UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Plaintiff - Appellant, v. JOSE FELIPE HERNANDEZ-CALVILLO, Defendant - Appellee. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Plaintiff - Appellant, v. MAURO PAPALOTZI, Defendant - Appellee.
No. 19-3210, No. 19-3211
United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit
July 13, 2022
PUBLISH. FILED United States Court of Appeals Tenth Circuit July 13, 2022 Christopher M. Wolpert Clerk of Court
Appeal from the United States District Court for the District of Kansas (D.C. No. 2:16-CR-20097-CM-5/6)
James I. Pearce, Attorney, Appellate Section, Criminal Division, Department of Justice, Washington, D.C. (Stephen R. McAllister, United States Attorney, and James A. Brown, Assistant United States Attorney, Topeka, Kansas; and Brian C. Rabbitt, Acting Assistant Attorney General, and Robert A. Zink, Acting Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Criminal Division, Department of Justice, Washington, D.C., with him on the briefs), for Plaintiff - Appellant.
Mark C. Fleming of Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP, Boston, Massachusetts (Robert N. Calbi of Law Offices of Robert N. Calbi, Kansas City, Missouri; Daniel T. Hansmeier, Appellate Chief, and Melody Brannon, Federal Public Defender, Kansas Federal Public Defender, Kansas City, Kansas; Eric L. Hawkins and Kevin R. Palmer of Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP, Boston, Massachusetts; and Thomas G. Sprankling of Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP, Palo Alto, California, with him on the brief), for Defendants - Appellees.
Before MATHESON, BALDOCK, and MORITZ, Circuit Judges.
This appeal involves the constitutionality of a federal immigration statute that makes it a crime to encourage or induce a noncitizen1 to reside in the United States, knowing or recklessly disregarding that such residence violates the law.
We affirm. Section 1324(a)(1)(A)(iv)‘s plain language targets protected speech, and neither the government‘s nor the dissent‘s proposed limiting construction finds support in the statute‘s text or surrounding context. And when properly construed, the statute criminalizes a substantial amount of constitutionally protected speech, creating a real danger that the statute will chill First Amendment expression.
For these reasons, we conclude that
Background2
Appellees’ convictions stem from their role in an alleged scheme to employ noncitizens in the drywall-
Based on this scheme, a grand jury indicted Appellees, another crew leader, Stubbs, Gallegos, Plaster Masters, and Countess on several federal immigration
crimes.3 The first count alleged that the defendants conspired to encourage or induce noncitizens to reside in the United States. See
Only Appellees went to trial. The government dismissed the case against Plaster Masters. And the other individual defendants—Stubbs, Gallegos, Countess, the other crew leader, and Torres-Garcia—all pleaded guilty in exchange for favorable sentencing recommendations and agreeing to testify at Appellees’ trial.
At trial, Appellees proposed a jury instruction to define what it means to “encourage” or “induce” someone to unlawfully reside in the United States. The government opposed the instruction, arguing that the jury could give those terms their ordinary meaning based on its own understanding. The district court agreed, rejecting the instruction. And when, during deliberations, the jury requested “a different/further definition or clarification of ‘intentionally induced or encouraged,‘” the district court declined, instead instructing the jury to “use [its] collective judgment and experience to decide the issues.” App. vol. 3, 464.
Ultimately, the jury found Appellees guilty of conspiring to encourage or induce but not guilty of the three individual counts of encouraging or inducing. Before sentencing, Appellees moved to dismiss the conspiracy count on First Amendment overbreadth grounds.5 Specifically, they argued that the object of the conspiracy—encouraging or inducing noncitizens to reside in the United States under
Analysis
The sole issue before us is a facial constitutional challenge to
Here, the government disputes the district court‘s determination that subsection (A)(iv) is substantially overbroad. To resolve this dispute, we proceed in two steps. First, we “construe the challenged statute,” because “it is impossible to determine whether a statute reaches too far without first knowing what the statute
covers.” Id. at 293. Second, we consider “whether the statute, as we have construed it, criminalizes a substantial amount of protected expressi[on].” Id. at 297. At both steps, our review is de novo. See United States v. Friday, 525 F.3d 938, 948 (10th Cir. 2008) (reviewing dismissal de novo because district court based its decision on interpretation of governing criminal statutes); United States v. Brune, 767 F.3d 1009, 1015 (10th Cir. 2014) (reviewing First Amendment overbreadth claim de novo).
