UNITED STATES v. STEVENS
No. 08-769
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
Argued October 6, 2009—Decided April 20, 2010
559 U.S. 460
Deputy Solicitor General Katyal argued the cause for the United States. On the briefs were Solicitor General Kagan, Assistant Attorney General Breuer, Deputy Solicitor General Dreeben, Nicole A. Saharsky, and Vicki S. Marani.
Patricia A. Millett argued the cause for respondent. With her on the brief were Thomas C. Goldstein, Kevin R. Amer, Jeffrey L. Fisher, Lisa B. Freeland, Michael J. Novara, Karen Sirianni Gerlach, and Robert Corn-Revere.*
*Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed for the State of Florida et al. by Bill McCollum, Attorney General of Florida, Scott D. Makar, Solicitor General, and Timothy D. Osterhaus and Craig D. Feiser, Deputy Solicitors General, and by the Attorneys General for their respective States as follows: Troy King of Alabama, Terry Goddard of Arizona, Dustin McDaniel of Arkansas, Edmund G. Brown, Jr., of California, John Suthers of Colorado, Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut, Mark J. Bennett of Hawaii, Lisa Madigan of Illinois, Gregory F. Zoeller of Indiana, Jack Conway of Kentucky, James D. “Buddy” Caldwell of Louisiana, Douglas F. Gansler of Maryland, Michael A. Cox of Michigan, Jim Hood of Mississippi, Steve Bullock of Montana, Kelly A. Ayotte of New Hampshire, Gary K. King of New Mexico, Roy Cooper of North Carolina, Richard Cordray of Ohio, Patrick C. Lynch of Rhode Island, Henry D. McMaster of South Carolina, Greg Abbott of Texas, Mark L. Shurtleff of Utah, William C. Mims of Virginia, and Darrell V. McGraw, Jr., of West Virginia; for the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals by Ian C. Schaefer; for the Animal Legal Defense Fund by Karen Johnson-McKewan and Warrington S. Parker III; for the Center on the Administration of Criminal Law by Paul D. Clement, Anthony S. Barkow, and Rachel E. Barkow; for a Group of American Law Professors by Megan A. Senatori and Pamela D. Frasch, both pro se; for the Humane Society of the United States by J. Scott Ballenger, Claudia M. O‘Brien, Melissa B. Arbus, Jonathan R. Lovvorn, and Kimberly D. Ockene; for the Northwest
Briefs of amici curiae urging affirmance were filed for the Association of American Publishers, Inc., et al. by R. Bruce Rich, Jonathan Bloom, and Michael A. Bamberger; for the Cato Institute by Gene C. Schaerr, Geoffrey P. Eaton, Ilya Shapiro, and Linda T. Coberly; for Bruce Ackerman et al. by Craig Green, pro se; for the DKT Liberty Project et al. by Paul M. Smith, Katherine A. Fallow, Steven R. Shapiro, and John B. Morris, Jr.; for the Endangered Breed Association et al. by Judith A. Brecka; for the First Amendment Lawyers Association by Cathy E. Crosson, Clyde F. DeWitt III, and Lawrence G. Walters; for the National Coalition Against Censorship et al. by Andrew E. Tauber, Jeffrey P. Cunard, and Joan E. Bertin; for the National Rifle Association of America, Inc., by R. Hewitt Pate III, Ryan A. Shores, and Lewis F. Powell III; for the National Shooting Sports Foundation, Inc., by Lawrence G. Keane and Christopher P. Johnson; for the Professional Outdoor Media Association et al. by Beth Heifetz; for the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press et al. by Lucy A. Dalglish, Gregg P. Leslie, Kevin M. Goldberg, David Ardia, Marshall W. Anstandig, Mickey H. Osterreicher, George Freeman, René P. Milam, Barbara L. Camens, William Jay Powell, and Bruce W. Sanford; for the Safari Club International et al. by Douglas S. Burdin and William J. McGrath; and for the Thomas Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Expression by J. Joshua Wheeler.
