ELLIOTT v. THE STATE
S18A1204
305 Ga. 179
PETERSON, Justice.
After a review of the undisputed facts, we begin by reviewing three principles that guide our constitutional interpretation in this case. Turning then to the State’s argument that we should overrule Olevik, a careful application of those interpretive principles leads us to adhere to Olevik. We properly
I. Background.
The relevant facts are not in dispute. In August 2015, a police officer stopped Elliott after observing her commit several traffic violations, including
II. Principles of Georgia constitutional interpretation.
Both Elliott’s arguments challenging the denial of her motion to suppress evidence of her refusal and the State’s arguments that we should reconsider our decision in Olevik require us to begin by reviewing some important principles that guide our interpretation of the Georgia Constitution in this case.
We have often explained that we interpret the Georgia Constitution according to its original public mеaning. And, of course, the Georgia Constitution that we interpret today is the Constitution of 1983; the original public meaning of that Constitution is the public meaning it had at the time of its ratification in 1982. But many of the provisions of the Constitution of 1983 first originated in an earlier Georgia Constitution; unlike the United States, the State of Georgia has had ten constitutions since declaring independence from
A. The presumption of constitutional continuity.
Original public meaning is an interpretive principle that we apply to each of our constitutions. See Padelford, Fay & Co. v. Mayor and Aldermen of the City of Savannah, 14 Ga. 438, 454 (1854) (“[T]he Constitution, like every other instrument made by men, is to be construed in the sense in which it was understood by the makers of it at the time when they made it. To deny this is to insist that a fraud shall be perpetrated upon those makers or upon some of them.” (emphasis in original));4 see also Olevik, 302 Ga. at 235-236 (2) (c) (i)
B. A constitutional clause that is readopted into a new constitution and that has received a consistent and definitive construction is presumed to carry the same meaning as that consistent construction.
A second interpretive implication arises from applying an original public meaning analysis to a constitutional provision that has been readopted without material change in multiple constitutions, and this principle involves our interpretations of the previous constitutions. In Olevik, we reasoned that “history compel[led] our conclusion” that Paragraph XVI protected individuals from being forced to perform incriminating acts. 302 Ga. at 235 (2) (c). That history revealed a consistent and definitive construction of a self-incrimination clause whose words remained materially unchanged since the clause first appeared in our constitution in 1877. See id. at 239-240 (2) (c) (ii). Given this consistent and definitive construction, we presumed that construction was carried forward into the 1983 Constitution. Id. at 241 (2) (c) (ii).
Soon after our decision in McKnight, we explained the presumption that the framers of a new constitution are not only aware of the provisions of the earlier constitution, but when
[they] adopt provisions contained in a former Constitution, to which a certain construction has been given, [they] are presumed as a general rule to have intended that these provisions should have the meaning attributed to them under the earlier instrument.
Thompson v. Talmadge, 201 Ga. 867, 885 (2) (41 SE2d 883) (1947). And we have applied this principle in many cases since. See, e.g., Atlanta Indep. School Sys. v. Lane, 266 Ga. 657, 658 (2) (469 SE2d 22) (1996); City of Thomaston v. Bridges, 264 Ga. 4, 6 (439 SE2d 906) (1994); Toombs County v. O’Neal, 254
Many of our sister states apply a similar principle. See, e.g., Fla. Dept. of Revenue v. City of Gainesville, 918 So. 2d 250, 263-264 (Fla. 2005) (adopting prior construction given to prior constitutional provision where framers of new constitution could have changed the meaning by redefining terms or using different terms altogether); Succession of Lauga, 624 So. 2d 1156, 1165 (II) (A) (La. 1993) (“When a constitutional provision is identical or very similar to that of a former constitution, it is presumed that the same interpretation will be given to it as was attributed to the former provision.”); State ex rel. Ashcroft v. Blunt, 813 SW2d 849, 854 (Mo. 1991) (same); Paper Supply Co. v. City of Chicago, 317 NE2d 3, 9 (Ill. 1974) (prior construction applies unless “it is apparent that some other meaning was intended”); Richardson v. Hare, 160 NW2d 883, 886 (Mich. 1968) (same); First Trust Co. of Lincoln v. Smith, 277 NW 762, 773
The State takes issue with this principle, arguing that its implications would prevent us from ever reconsidering previous decisions no matter how
The State also argues that this principle should apply only when constitutional text is ambiguous, citing statements from this Court more than 166 years ago that the first rule of construction is that an unambiguous statute or provision “stands self-interpreted, and Courts have nothing to do but to enforce it.” Neal v. Moultrie, 12 Ga. 104, 110 (1852). The State also notes similar language in Griffin. See 205 Ga. at 291 (1).