I. Statutory Construction
When assessing an overbreadth challenge, the usual rules of statutory construction apply. See Brune, 767 F.3d at 1022. As when interpreting any statute, we start with the statute‘s plain language and “assume that the legislative purpose is expressed by the ordinary meaning of the words used.” United States v. Torres-Laranega, 476 F.3d 1148, 1157 (10th Cir. 2007) (quoting FTC v. Kuykendall, 466 F.3d 1149, 1154 (10th Cir. 2006)). We also consider the context in which the words appear in the overall statutory scheme. See Brune, 767 F.3d at 1022. If applying these tools produces “serious . . . doubts” about the statute‘s constitutionality, we “may impose a limiting construction on [the] statute” that avoids the constitutional problem. Stevens, 559 U.S. at 481 (first quoting FCC v. Fox Television Stations, Inc., 556 U.S. 502, 516 (2009); and then quoting Reno v. Am. Civ. Liberties Union, 521 U.S. 844, 884 (1997)). A limiting construction is appropriate, however, only if the statute is “readily susceptible” to one; we cannot “rewrite a . . . law to conform it to constitutional requirements.” Id. (alteration in original) (quoting Reno, 521 U.S. at 884-85). Further, because we presume
invalidation requires “a plain showing that Congress has exceeded its constitutional bounds.” United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598, 607 (2000).
Subsection (A)(iv), the provision challenged as overbroad here, makes it a crime to “encourage[] or induce[] an alien to come to, enter, or reside in the United States, knowing or in reckless disregard of the fact that such coming to, entry, or residence is or will be in violation of law.”7
determined that subsection (A)(iv) “is only susceptible to a construction that affects speech.” Id. at 479. It primarily based that view on the statute‘s introductory verbs, “encourage[]” and “induce[],”
The government maintains that the Ninth Circuit (and thus the district court) misread subsection (A)(iv) because the statute does not use the words encourage and induce in their ordinary sense; instead, the government asserts, it uses them as synonyms for the criminal-law concepts of facilitation (also known as aiding or abetting) and solicitation. In other words, the government reads subsection (A)(iv) as targeting those who facilitate or solicit others to engage in certain illegal immigration activity—specifically, unlawfully “com[ing] to, enter[ing], or resid[ing] in the United States.”9
A. The Meaning of Encourage and Induce
The government begins by noting that encourage and induce may sometimes refer to criminal facilitation or solicitation. For example, the government highlights
that Black‘s Law Dictionary‘s criminal-law definition of encourage refers readers to the entry for aid and abet, a term that is itself synonymous with the term criminal facilitation. Encourage, Aid and Abet, Black‘s Law Dictionary (11th ed. 2019). The government also points to a federal statute that uses induce as one of several verbs to describe the crime of “[s]olicitation to commit a crime of violence.”
Yet the government‘s position puts the cart before the horse: Our construction of subsection (A)(iv)‘s terms begins with their ordinary meaning, not their specialized meaning in criminal law. See United States v. Thomas, 939 F.3d 1121, 1123 (10th Cir. 2019) (“As a general rule, we interpret a word or phrase in a statute . . . in accordance with its ordinary, everyday meaning.“).10 And the ordinary meanings of encourage and induce encompass both conduct and speech. Indeed, dictionary definitions from around the time Congress enacted subsection (A)(iv) use broad language that could refer either to actions or verbal expression. See Brune, 767 F.3d at 1022
(“An inquiry into a statutory term‘s meaning must consider the ordinary, contemporary meaning at the time Congress enacted the statute.“). For example, encourage simply means “[t]o give courage to: inspire with courage, spirit, or hope: hearten,” “to spur on: stimulate, incite,” or “to give help or patronage to: foster.” Webster‘s Third New International Dictionary 747 (Philip Babcock Gove ed. 1961). The definition of induce is similarly broad: “to move and lead (as by persuasion or influence),” “to inspire, call forth, or bring about by influence or stimulation.” Id. at 1154. Based on these expansive definitions, then, subsection (A)(iv) covers not only conduct, but also speech—“one can encourage or induce with words, or deeds, or both.”11 Sineneng-Smith, 910 F.3d at 473; see also Hansen, 25 F.4th at 1107 (finding Sineneng-Smith “persuasive on the overbreadth issue” and merely “add[ing] . . . thoughts reinforcing that conclusion of overbreadth“);
Int‘l Bhd. of Elec. Workers, Loc. 501 v. NLRB, 341 U.S. 694, 701-02 (1951) (“The words ‘induce or encourage’ are broad enough to include in them every form of influence and persuasion.“).
