in all these cases stretching back nearly twenty years no one has found anything cowled within
Brief and Addendum for Appellee at 18, United States v. Townsend, 178 F.3d 558 (D.C. Cir. 1999) (No. 98-3041), 1998 WL 35240367 (“[T]he inter-dependency between
§ 924(c) and [the guidelines calculation for the underlying drug offense] results in an aggregate sentence for drug convictions and simultaneous§ 924(c) convictions, not separate and distinct sentences for each violation.“); Brief of Plaintiff-Appellee United States of America at 12, United States v. Watkins, 147 F.3d 1294 (11th Cir. 1998) (No. 97-2224), 1997 WL 33574255 (“The district court properly viewed Defendant‘s sentenceas a ‘package’ . . . .“).
Of course and as our dissenting colleague rightly notes, a handful of recent cases from outside the resentencing context do adopt the government‘s (current) view that
Neither can anyone be expected to remain insensible to the anomaly the government‘s notably inconsistent advocacy on this issue would seem to invite. On the one hand, the government seems to think that when a sentencing judge shows any sign of accounting for
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With so much against it in the text and structure of the relevant statutes, with so little support from administrative or case law authorities, the government is left with
This suggestion commits the logical mistake of overgeneralization. Because the statute may command severity in one way (lengthy mandatory minimums for gun convictions) the government surmises we should be severe in another way too (upending normal sentencing procedure for related crimes). But that much doesn‘t follow. Rather than attempt to divine some abstract purposes the government surmises Congress sought to achieve and then force all the statute‘s provisions into their service, courts owe respect first and foremost to “the means [Congress] has deemed appropriate, and prescribed, for the pursuit of those purposes.” MCI Telecomm‘ns Corp. v. Am. Tel & Tel. Co., 512 U.S. 218, 231 n.4 (1994). After all, it‘s a rare statute that pursues a single purpose unrelentingly. In the real world, laws embody legislative compromises and seek to balance disparate interests. And it‘s hardly strange to think that Congress might have wished to preserve a degree of judicial discretion at sentencing — discretion, after all, that both represents the historical norm and is itself embodied in congressional statutes. See Bd. of Governors v. Dimension Fin. Corp., 474 U.S. 361, 374 (1986) (“Invocation of the ‘plain purpose’ of legislation at the expense of the terms of the statute itself . . . prevents the effectuation of congressional intent.“); Genova v. Banner Health, 734 F.3d 1095, 1099 (10th Cir. 2013) (“[O]ne can go badly awry assuming . . . that whatever might seem to further a statute‘s primary objective must be the law.” (citation and quotation marks omitted)).
Besides, even if the government‘s arguments about the import of
The government‘s contrary argument brings to mind Kimbrough v. United States, 552 U.S. 85 (2007). There the trouble began when Congress set minimum and maximum sentences for cocaine offenses at a 100:1 powder-to-crack ratio. From this fact, the government inferred that courts sentencing between the minimum and maximum had to use the same 100:1 ratio. Though nothing in the statutory text compelled such a result, the government argued that anything less would‘ve offended Congress‘s overarching (if unexpressed) purpose. The Supreme Court rejected that view emphatically because it “lack[ed] grounding” in the statutory text. 552 U.S. at 102. The statute in that case set sentencing floors and ceilings using a 100:1 ratio but said “nothing about the appropriate sentences within these brackets” and left those matters to the normal operation of
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Having said so much to this point we should take care to emphasize what we have not said. If sentencing judges may take
Even here our point is exceedingly narrow. We don‘t mean to suggest that a district court must reduce a defendant‘s crime of violence sentence in light of a related
To be sure, allowing district courts to consider a
Worries that district courts might abuse the discretion afforded them by law may be reason enough to permit appellate review, but they aren‘t reason enough to withdraw that discretion in defiance of the plain text of the relevant statutory authorities. Maybe we can debate whether in other areas the law is or should be written with an eye to the likely reaction of the “bad man.” Compare Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., The Path of the Law, 10 Harv. L. Rev. 457, 459-61 (1897) (suggesting yes), with H.L.A. Hart, The Concept of Law 40 (3d ed. 2012) (suggesting no). But surely we have not yet arrived at the day when appellate judges feel the need to adorn sentencing statutes with new language of their own hand out of concern for the “bad district judge.”12
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At the end of this long road, it is apparent to us that nothing in current law prohibits a district court‘s considering a
The
United States v. Smith
13-1112
LUCERO, J.
LUCERO, J., concurring in part, dissenting in part.
My colleagues ask: “Must a sentencing court studiously ignore one of the most conspicuous facts about a defendant when deciding how long he should spend in prison?” (Majority Op. 1.) That might be an interesting question to address, but as I see it, the real question presented in this appeal is whether the plain language of
Consider a district court judge who, after weighing the factors set forth in
Under these circumstances, no one would describe the
Mandatory minimum sentences contained in
Despite the problems with
As the foregoing hypothetical illustrates, accepting Smith‘s argument would permit district courts to reduce or even replace an otherwise proper sentence for an underlying crime of violence based on the court‘s concern that the mandatory minimum is excessive. I agree with the vast majority of circuits to have considered this issue that such a procedure violates the unambiguous command that
The majority cites to
In addition to the general statutory provisions, the majority relies on
Finally, the majority cites to a Guidelines application note,
My colleagues present the best argument I have seen for the proposition that district courts may consider