The State is wrong; when we determine the meaning of a particular word or phrase in a constitutional provision or statute, we consider text in context, not in isolation. See Chan v. Ellis, 296 Ga. 838, 839 (1) (770 SE2d 851) (2015) (“The common and customary usages of the words are important, but so is their context.” (citation omitted)); Brown v. State, 290 Ga. 865, 868 (2) (b) (725
C. Georgia constitutional provisions may confer greater, fewer, or the same rights as similar provisions of the United States Constitution, and decisions of the United States Supreme Court interpreting those similar provisions are persuasive in our interpretation of the Georgia Constitution only to the extent that those decisions are rooted in shared history, language, and context.
When interpreting a provision of our Constitution that parallels a provision of the United States Constitution, we should take seriously decisions of the United States Supreme Court that have interpreted that parallel provision. And here, the federal self-incrimination clause of the Fifth Amendment, see
State constitutional provisions may, of course, confer greater protections than their federal counterparts, provided that such broader scope is rooted in the language, history, and context of the state provision. In the same way, a stаte constitution may also offer less rights than federal law, so long as it does not affirmatively violate federal law.
Olevik, 302 Ga. at 234 n.3 (citations omitted).
This is scarcely a Georgia-specific idea. State constitutional rights were “meant to be and remain genuine guarantees against misuse of the state’s governmental powers, truly independent of the rising and falling tides of federal case law both in method and in specifics.” State v. Kennedy, 666 P.2d 1316, 1323 (Or. 1983). See also Massachusetts v. Upton, 466 U. S. 727, 738 (104 SCt 2085, 80 LE2d 721) (1984) (Stevens, J., concurring in the judgment); State v. Walker, 267 P.3d 210, 216-227 (Utah 2011) (Lee, J., concurring); Malyon v. Pierce County, 935 P.2d 1272, 1281 n.30 (Wash. 1997); Sitz v. Dept. of State Police, 506 NW2d 209, 216-217 (Mich. 1993); Ex parte Tucci, 859 SW2d 1, 32
And so, as we have previously explained, any decision about the scope of a provision of the Georgia Constitution must be “rooted in the language, history, and context” of that provision. Olevik, 302 Ga. at 234 (2) (b) n.3 (citing Grady v. United Govt. of Athens-Clarke County, 289 Ga. 726, 731 (2) (b) (715 SE2d 148) (2011)). Many of our constitutional provisions will find their roots in language, history, and context shared by similar provisions of the United States Constitution. And when the United States Supreme Court interprets such a provision, its decision may well shed useful light on the language, history, and context that should guide our interpretation of the similar Georgia provision. But decisions of the United States Supreme Court interpreting similar provisions generally will prove persuasive only to the extent that the Court’s decisions actually were guided by that same language, history, and context.
With these guiding principles in mind, we should not simply recite holdings of the United States Supreme Court regarding the Fifth Amendment and uncritically import them into our interpretation of Paragraph XVI of the