Other language in
(2004) (quoting 21 Singer, Statutes and Statutory Construction § 46.06 (6th rev. ed. 2000)). Disregarding this presumption would render the aiding-and-abetting provision redundant in subsection (A)(iv) cases because that provision (according to the government) already covers aiding and abetting. See Hansen, 25 F.4th at 1108-09 (noting that ”
Further, subsection (A)(iv) bears no resemblance to other facilitation-or-solicitation statutes. In each of the government‘s examples of such statutes, the drafters included the terms encourage or induce among various other verbs that convey facilitation or solicitation. Consider the federal accomplice-liability statute cited by the government: It applies to anyone who “aids, abets, counsels, commands, induces[,] or procures” the commission of a federal crime.
solicitation verbs. See, e.g.,
by themselves (or together) as substitutes for facilitation or solicitation, casting further doubt on the government‘s interpretation.13
Moreover, subsection (A)(iv)‘s substantive coverage exceeds what one would expect to find in a statute proscribing facilitation or solicitation. Both facilitation and solicitation generally require some underlying criminal conduct; facilitating or soliciting civilly unlawful activity is not enough. See 2 LaFave, Subst. Crim. L. § 11.1 (3d ed.) (stating that offender must solicit another person “to commit a crime“); id. § 13.3(c) (explaining that accomplice liability does not attach “[i]f the acts of the principal . . . are found not to be criminal“). Yet some of the activity that subsection (A)(iv) prohibits a person from encouraging or inducing—namely, “resid[ing] in the United States,”
solicitor “inten[d] that another person commit [the] crime“); id. § 13.2 (explaining that accomplice must not only assist principal but must do so “with the intent thereby to promote or facilitate commission of the crime“). Not so with subsection (A)(iv): Its sole state-of-mind element relates to the defendant‘s knowledge that a noncitizen‘s “coming to, entry, or residence” violates the law.14
Ultimately, subsection (A)(iv) cannot bear the government‘s limiting construction.15 The ordinary meanings of encourage and induce encompass both
conduct and speech, and nothing in the statutory language or surrounding context suggests that Congress gave those terms a narrower meaning akin to the criminal-law concepts of facilitation and solicitation.
The novel limiting construction devised by the dissent fares no better. Unlike the government, the dissent reads subsection (A)(iv) as targeting only the solicitation, but not the facilitation, of criminal violations of immigration law.16 To arrive at this interpretation, the dissent essentially concludes that Congress must have used encourage and induce to convey the criminal-law concept of solicitation (and all its associated requirements) because subsection (A)(iv) is a criminal statute. But all the textual clues discussed above—especially the absence of any accompanying verbs suggesting a narrower meaning of encourage and induce—make clear that Congress used the broader, ordinary meaning of those terms. Accepting the dissent‘s reading,
then, would require replacing the phrase “encourages or induces” with the term “solicits.” Because both the dissent and the government “rewrite” the statute‘s plain language, we reject those approaches
B. Protected Speech
Our conclusion that subsection (A)(iv) reaches at least some speech does not end the analysis, of course, because the First Amendment does not protect all kinds of speech. Indeed, the Supreme Court has long recognized several “narrowly limited” categories of unprotected speech, “the prevention and punishment of which . . . raise [no] [c]onstitutional problem.” Stevens, 559 U.S. at 469 (quoting Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568, 571-72 (1942)). These categories include “obscenity, defamation, fraud, incitement, and speech integral to criminal conduct.” Id. at 468 (citations omitted). The government invokes the last category, arguing that any speech covered by subsection (A)(iv) is unprotected because it is “integral to criminal conduct.” Aplt. Br. 36 (quoting Stevens, 559 U.S. at 468).