Henry Mark Holzer and Lance J. Gotko filed a brief for the International Society for Animal Rights as amicus curiae.
CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS delivered the opinion of the Court.
Congress enacted
I
Section 48 establishes a criminal penalty of up to five years in prison for anyone who knowingly “creates, sells, or possesses a depiction of animal cruelty,” if done “for commercial
The legislative background of
This case, however, involves an application of
The en banc Third Circuit, over a three-judge dissent, declared
The Court of Appeals then held that
In an extended footnote, the Third Circuit noted that
We granted certiorari. 556 U. S. 1181 (2009).
II
The Government‘s primary submission is that
The First Amendment provides that “Congress shall make no law... abridging the freedom of speech.” “[A]s a general matter, the First Amendment means that government has no power to restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its content.” Ashcroft v. American Civil Liberties Union, 535 U. S. 564, 573 (2002) (internal quotation marks omitted). Section 48 explicitly regulates expression based on content: The statute restricts “visual [and] auditory depiction[s],” such as photographs, videos, or sound recordings, depending on whether they depict conduct in which a living animal is intentionally harmed. As such,
“From 1791 to the present,” however, the First Amendment has “permitted restrictions upon the content of speech in a few limited areas,” and has never “include[d] a freedom to disregard these traditional limitations.” Id., at 382-383. These “historic and traditional categories long familiar to the bar,” Simon & Schuster, Inc. v. Members of N. Y. State Crime Victims Bd., 502 U. S. 105, 127 (1991) (KENNEDY, J., concurring in judgment)—including obscenity, Roth v. United States, 354 U. S. 476, 483 (1957), defamation, Beauharnais v. Illinois, 343 U. S. 250, 254-255 (1952), fraud, Virginia Bd. of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council, Inc., 425 U. S. 748, 771 (1976), incitement, Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U. S. 444, 447-449 (1969) (per curiam), and speech integral to criminal conduct, Giboney v. Empire Storage & Ice Co., 336 U. S. 490, 498 (1949)—are “well-defined
The Government argues that “depictions of animal cruelty” should be added to the list. It contends that depictions of “illegal acts of animal cruelty” that are “made, sold, or possessed for commercial gain” necessarily “lack expressive value,” and may accordingly “be regulated as unprotected speech.” Brief for United States 10 (emphasis added). The claim is not just that Congress may regulate depictions of animal cruelty subject to the First Amendment, but that these depictions are outside the reach of that Amendment altogether—that they fall into a “First Amendment Free Zone.‘” Board of Airport Comm‘rs of Los Angeles v. Jews for Jesus, Inc., 482 U. S. 569, 574 (1987).
As the Government notes, the prohibition of animal cruelty itself has a long history in American law, starting with the early settlement of the Colonies. Reply Brief 12, n. 8; see, e. g., The Body of Liberties § 92 (Mass. Bay Colony 1641), reprinted in American Historical Documents 1000-1904, 43 Harvard Classics 66, 79 (C. Eliot ed. 1910) (“No man shall exercise any Tirranny or Crueltie towards any bruite Creature which are usuallie kept for man‘s use“). But we are unaware of any similar tradition excluding depictions of animal cruelty from “the freedom of speech” codified in the First Amendment, and the Government points us to none.
The Government contends that “historical evidence” about the reach of the First Amendment is not “a necessary prerequisite for regulation today,” Reply Brief 12, n. 8, and that categories of speech may be exempted from the First Amendment‘s protection without any long-settled tradition of subjecting that speech to regulation. Instead, the Government points to Congress‘s “legislative judgment that... depictions of animals being intentionally tortured and killed [are] of such minimal redeeming value as to render [them]
As a free-floating test for First Amendment coverage, that sentence is startling and dangerous. The First Amendment‘s guarantee of free speech does not extend only to categories of speech that survive an ad hoc balancing of relative social costs and benefits. The First Amendment itself reflects a judgment by the American people that the benefits of its restrictions on the Government outweigh the costs. Our Constitution forecloses any attempt to revise that judgment simply on the basis that some speech is not worth it. The Constitution is not a document “prescribing limits, and declaring that those limits may be passed at pleasure.” Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137, 178 (1803).