III. We adhere to our decision in Olevik.
Olevik рosed the question of whether Paragraph XVI’s mandate that “(n)o person shall be compelled to give testimony tending in any manner to be self-incriminating” applied to chemical breath tests. 302 Ga. at 235 (2) (c). In
Unhappy with our decision in Olevik and its potential implications, the State has, in this case and in other appeals currently before the Court, asked us to reconsider our decision in Olevik. In this case, the State does not challenge our conclusion in Olevik that the sustained strong blowing necessary for a breath test properly is analyzed as an affirmative act. Instead, the State challenges the holding itself, arguing that this Court’s decisions in Day and Calhoun were wrong because they contravened the plain meaning of the word “testimony” found in the constitutional self-incrimination provision, and
Undertaking that review, we conclude that, although the scope of the common-law right against compelled self-incrimination is indeed debatable, our case law around the time the 1877 Provision was adopted had extended the right to more than oral and written testimony. That case law included our decision in Day, which research reveals was not out of step with other courts that considered the issue around the same time. Indeed, the right against compelled self-incrimination was previously understood in many courts, including federal
A. The common-law right against compelled self-incrimination arose from a limited context, but evolved considerably from the time of the founding of the Republic to Georgia’s constitutionalization of the doctrine in 1877.
The right against compelled self-incrimination borrowed heavily from England’s common law of criminal procedure. See Charles Gardner Geyh, The Testimonial Component of the Right Against Self-Incrimination, 36 Cath. U. L. Rev. 611, 620 (1987). The English crown’s deprivation of the colonists’ “rights as Englishmen,” including the right against compelled self-incrimination by conducting judicial proceedings that were “very inquisitional and ofttimes overbearing,” was a contributing cause of the Revolutionary War. See R. Carter Pittman, The Colonial and Constitutional History of the Privilege Against Self-Incrimination in America, 21 Va. L. Rev. 763, 783-787 (1935). And in the midst of that conflict, several states were quick to adopt constitutions that protected
Despite the importance placed on this essential right during the founding era, the scope of the right historically is not entirely clear and has been the subject of considerable debate. See, e.g., John Fabian Witt, Making the Fifth: The Constitutionalization of American Self-Incrimination Doctrine, 1791-1903, 77 Tex. L. Rev. 825, 832 (1999) (“Scholars have had considerable difficulty explaining the original meaning of the American constitutional self-incrimination provisions — both state and federal.”). But it is clear that the right had limited value at common law and in colonial America, particularly given that defendants were not allowed to testify under oath and usually were unrepresented. The right against compelled self-incrimination took on greater significance as more defendants gained access to lawyers to defend them. And as states in the new Republic began to allow defendants to testify under oath in their own defense if they wished to do so, states also afforded suspects protection from adverse comment by prosecutors if defendants declined the
(i) Given the nature of criminal procedure in pre-Revolution England, the common-law right arose in a limited context, finding its roots in objections to compelled self-incrimination through torture or required oaths.
The conventional view (which long ago found its way into our case law) is that the right against compelled self-incrimination is modeled on the maxims nemo tenetur seipsum accusare and nemo tenetur seipsum prodere (either of which might be translated, “no man is bound to accuse himself”). See Calhoun, 144 Ga. at 680; State v. Davis, 256 P.3d 1075, 1079-1080 (Or. 2011). Under the nemo tenetur principle, which was believed to originate in the medieval canon law of the Roman Catholic Church, one was not obliged to confess punishable offenses to judges and prosecutors (although one had a spiritual obligation to reveal all sins at confession as a condition of absolution). See United States v. Gecas, 120 F.3d 1419, 1436 (11th Cir. 1997). But this right against public confessions ceased to apply once a formal accusation was made, at which point it was incumbent upon the accused to prove his innocence. See id. at 1436-1437; Akhil Reed Amar & Renee B. Lettow, First Amendment First Principles: The
Common-law courts at some point began to apply this principle as giving rise to a right that “no man [was] bound to incriminate himself” on “any charge” or “in any court[.]” See Davis, 256 P.3d at 1080 n.2 (citing John Henry Wigmore, 4 Treatise on the System of Evidence in Trials at Common Law § 2250 (1905)). And so a defendant in colonial times was protected from being
(ii) Outside of the context of torture or compulsory oaths, the right against compelled self-incrimination was of limited value at common law in England and the American colonies.