But based on our construction of subsection (A)(iv), this narrow category does not cover all the speech the statute can reach. As we explained earlier, subsection (A)(iv) prevents a person from encouraging or inducing a noncitizen to “reside in the United States,”
narrow category of unprotected “speech integral to criminal conduct” will not apply.17 Stevens, 559 U.S. at 468 (emphasis added).
Notably, subsection (A)(iv)‘s language is also broad enough to sweep in even protected “abstract advocacy of illegality.”18 Williams, 553 U.S. at 298-99; see also Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coal., 535 U.S. 234, 253 (2002) (“The mere tendency of speech to encourage unlawful acts is not a sufficient reason for banning it.“). Again, subsection (A)(iv) does not require specific intent that a noncitizen commit unlawful immigration conduct. Nor does it require that such unlawful conduct ever occurs—simply encouraging someone
the United States. So the statement to a noncitizen, “I encourage you to [reside in the United States],” would support a conviction under subsection (A)(iv), even if the noncitizen takes no action in response to the encouragement. Williams, 553 U.S. at 300.
In sum, applying ordinary principles of statutory construction, we conclude that subsection (A)(iv) proscribes at least some protected speech. Next, we consider whether the statute, “as we have construed it,” proscribes so much protected speech that it violates the First Amendment. Id. at 297.
II. Overbreadth
Although subsection (A)(iv) criminalizes some protected speech, the provision is facially overbroad only if it criminalizes “a substantial amount of protected speech.” Williams, 553 U.S. at 292 (emphasis added). Or, in more practical terms, “a substantial number of instances [must] exist in which [subsection (A)(iv)] cannot be applied constitutionally.” N.Y. State Club Ass‘n, Inc. v. City of New York, 487 U.S. 1, 14 (1988). That number must be substantial “not only in an absolute sense, but also relative to the statute‘s plainly legitimate sweep.” Williams, 553 U.S. at 292. So to assess subsection (A)(iv)‘s overbreadth, we must compare its “legitimate and illegitimate applications.”19 Harmon v. City of Norman, 981 F.3d 1141, 1153 (10th Cir. 2020)
Cir. 2020) (quoting 1 Smolla & Nimmer on Freedom of Speech, § 6:6). We may invalidate subsection (A)(iv) as overbroad only if this comparison reveals “a realistic danger that the statute . . . will significantly compromise recognized First Amendment protections of parties not before [us].” N.Y. State Club Ass‘n, 487 U.S. at 11 (quoting Members of City Council of L.A. v. Taxpayers for Vincent, 466 U.S. 789, 801 (1984)).
We start by assessing subsection (A)(iv)‘s constitutionally permissible applications. The government maintains that subsection (A)(iv) covers a wide range of “significant real-world criminal activity.” Aplt. Br. 32. It points to criminal activity related to (1) procuring and providing fraudulent documents to noncitizens, (2) helping noncitizens enter the United States, (3) luring noncitizens for unlawful work, and (4) smuggling activities.
But for each of the government‘s examples, as Appellees note, other statutes independently—and more narrowly—proscribe these activities. For instance, various statutes criminalize and punish document fraud. See
“[f]raud and misuse of visas, permits, and other documents“). What‘s more, even without subsection (A)(iv), the government could secure those prosecutions under subsection (A)‘s remaining provisions, which criminalize “bring[ing],” “transport[ing],” “mov[ing],” “conceal[ing],” “harbor[ing],” or “shield[ing]” noncitizens from detection.
When asked at oral argument to identify an example of unprotected, proscribable speech or conduct that could only be prosecuted under subsection (A)(iv), the government pointed to United States v. Kalu, 791 F.3d 1194 (10th Cir. 2015), Sineneng-Smith, and this case. But these examples only prove subsection (A)(iv)‘s redundancy.
The first two examples both involved a host of additional charges on top of a subsection (A)(iv) offense. In Kalu, the government secured convictions on 89 counts for mail fraud (
So does this case, the government‘s final example of conduct proscribed solely by subsection (A)(iv). Here too, the government secured convictions for other crimes—another crew leader pleaded guilty to hiring a noncitizen in violation of
And even if no other statute covers Appellees’ conduct, the number of potential illegitimate applications of subsection (A)(iv)—explored below—far outnumber the legitimate applications involving such conduct. Thus, the government‘s three examples ultimately offer little support for the claim that subsection (A)(iv) covers “significant real-world criminal activity.” Aplt. Br. 32.