To be fair to the Government, its view did not emerge from a vacuum. As the Government correctly notes, this Court has often described historically unprotected categories of speech as being “‘of such slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality.‘” R. A. V., supra, at 383 (quoting Chaplinsky, supra, at 572). In New York v. Ferber, 458 U. S. 747 (1982), we noted that within these categories of unprotected speech, “the evil to be restricted so overwhelmingly outweighs the expressive interests, if any, at stake, that no process of case-by-case adjudication is required,” because “the balance of competing interests is clearly struck,” id., at 763-764. The Government derives its proposed test from these descriptions in our precedents. See Brief for United States 12-13.
When we have identified categories of speech as fully outside the protection of the First Amendment, it has not been on the basis of a simple cost-benefit analysis. In Ferber, for example, we classified child pornography as such a category, 458 U. S., at 763. We noted that the State of New York had a compelling interest in protecting children from abuse, and that the value of using children in these works (as opposed to simulated conduct or adult actors) was de minimis. id., at 756-757, 762. But our decision did not rest on this “balance of competing interests” alone. id., at 764. We made clear that Ferber presented a special case: The market for child pornography was “intrinsically related” to the underlying abuse, and was therefore “an integral part of the production of such materials, an activity illegal throughout the Nation.” id., at 759, 761. As we noted, “[i]t rarely has been suggested that the constitutional freedom for speech and press extends its immunity to speech or writing used as an integral part of conduct in violation of a valid criminal statute.‘” id., at 761-762 (quoting Giboney, 336 U. S., at 498). Ferber thus grounded its analysis in a previously recognized, long-established category of unprotected speech, and our subsequent decisions have shared this understanding. See Osborne v. Ohio, 495 U. S. 103, 110 (1990) (describing Ferber as finding “persuasive” the argument that the advertising and sale of child pornography was “an integral part” of its unlawful production (internal quotation marks omitted)); Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition, 535 U. S. 234, 249-250 (2002) (noting that distribution and sale “were intrinsically related to the sexual abuse of children,” giving the speech at issue “a proximate link to the crime from which it came” (internal quotation marks omitted)).
III
Because we decline to carve out from the First Amendment any novel exception for
A
Stevens challenged
To succeed in a typical facial attack, Stevens would have to establish “that no set of circumstances exists under which [
In the First Amendment context, however, this Court recognizes “a second type of facial challenge,” whereby a law may be invalidated as overbroad if “a substantial number of its applications are unconstitutional, judged in relation to the statute‘s plainly legitimate sweep.” Washington State Grange v. Washington State Republican Party, 552 U. S. 442, 449, n. 6 (2008) (internal quotation marks omitted). Stevens argues that
B
As we explained two Terms ago, “[t]he first step in overbreadth analysis is to construe the challenged statute; it is impossible to determine whether a statute reaches too far without first knowing what the statute covers.” United States v. Williams, 553 U. S. 285, 293 (2008). Because
We read
The Government contends that the terms in the definition should be read to require the additional element of “accompanying acts of cruelty.” Reply Brief 6; see also Tr. of Oral Arg. 17-19. (The dissent hinges on the same assumption. See post, at 486-487, 489.) The Government bases this argument on the definiendum, “depiction of animal cruelty,” cf. Leocal v. Ashcroft, 543 U. S. 1, 11 (2004), and on “the commonsense canon of noscitur a sociis.” Reply Brief 7 (quoting Williams, 553 U. S., at 294). As that canon recognizes, an ambiguous term may be “given more precise content by the neighboring words with which it is associated.” Id., at 294. Likewise, an unclear definitional phrase may take meaning from the term to be defined, see Leocal, supra, at 11 (interpreting a “substantial risk” of the “us[e]” of “physical force” as part of the definition of “crime of violence“).