Nonetheless, any right against compelled self-incrimination had minimal value in the criminal justice systems of pre-colonial Britain and the American colonies, given pretrial investigatory procedures, defendants’ legal incompetence to testify under oath, and defendants’ inability to rely on counsel to make their case for them. See Moglen, 92 Mich. L. Rev. at 1092-1093, 1104. Early colonial pretrial procedure was based on British statutes that required a defendant to be examined after apprehension. See, e.g., Amar & Lettow, 93
Defendants’ incоmpetence to testify under oath — as well as their need to defend themselves without the aid of lawyers — made questions about the breadth of the right against compelled self-incrimination somewhat “metaphysical” as a matter of English common law through the time of the founding of America. See De Luna v. United States, 308 F.2d 140, 150 (5th Cir. 1962). English law deemed the accused incompetent to testify under oath until 1898. Id. And until defendants were permitted to have counsel represent them at trial, defendants had little choice but to speak — unsworn — in their own
The practice of magistrates questioning accused perpetrators before trial continued in our new Republic, with suspects’ silence continuing to be introduced against them at trial at least until the mid-1800s. See Mitchell, 526 U.S. at 333-335 (Scalia, J., dissenting); Amar & Lettow, 93 Mich. L. Rev. at 897-898. One exception was that the prisoner’s statement could not be used against him if he were first placed under oath, perhaps reflecting the view that questioning under oath was unduly coercive, if not equivalent to torture. See
As in England, American criminal defendants in the years after the founding could not testify under oath but were nonetheless forced to defend themselves at trial without counsel. It was only in 1859, beginning with Maine, that American states began permitting criminal defendants to give sworn testimony, with every state except Georgia allowing such testimony by the end of the century. See Ferguson v. Georgia, 365 U.S. 570, 577 (81 S. Ct. 756, 5 L. Ed. 2d 783) (1961). Very few defendants were represented by counsel at the framing of the Bill of Rights and the early state constitutions. See Alschuler, 94 Mich. L. Rev. at 2656; Levy, supra, at 369; compare id. at 376 (“In the seven colonies where the right to counsel was provided even in felony cases, the right against self-incrimination was well secured in common-law trials.”).7
(iii) The right against compelled self-incrimination took on increased value — and greater scope — in the early years of the Republic, as the criminal justice system changed.
In addition, the increased availability of defense counsel strengthened the right against compelled self-incrimination, as defendants could remain silent and let counsel defend them. Langbein, 92 Mich. L. Rev. at 1068-1071; Amar & Lettow, 93 Mich. L. Rev. at 897. It is against this backdrop — in which a
B. The scope of the right against compelled self-incrimination originally covered more than oral testimony.
As discussed above, some states and the federal government constitutiоnalized the right against compelled self-incrimination soon after the Revolution. The state constitutions contained bills or declarations of rights that phrased their clauses in terms of a right not to be compelled to “give evidence” or to “furnish evidence.” See United States v. Hubbell, 530 U.S. 27, 52 (120 S. Ct. 2037, 147 L. Ed. 2d 24) (2000) (Thomas, J., concurring) (outlining development of state and federal constitutional rights against compelled self-incrimination after the Revolution). Although the Fifth Amendment used the phrase “to be a witness” instead of the language “to give evidence” or “to furnish evidence” that was proposed by several states advocating for a bill of rights,9 these textual differences did not necessarily reflect a difference in meaning. See id. at 50-51, 53-54 (citing legal sources and dictionaries published at the time of the founding that defined “witness” as a “person who gives or
(i) Our precedent prior to passage of the 1877 Constitution described the scope of the right as protecting “any evidence.”
Prior to the adoption of a provision on self-incrimination in the 1877 Constitution, Georgia courts described the right against compelled self-incrimination as forbidding a “man . . . to accuse himself of any crime, or to furnish any evidence to convict himself of any crime[.]” Marshall v. Riley, 7 Ga. 367, 370 (1849) (emphasis in original); see also Higdon v. Heard, 14 Ga. 255, 258 (1853) (“The doctrine is well settled in England and America, that no man is bound to accuse himself of any crime; or to furnish any evidence to convict himself of any crime.”). In Marshall, this Court held that the right against compelled self-incrimination, based on the common law and “considered as one of our constitutional rights” (despite there being no such express state constitutional right at that time), applied in civil proceedings and protected a
Day’s language mirrors language used in our decisions issued prior to the 1877 Constitution, and the temporal proximity of these decisions to adoption of the 1877 Constitution make them critical indicators of the original public meaning of the self-incrimination protections of that constitution. See District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 605 (128 S. Ct. 2783, 171 L. Ed. 2d 637) (2008) (“[T]he examination of a variety of legal and other sources to determine the public understanding of a legal text in the period after its enactment or ratification . . . is a critical tool of constitutional interpretation.” (emphasis in
(ii) Around the time Day was decided, the United States Supreme Court construed the Fifth Amendment as covering more than oral testimony.