On the other side of the ledger, we are convinced that many of subsection (A)(iv)‘s potential applications involve protected speech. As Appellees note, the statute punishes “any words spoken in encouragement of a[] noncitizen‘s continued residence in the United States, so long as the speaker knows or recklessly disregards the noncitizen‘s immigration status.” Aplees. Br. 39. And recall that, as we noted when interpreting the statute, the defendant‘s encouraging words need not have any effect on the listener. Plus, the statute‘s sole exception—which permits religious organizations to encourage noncitizens who already reside in the United States to volunteer as “a minister or missionary,”
It is reasonable to conclude that vast amounts of protected speech would be swept up in a “criminal prohibition of [such] alarming breadth.” Stevens, 559 U.S. at 474. The statute makes it a crime, for example, to tell a family member who has overstayed his or her visa, “I encourage you to reside in the United States“; to “tell[] a tourist that she is unlikely to face serious consequences if she overstays her tourist visa“; or to inform a noncitizen “about available social services.” Hansen, 25 F.4th at 1110. And an immigration attorney could face prosecution for “providing certain legal advice to [noncitizens].” Id. Although impossible to quantify with exact precision, these “commonplace statements” are “likely repeated countless times across the country every day.” Hansen, 25 F.4th at 1110. As a result, subsection (A)(iv) is surely “violated scores of times daily.”22 City of Houston v. Hill, 482 U.S. 451, 466 (1987); see also id. at 467 (concluding that challenged ordinance was substantially overbroad because it was “susceptible of regular application to protected expression“).
The government downplays these examples as “fanciful hypotheticals,” emphasizing the lack of actual prosecutions involving protected speech.23 Aplt. Br. 36 (quoting Williams, 553 U.S. at 301). But actual prosecutions are not required to prove a statute‘s overbreadth. See N.Y. State Club Ass‘n, 487 U.S. at 14 (requiring showing of substantial overbreadth “from the text of [the challenged law] and from actual fact that a substantial number of instances exist in which the [l]aw cannot be applied constitutionally” (emphasis added)); Broadrick, 413 U.S. at 612 (balancing “the possible harm to society in permitting some unprotected speech to go unpunished” against “the possibility that protected speech of others may be muted and perceived grievances left to fester because of the possible inhibitory effects of overly broad statutes” (emphases added)). The First Amendment “does not leave us at the mercy of noblesse oblige,” and we will not “uphold an unconstitutional statute merely because the [g]overnment promise[s] to use it responsibly.”24 Stevens, 559 U.S. at 480. And in any event, the examples above are not so fanciful considering the government‘s prosecution in United States v. Henderson, 857 F. Supp. 2d 191 (D. Mass. 2012).
In Henderson, the government brought a subsection (A)(iv) charge against a federal immigration official for encouraging her housekeeper, a noncitizen, to remain in the United States by “advis[ing] the [housekeeper] generally about immigration law.” 857 F. Supp. 2d at 193. This advice included the statement, “[I]f you leave[,] they won‘t let you back.” Id. at 196. When questioned by the trial judge about subsection (A)(iv)‘s scope at a hearing, the prosecutor “contended that an immigration lawyer would be prosecutable” under subsection (A)(iv) “if he [or she] advised a[] [noncitizen] client to remain the country because if the [noncitizen] were to leave[, that person] could not return to seek adjustment of status.” Id. at 203. The prosecutor took this position even though the immigration lawyer would be advising the client on “how to pursue entirely legal processes.” Id. at 204.
The government counters that Henderson does not count as an actual prosecution for protected speech because the colloquy with the trial judge was about a hypothetical immigration lawyer. But in Henderson itself, the government relied on speech (the statement “if you leave[,] they won‘t let you back“) to support the conviction. Id. at 196. Henderson thus supplies evidence both of a speech-based prosecution under subsection (A)(iv) and of the “realistic danger” that the government may pursue such prosecutions in the future. N.Y. State Club Ass‘n, 487 U.S. at 11 (quoting Taxpayers for Vincent, 466 U.S. at 801).