But the phrase “wounded... or killed” at issue here contains little ambiguity. The Government‘s opening brief properly applies the ordinary meaning of these words, stating for example that to “kill’ is ‘to deprive of life.‘” Brief for United States 14 (quoting Webster‘s Third New Interna-
While not requiring cruelty,
What is more, the application of
In the District of Columbia, for example, all hunting is unlawful.
Those seeking to comply with the law thus face a bewildering maze of regulations from at least 56 separate jurisdictions. Some States permit hunting with crossbows,
The disagreements among the States—and the “commonwealth[s], territor[ies], or possession[s] of the United States,”
C
The only thing standing between defendants who sell such depictions and five years in federal prison—other than the mercy of a prosecutor—is the statute‘s exceptions clause. Subsection (b) exempts from prohibition “any depiction that has serious religious, political, scientific, educational, jour-
The Government‘s attempt to narrow the statutory ban, however, requires an unrealistically broad reading of the exceptions clause. As the Government reads the clause, any material with “redeeming societal value,” id., at 9, 16, 23, ““at least some minimal value,‘” Reply Brief 6 (quoting H. R. Rep., at 4), or anything more than “scant social value,” Reply Brief 11, is excluded under
Quite apart from the requirement of “serious” value in
The Government explains that the language of
In Miller we held that “serious” value shields depictions of sex from regulation as obscenity. 413 U. S., at 24-25. Limiting Miller‘s exception to “serious” value ensured that “[a] quotation from Voltaire in the flyleaf of a book [would] not constitutionally redeem an otherwise obscene publication.‘” id., at 25, n. 7 (quoting Kois v. Wisconsin, 408 U. S. 229, 231 (1972) (per curiam)). We did not, however, determine that serious value could be used as a general precondition to protecting other types of speech in the first place. Most of what we say to one another lacks “religious, political, scientific, educational, journalistic, historical, or artistic value” (let alone serious value), but it is still sheltered from Government regulation. Even “[w]holly neutral futil-
Thus, the protection of the
D
Not to worry, the Government says: The Executive Branch construes
This prosecution is itself evidence of the danger in putting faith in Government representations of prosecutorial restraint. When this legislation was enacted, the Executive Branch announced that it would interpret
* * *
Our construction of
Nor does the Government seriously contest that the presumptively impermissible applications of
The judgment of the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit is affirmed.
It is so ordered.
JUSTICE ALITO, dissenting.
The Court strikes down in its entirety a valuable statute,
The Court of Appeals—incorrectly, in my view—declined to decide whether
Instead of applying the doctrine of overbreadth, I would vacate the decision below and instruct the Court of Appeals on remand to decide whether the videos that respondent sold are constitutionally protected. If the question of overbreadth is to be decided, however, I do not think the present record supports the Court‘s conclusion that
I
A party seeking to challenge the constitutionality of a statute generally must show that the statute violates the party‘s own rights. New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, 767 (1982). The
The “strong medicine” of overbreadth invalidation need not and generally should not be administered when the statute under attack is unconstitutional as applied to the challenger before the court. As we said in Fox, supra, at 484-485, “[i]t is not the usual judicial practice, ... nor do we consider it generally desirable, to proceed to an overbreadth issue unnecessarily—that is, before it is determined that the statute would be valid as applied.” Accord, New York State Club Assn., Inc. v. City of New York, 487 U.S. 1, 11 (1988); see also Broadrick, supra, at 613; United Reporting Publishing Corp., supra, at 45 (STEVENS, J., dissenting).