In 1886, less than ten years after passage of the 1877 Constitution, the United States Supreme Court unanimously held that compelling production of a defendant’s private papers to be used as evidence against him was equivalent to compelling him to be a witness against himself in violation of the Fifth Amendment. See Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616, 634-635 (6 S. Ct. 524, 29
Boyd was about the compelled production of existing documents, and said nothing about compelling a person to act. The United States Supreme Court later rejected the view that the Fifth Amendment protected affirmative acts, see Holt v. United States, 218 U.S. 245, 252-253 (31 S. Ct. 2, 54 L. Ed. 1021) (1910), but for many years did not distinguish between spoken words and physical evidence reflecting written words. A shift in Fifth Amendment jurisprudence began to occur with the United States Supreme Court’s decisions in Schmerber v. California, 384 U.S. 757, 760-765 (86 S. Ct. 1826, 16 L. Ed. 2d 908) (1966), where the Court held that the Fifth Amendment protects the accused only from being
(iii) Other states had interpreted their self-incrimination clauses to protect affirmative acts.
If the construction of the Fifth Amendment today is narrower than it was in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, today’s construction of many states’ constitutional provisions has narrowed even further — they now largely mirror the Supreme Court’s present interpretation of the Fifth Amendment, but began more broadly than the Fifth Amendment was ever interpreted. Despite the State’s claim here that Georgia’s broad self-incrimination protection is a unique outlier in this country and in other countries that have followed English common law, that same rule was quite ordinary a century ago. See Amar & Lettow, 93 Mich. L. Rev. at 884 (“[M]any courts in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries held that using the defendant’s body as physical evidence was in effect compelling the defendant to a witness against himself.”); Geyh, 36 Cath. U. L. Rev. at 621-622 (“[A] majority of courts addressing the issue were of the opinion that the right to refuse to give evidence, to be a witness, or to testify
From the middle of the nineteenth century through the middle of the twentieth century, at least nine states, including three of our neighboring states (Alabama, North Carolina, and Tennessee), concluded that defendants could not be compelled to perform affirmative acts that were incriminating; many of these jurisdictions cited their state constitutional provision or the common law. See, e.g., Allen v. State, 39 A.2d 820 (Md. 1944) (state constitution protected the accused from being compelled to perform an evidence-producing act, such as requiring the accused, while on the witness stand, to try on a hat that had been worn by the culprit); Beachem v. State, 162 S.W.2d 706, 709 (Tex. Crim. App. 1942) (forcing the defendant to speak for identification purposes violated state constitution); Ward v. State, 228 P. 498, 499-500 (Okla. Crim. App. 1924) (forcing the defendant to make “experiments and comparisons” in open court in presence of jury violated state constitution); State v. Height, 91 N.W. 935, 938-939 (Iowa 1902) (relying on cases applying self-incrimination privilege to bar results from compulsory physical exam); Cooper v. State, 6 S. 110, 111 (Ala. 1888) (Alabаma constitution made it “unlawful to force the witness to give
Forty years after recognizing that affirmative acts were protected under the state’s constitutional protection against compelled self-incrimination, the
(iv) The meaning of our constitutional right against compelled self-incrimination does not change simply because that of other jurisdictions has changed.
In the light of the history described above, the State’s sweeping pronouncements that Day and Calhoun were uniquely out of step with the rest of the country are simply wrong. And though many jurisdictions have since abandoned their affirmative acts standard in favor of a right that is limited to the
And although the United States Supreme Court has said that the Fifth Amendment does not apply to affirmative acts, see, e.g., United States v. Wade, 388 U.S. 218, 221-223 (1967); Holt, 218 U.S. 245, 252-253 (1910), in reaching these holdings the Supreme Court of course did not have to confront even the stare decisis implications of contrary prior holdings, much less a consistent and definitive prior construction of language then essentially replicated in the constitution being applied. The situation we face is different, and so these decisions from the United States Supreme Court and other state courts shed little light on Paragraph XVI’s meaning.