As a final matter, the government‘s emphasis on the dearth of subsection (A)(iv) prosecutions and convictions based solely on protected speech rings hollow. In the government‘s view, because “immigration advocacy groups and service providers openly engage” in the activities from our earlier examples, they “evident[ly] belie[ve] that they have been free to do so.” Rep. Br. 12. And so, the government maintains, their ongoing open engagement proves subsection (A)(iv) has not chilled their activities.
Yet even if the government‘s current use of subsection (A)(iv) to prosecute pure speech is sporadic, that fact does not, by itself, prove that subsection (A)(iv) does not prohibit or chill protected speech. After all, the government could still use an overbroad statute to prosecute defendants and obtain convictions in the future. And subsection (A)(iv)‘s mere existence may chill speech now and in the future. See Broadrick, 413 U.S. at 612 (“[A] statute‘s very existence may cause others not before the court to refrain from constitutionally protected speech or expression.“). That some groups and individuals may persist in constitutionally protected speech despite fear of prosecution says nothing about those who do not because of their fear of prosecution. See id. (explaining that First Amendment overbreadth challenges may stem from “a judicial prediction or assumption that the statute‘s very existence may cause others . . . to refrain from constitutionally protected speech or expression“).
In the end, the comparison of subsection (A)(iv)‘s constitutional and unconstitutional applications is one-sided. Based on the government‘s examples, the statute mostly (if not entirely) proscribes conduct already made criminal by other statutes. We are therefore not convinced that invalidating subsection (A)(iv) would deprive the government of a critical enforcement tool or leave wide swaths of criminal conduct unpunished. And as much as there are some legitimate applications of subsection (A)(iv), they pale in comparison to the illegitimate ones. The statute‘s plain language is “susceptible of regular application to protected expression,” reaching vast amounts of protected speech uttered daily. Hill, 482 U.S. at 466. For these reasons, we hold that subsection (A)(iv) is substantially overbroad under the First Amendment.25 Accordingly, we affirm the dismissal of the indictment.
United States v. Hernandez & United States v. Papalotzi, Nos. 19-3210 & 19-3211
BALDOCK, J., dissenting,
The Court makes this case much harder than it need. If we consider an ordinary, common-sense definition of the words “encourage” and “induce” together with the Supreme Court‘s instructions for overbreadth cases,
Overbreadth cases require us to balance inherently contradictory interests. On the
The statute at issue today is readily susceptible to such a construction. When reasonably construed,
I.
Let us begin by providing some context on the overbreadth analysis. We start with the principle that “[i]nvalidation for overbreadth is ‘strong medicine’ that is not to be ‘casually employed.‘” Williams, 553 U.S. at 293 (cleaned up) (quoting LAPD v. United Reporting Publ‘g Corp., 528 U.S. 32, 39 (1999)). The Supreme Court has repeatedly warned us against cavalier applications of the doctrine and “vigorously enforced the requirement that a statute‘s overbreadth be substantial, not only in an absolute sense, but also relative to the statute‘s plainly legitimate sweep.” Id. at 292 (citing Bd. of Trs. of SUNY v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469, 485 (1989); Broadrick v. Oklahoma, 413 U.S. 601, 615 (1973)). The Supreme Court‘s guidance on statutory construction, as it applies in cases of alleged overbreadth, reflects this principle. For example, we must presume that every statute Congress enacts is constitutional. See United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598, 607 (2000); see also United States v. Carel, 668 F.3d 1211, 1216 (10th Cir. 2011). We therefore approach cases like this one with a certain reluctance to invalidate the statute. Only in cases where it is abundantly clear that the statute cannot comport with the Constitution‘s requirements will we resort to invalidating a statute as overbroad. See Williams, 553 U.S. at 293.