I see no reason to depart here from the generally preferred procedure of considering the question of overbreadth only as a last resort.2 Because the Court has addressed the overbreadth question, however, I will explain why I do not think that the record supports the conclusion that
II
The overbreadth doctrine “strike[s] a balance between competing social costs.” Williams, 553 U.S., at 292. Specifically, the doctrine seeks to balance the “harmful effects” of “invalidating a law that in some of its applications is per-
In determining whether a statute‘s overbreadth is substantial, we consider a statute‘s application to real-world conduct, not fanciful hypotheticals. See, e. g., id., at 301-302; see also Ferber, supra, at 773; Houston v. Hill, 482 U.S. 451, 466-467 (1987). Accordingly, we have repeatedly emphasized that an overbreadth claimant bears the burden of demonstrating, “from the text of [the law] and from actual fact,” that substantial overbreadth exists. Virginia v. Hicks, 539 U.S. 113, 122 (2003) (quoting New York State Club Assn., supra, at 14; emphasis added; internal quotation marks omitted; alteration in original). Similarly, “there must be a realistic danger that the statute itself will significantly compromise recognized
III
In holding that
A
I turn first to depictions of hunting. As the Court notes, photographs and videos of hunters shooting game are common. See ante, at 476. But hunting is legal in all 50 States, and
Straining to find overbreadth, the Court suggests that
The Court‘s interpretation is seriously flawed. “When a federal court is dealing with a federal statute challenged as overbroad, it should, of course, construe the statute to avoid constitutional problems, if the statute is subject to such a limiting construction.” Ferber, 458 U.S., at 769, n. 24. See also Williams, supra, at 307 (STEVENS, J., concurring) (“[T]o the extent the statutory text alone is unclear, our duty to avoid constitutional objections makes it especially appropriate to look beyond the text in order to ascertain the intent of its drafters“).
Applying this canon, I would hold that
Second, even if the hunting of wild animals were otherwise covered by
I do not have the slightest doubt that Congress, in enacting
For these reasons, I am convinced that
B
Although the Court‘s overbreadth analysis rests primarily on the proposition that
Such examples do not show that the statute is substantially overbroad, for two reasons. First, as explained above,
Second, nothing in the record suggests that anyone has ever created, sold, or possessed for sale a depiction of the slaughter of food animals or of the docking of the tails of dairy cows that would not easily qualify under the exception set out in
The Court notes, finally, that cockfighting, which is illegal in all States, is still legal in Puerto Rico, ante, at 477, and I take the Court‘s point to be that it would be impermissible to ban the creation, sale, or possession in Puerto Rico of a depiction of a cockfight that was legally staged in Puerto Rico.5 But assuming for the sake of argument that this is correct, this veritable sliver of unconstitutionality would not be enough to justify striking down
In sum, we have a duty to interpret
IV
A
1
As the Court of Appeals recognized, “the primary conduct that Congress sought to address through its passage [of
“[A] kitten, secured to the ground, watches and shrieks in pain as a woman thrusts her high-heeled shoe into its body, slams her heel into the kitten‘s eye socket and mouth loudly fracturing its skull, and stomps repeatedly on the animal‘s head. The kitten hemorrhages blood, screams blindly in pain, and is ultimately left dead in a moist pile of blood-soaked hair and bone.” Brief for Humane Society of United States as Amicus Curiae 2 (hereinafter Humane Society Brief).
It is undisputed that the conduct depicted in crush videos may constitutionally be prohibited. All 50 States and the District of Columbia have enacted statutes prohibiting animal cruelty. See 533 F. 3d, at 223, and n. 4 (citing statutes); H. R. Rep., at 3. But before the enactment of
In light of the practical problems thwarting the prosecution of the creators of crush videos under state animal cruelty laws, Congress concluded that the only effective way of stopping the underlying criminal conduct was to prohibit the commercial exploitation of the videos of that conduct. And Congress’ strategy appears to have been vindicated. We are told that “[b]y 2007, sponsors of
2
The
The most relevant of our prior decisions is Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, which concerned child pornography. The Court there held that child pornography is not protected speech, and I believe that Ferber‘s reasoning dictates a similar conclusion here.