Similarly, we reject the State’s argument that our jurisprudence is at odds with foreign jurisdictions that have adopted English common law and we should
C. Olevik properly applied the consistent and definitive construction presumption.
The State argues that we were wrong in Olevik to give Paragraph XVI of the 1983 Constitution the same meaning that we had given to the materially identical clause in the Constitutions of 1877, 1945, and 1976. First, the State argues that we misapplied the prior construction canon referenced in Olevik because the canon applies only to ambiguous provisions, which the State argues Paragraph XVI is not. We rejected this argument above in Division II (B) and need not address it further. Second, the State argues that we should have interpreted Paragraph XVI according to its plain, literal meaning divorced from our prior precedent on the right against compelled self-incrimination, because
(i) Our case law shows a consistent and definitive construction.
Our case law shows that at least six of our decisions under the 1877 Constitution cited or applied the holding of Day, all of them reinforcing the construction that the self-incrimination clause protected affirmative acts, but did not prohibit taking evidence from the defendant. See Calhoun, 144 Ga. 679 (illegal seizure of items from the defendant’s person did not constitute compelled production of incriminating evidence); Elder v. State, 143 Ga. 363, 364-365 (1) (1915) (ordering a new trial where jury heard evidence that defendant was ordered by sheriff to put foot in track); Dozier v. State, 107 Ga. 708, 709-711 (1) (1899) (evidence that sheriff found pistol in defendant’s pocket was admissible); Evans v. State, 106 Ga. 519 (1899) (reversing for new trial where defendant compelled to put hand in pocket); Franklin v. State, 69 Ga. 36, 43-44 (3) (1882) (“inducing” defendant
Calhoun more clearly explained the rationale behind Day that the constitutional right was “as broad as . . . the common-law privilege from which it is derived.” 144 Ga. at 680. We repeatedly relied on Calhoun for the principle that evidence taken from a defendant, as оpposed to being produced by the defendant, does not violate the self-incrimination clause. See, e.g., McIntyre v. State, 190 Ga. 872, 875-876 (1) (1940); Herndon v. State, 178 Ga. 832
Our opinion in Aldrich, 220 Ga. at 134-135, reaffirmed that the 1945 Constitution, which contained the same language as the 1877 Constitution, carried forward the principle enunciated in Day and its progeny; we cited or distinguished Aldrich in at least three other cases decided prior to the adoption of the 1976 Constitution. See Strong v. State, 231 Ga. 514, 519 (1973) (extraction of blood did not violate right against compelled self-incrimination under Georgia or United States Constitutions), overruled in part as stated in Olevik, 302 Ga. at 232-233 (2) (a) & n.2 (noting that Williams v. State, 296 Ga. 817 (2015), overruled Strong’s search and seizure holding but not its holding regarding Paragraph XVI); Creamer v. State, 229 Ga. 511, 515-518 (3) (1972) (removal of bullet from defendant did not violate Georgia right against compelled self-incrimination); Dennis v. State, 226 Ga. 341, 342 (2) (1970) (requirement that driver drive onto scales was not “compulsion” because there was no criminal
In short, the compelled self-incrimination provision at issue, which has remained materially the same since the 1877 Constitution, has received a consistent and definitive construction from its inception through the ratification of the 1983 Constitution. And
[a]t no point through this history was the constitutional language changed to abrogate Day’s interpretation, nor did we reconsider Day. To the contrary, we have consistently and repeatedly applied the state constitutional protection against compelled self-incrimination in accord with Day.
Olevik, 302 Ga. at 240 (2) (c) (ii) (emphasis added).