Further reflecting this principle is the Supreme Court‘s instruction that we should, whenever possible, find reasonable limiting constructions for the challenged statutory meaning that may save the provision from invalidation. Crowell v. Benson, 285 U.S. 22, 62 (1932); Ferber, 458 U.S. at 769 n.24. This, of course, is predicated on the requirement that “the statute is subject to such a limiting construction.” Ferber, 458 U.S. at 769 n.24. The Supreme Court has cautioned us that we “may impose a limiting construction on a statute only if it is ‘readily susceptible’ to such a construction” and that we cannot “rewrite a law to conform it to constitutional requirements.” Stevens, 559 U.S. at 481 (cleaned up) (quoting Reno v. ACLU, 521 U.S. 844, 884–85 (1997)). We nevertheless retain a relatively wide avenue to reinterpret statutes. See id. (distinguishing between rewriting and reinterpreting a statute). Finally, although the task of evaluating overbreadth challenges is necessarily abstract, we must not, as this Court does, rely on “fanciful hypotheticals” as our justification for invalidating a statute. Williams, 553 U.S. at 301 (noting “the tendency of our overbreadth doctrine to summon forth an endless stream of fanciful hypotheticals“); United States v. Sineneng-Smith (Sineneng-Smith II), 140 S. Ct. 1575, 1586 (2020) (Thomas, J., concurring) (same).
II.
Next, let us proceed to the overbreadth analysis as it applies to
This Court makes two fundamental mistakes in its construction of
As the Court correctly notes, “[t]he starting point in interpreting a statute ‘must be the language employed by Congress, and we assume that the legislative purpose is expressed by the ordinary meaning of the words used.‘” FTC v. Kuykendall, 466 F.3d 1149, 1154 (10th Cir. 2006) (quoting Hain v. Mullin, 436 F.3d 1168, 1176 (10th Cir. 2006) (en banc) (Briscoe, J., dissenting)). “But no statute is an island unto itself.” United States v. Brune, 767 F.3d 1009, 1022 (10th Cir. 2014). We therefore look at the context of the broader statutory scheme. Id. In doing so, we should not lose sight of the statutory purpose. See Exby-Stolley v. Bd. of Cty. Comm‘rs, 979 F.3d 784, 798 (10th Cir. 2020) (en banc) (recognizing that examining statutory purpose “is one of the traditional ‘tools’ of statutory construction“).
Section 1324(a)(1)(A)(iv) makes it a crime to “encourage[] or induce[] an alien to come to, enter, or reside in the United States, knowing or in reckless disregard of the fact that such coming to, entry, or residence is or will be in violation of law.” What does it mean to “encourage” and “induce“? An ordinary definition of the word “encourage” might be, as the Court suggests, “[t]o give courage to: inspire with courage, spirit, or hope: hearten.” Slip Op. at 11 (quoting Webster‘s Third New International Dictionary 747 (Philip Babcock Gove ed., 1961)). But that definition is somewhat vague. In keeping with the principles of statutory construction, we should strive to find a more precise definition of the word that still comports with its ordinary meaning. We can find such a definition in the very same dictionary: “to spur on: stimulate: incite.” Webster‘s Third New International Dictionary, supra, at 747. Likewise, the Court defines “induce” as “to move and lead (as by persuasion or influence)” and “to inspire, call forth, or bring about by influence or stimulation.” Slip. Op. at 11 (quoting Webster‘s Third New International Dictionary, supra, at 1154). The Court omits, however, a more precise definition between the two: to “prevail upon: influence, persuade.” Webster‘s Third New International Dictionary, supra, at 1154.
Armed with these commonplace, more precise definitions, we can begin to consider their specific meaning within the statute. In doing so, we must remember that
Equating “encourage” and “induce” with “solicit” is consistent with the remainder of
With this understanding, the meaning of
This Court should apply this principle to
Other principles of statutory construction also support reading
That leads us to the Court‘s second error. According to the Court,
Granted, the Government does not endorse this interpretation of the statute. The Government argues
In the end, how should this Court construe the statute? We can answer that question easily—
The Court‘s concerns about criminalizing innocent civil violations of immigration law are therefore misplaced. The relative encouraging the family member to commit a civil violation of immigration law by overstaying a visa need not fear
Today‘s decision endorses an unjustifiable application of the overbreadth doctrine. The Court construes Outcomes like the one the Court reaches today are inevitable under the overbreadth doctrine. After all, the doctrine rejects the idea that as-applied challenges are sufficient to vindicate First Amendment rights. See Dombrowski v. Pfister, 380 U.S. 479, 486 (1965) (“The assumption that defense of a criminal 13III.