In Ferber, an important factor—I would say the most important factor—was that child pornography involves the commission of a crime that inflicts severe personal injury to the “children who are made to engage in sexual conduct for commercial purposes.” Id., at 753 (internal quotation marks omitted). The Ferber Court repeatedly described the production of child pornography as child “abuse,” “molestation,” or “exploitation.” See, e. g., id., at 749 (“In recent years, the exploitive use of children in the production of pornography has become a serious national problem“); id., at 758, n. 9 (“Sexual molestation by adults is often involved in the production of child sexual performances“). As later noted in Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition, 535 U.S. 234, 249 (2002), in Ferber “[t]he production of the work, not its content, was the target of the statute.” See also 535 U.S., at
Second, Ferber emphasized the fact that these underlying crimes could not be effectively combated without targeting the distribution of child pornography. As the Court put it, “the distribution network for child pornography must be closed if the production of material which requires the sexual exploitation of children is to be effectively controlled.” 458 U.S., at 759. The Court added:
“[T]here is no serious contention that the legislature was unjustified in believing that it is difficult, if not impossible, to halt the exploitation of children by pursuing only those who produce the photographs and movies.... The most expeditious if not the only practical method of law enforcement may be to dry up the market for this material by imposing severe criminal penalties on persons selling, advertising, or otherwise promoting the product.” Id., at 759-760.
See also id., at 761 (“The advertising and selling of child pornography provide an economic motive for and are thus an integral part of the production of such materials“).
Third, the Ferber Court noted that the value of child pornography “is exceedingly modest, if not de minimis,” and that any such value was “overwhelmingly outweigh[ed]” by “the evil to be restricted.” Id., at 762-763.
All three of these characteristics are shared by
Second, the criminal acts shown in crush videos cannot be prevented without targeting the conduct prohibited by
Finally, the harm caused by the underlying crimes vastly outweighs any minimal value that the depictions might conceivably be thought to possess.
It must be acknowledged that
The animals used in crush videos are living creatures that experience excruciating pain. Our society has long banned such cruelty, which is illegal throughout the country. In Ferber, the Court noted that “virtually all of the States and the United States have passed legislation proscribing the production of or otherwise combating ‘child pornography,‘” and the Court declined to “second-guess [that] legislative judgment.”6 458 U. S., at 758. Here, likewise, the Court of Appeals erred in second-guessing the legislative judgment about the importance of preventing cruelty to animals.
In short, Ferber is the case that sheds the most light on the constitutionality of Congress’ effort to halt the production of crush videos. Applying the principles set forth in Ferber, I would hold that crush videos are not protected by the
B
Application of the Ferber framework also supports the constitutionality of
First, such depictions, like crush videos, record the actual commission of a crime involving deadly violence. Dogfights are illegal in every State and the District of Columbia, Brief for United States 26-27, and n. 8 (citing statutes), and under federal law constitute a felony punishable by imprisonment for up to five years,
Second, Congress had an ample basis for concluding that the crimes depicted in these videos cannot be effectively controlled without targeting the videos. Like crush videos and child pornography, dogfight videos are very often produced as part of a “low-profile, clandestine industry,” and “the need to market the resulting products requires a visible apparatus of distribution.” Ferber, 458 U.S., at 760. In such circumstances, Congress had reasonable grounds for concluding that it would be “difficult, if not impossible, to halt” the underlying exploitation of dogs by pursuing only those who stage the fights. Id., at 759-760; see 533 F. 3d, at 246 (Cowen, J., dissenting) (citing evidence establishing “the existence of a lucrative market for depictions of animal cruelty,” including videos of dogfights, “which in turn provides a powerful incentive to individuals to create [such] videos“).
The commercial trade in videos of dogfights is “an integral part of the production of such materials,” Ferber, supra, at 761. As the Humane Society explains, “[v]ideotapes memorializing dogfights are integral to the success of this criminal industry” for a variety of reasons. Humane Society Brief 5. For one thing, some dogfighting videos are made “solely for the purpose of selling the video (and not for a live audience).” Id., at 9. In addition, those who stage dogfights profit not just from the sale of the videos themselves, but from the
Third, depictions of dogfights that fall within
Finally, the harm caused by the underlying criminal acts greatly outweighs any trifling value that the depictions might be thought to possess. As the Humane Society explains:
“The abused dogs used in fights endure physical torture and emotional manipulation throughout their lives to
predispose them to violence; common tactics include feeding the animals hot peppers and gunpowder, prodding them with sticks, and electrocution. Dogs are conditioned never to give up a fight, even if they will be gravely hurt or killed. As a result, dogfights inflict horrific injuries on the participating animals, including lacerations, ripped ears, puncture wounds and broken bones. Losing dogs are routinely refused treatment, beaten further as ‘punishment’ for the loss, and executed by drowning, hanging, or incineration.” Id., at 5-6 (footnotes omitted).
For these dogs, unlike the animals killed in crush videos, the suffering lasts for years rather than minutes. As with crush videos, moreover, the statutory ban on commerce in dogfighting videos is also supported by compelling governmental interests in effectively enforcing the Nation‘s criminal laws and preventing criminals from profiting from their illegal activities. See Ferber, supra, at 757-758; Simon & Schuster, 502 U.S., at 119.
In sum,
* * *
For these reasons, I respectfully dissent.
APPENDIX
As the following chart makes clear, virtually all state laws prohibiting animal cruelty either expressly define the term “animal” to exclude wildlife or else specifically exempt lawful hunting activities.
| Alaska | |
| Arizona | |
| Arkansas | |
| California | |
| Colorado |
| Connecticut | |
| Delaware | |
| Florida | |
| Georgia | |
| Hawaii | |
| Idaho | |
| Illinois |
| ‘animal torture’ does not include any death, harm, or injury caused to any animal by... any hunting, fishing, trapping, or other activity allowed under the Wildlife Code, the Wildlife Habitat Management Areas Act, or the Fish and Aquatic Life Code” (footnotes omitted)) | |
| Indiana | |
| Iowa | |
| Kansas | |
| Kentucky | |
| Louisiana | |
| Maine | |
| Maryland |
| not apply to... an activity that may cause unavoidable physical pain to an animal, including... hunting, if the person performing the activity uses the most humane method reasonably available“) | |
| Michigan | |
| Missouri | |
| Montana | |
| Nebraska | |
| Nevada | |
| New Hampshire | |
| New Jersey | |
| New Mexico | |
| New York | |
| North Carolina |
| North Dakota | |
| Oregon | |
| Pennsylvania | |
| Rhode Island | |
| South Carolina | |
| South Dakota | |
| Tennessee | |
| Texas |
| cluding any stray or feral cat or dog, and a wild living creature previously captured. The term does not include an uncaptured wild living creature or a livestock animal“), | |
| Utah | |
| Vermont | |
| Virginia | |
| Washington | |
| West Virginia | |
| Wisconsin | |
| Wyoming |
Notes
“§ 48. Depiction of animal cruelty
“(a) CREATION, SALE, OR POSSESSION.—Whoever knowingly creates, sells, or possesses a depiction of animal cruelty with the intention of placing that depiction in interstate or foreign commerce for commercial gain, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.
“(b) EXCEPTION.—Subsection (a) does not apply to any depiction that has serious religious, political, scientific, educational, journalistic, historical, or artistic value.
“(c) DEFINITIONS.—In this section—
“(1) the term ‘depiction of animal cruelty’ means any visual or auditory depiction, including any photograph, motion-picture film, video recording, electronic image, or sound recording of conduct in which a living animal is intentionally maimed, mutilated, tortured, wounded, or killed, if such conduct is illegal under Federal law or the law of the State in which the creation, sale, or possession takes place, regardless of whether the maiming, mutilation, torture, wounding, or killing took place in the State; and
“(2) the term ‘State’ means each of the several States, the District of Columbia, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa, the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, and any other commonwealth, territory, or possession of the United States.”
Respondent argued at length that the evidence was insufficient to prove that the particular videos he sold lacked any serious scientific, educational, or historical value and thus fell outside the exception in §48(b). See Brief for Appellant in No. 05-2497 (CA3), pp. 72-79. He added that, if the evidence in this case was held to be sufficient to take his videos outside the scope of the exception, then “this case presents... a situation” in which “a constitutional violation occurs.” Id., at 71. See also id., at 47 (“The applicability of 18 U. S. C. § 48 to speech which is not a crush video or an appeal to some prurient sexual interest constitutes a restriction of protected speech, and an unwarranted violation of the First