Indeed, even before Olevik, we continued to apply the Day/Calhoun construction of the self-incrimination right in the 1983 Constitution. Before our decision in Olevik, we referred repeatedly to the broader right afforded by Paragraph XVI compared to the right against compelled self-incrimination under the Fifth Amendment. See Bell v. State, 293 Ga. 683, 686 (3) n.4 (2013)
Nothing in the cases decided under the 1983 Constitution reflects a considered departure from the consistent and definitive construction that had been placed on the self-incrimination right. In Olevik, we simply applied the presumption that flowed from the consistent and definitive construction existing prior to the 1983 Constitution, and concluded that the presumption regarding the construction of Paragraph XVI — that it covers affirmative acts — was not rebutted by a clear indication to the contrary. Olevik, 302 Ga. at 240-241 (2) (c) (ii).
The State argues that around the time of the adoption of the 1983
In Presnell, we rejected the defendant’s claim that testimony of an expert witness should not have been allowed because it was based upon a compelled psychiatric exam, whereby the defendant was forced to be a witness against himself as to his mental capacity. Presnell, 241 Ga. at 57-58 (7). We cited both Creamer and cases decided under the Fifth Amendment in rejecting that claim. But a careful reading shows that the defendant did not complain about performing any incriminating act; instead, he argued only that his statements were compelled. Presnell, 241 Ga. at 57 (7). Because only statements were at
In Fouts, the defеndant sought to suppress the introduction of samples of his hair, which he claimed was in violation of his right against compelled self-incrimination. 240 Ga. at 43-44 (3). Fouts did not explain which constitutional right — federal or state — was at issue, but the opinion noted that the defendant had been given Miranda warnings and primarily relied on federal case law regarding testimonial protections, suggesting that only the Fifth Amendment right was at issue. Id. at 43-44 (3) (citing Creamer only as a “see also”). Similarly, in English, the Court did not identify whether the federal or state self-incrimination right was at issue, and simply cited to Creamer and Strong to summarily conclude that removal of traces of substances from a defendant’s
(ii) Nothing in the adoption of the 1983 Constitution rebuts the consistent and definitive construction of Day and its progeny.
The State argues that, in the absence of evidence that the public understood the full scope of the provision that became Paragraph XVI and the lack of evidence that the voters accepted or rejected the given meaning of the former provision when ratifying the 1983 Constitution, we should presume that the voters understood the right against compelled self-incrimination as applying only to oral testimony. But contrary to the State’s argument, it is “the understanding of the text by reasonable people familiar with its legal context”
The State also argues that we erred in Olevik because we ignored the “realities that surrounded the ratification of” the 1983 Constitution. First, the State argues that the 1983 Constitution was ratified not as an amendment to existing organic law, but as an entirely new constitution that should be read
And even for those who may believe that the subjective views of individual drafters are relevant, there is no evidence whatsoever that the “new” 1983 Constitution was meant to wipe away nearly 200 years of Georgia constitutional law. To the contrary, the transcripts from the various meetings of the committee charged with revising Article I (our Bill of Rights) showed that the committee meant to keep existing law — even if all of the implications of the language were nоt fully explored or even understood — unless otherwise stated. See, e.g., Select Committee on Constitutional Revisions, 1977-1981 (“Select Committee”), Transcript of Meetings, Committee to Revise Article I, meeting of the Subcommittee to Revise Section I, Oct. 4, 1979, pp. 3-4 (Justice Jesse Bowles, subcommittee chairman, noting that Georgia’s Bill of Rights had remained “pretty much” the same since the first constitution and proposing that the committee review the 1976 Constitution “paragraph by paragraph” and
Some committee members also expressly admitted that they did not understand the meaning of certain clauses of the Bill of Rights. The committee nevertheless elected not to change the words of such clauses, because to do so would signal that a change was intended. Id., meeting of Subcommittee to Revise Section I, Oct. 4, 1979, p. 69 (noting that the search and seizure clause had “been construed so many times” and a “tremendous body of law” developed on the words of that clause that “if we change much of that we’re going to open a complete new field”); id., p. 97 (noting that the committee would “open up a keg of worms” if it “monkey[ed] with” the double jeopardy clause); id., pp. 103-106 (notwithstanding members’ uncertainty about meaning of phrase “corruption of blood,” Justice Bowles noted that the phrase had been defined in case law, and another committee member suggested the phrase remain in the light of that case law); id., meeting of Subcommittee on Rights of Persons, Oct. 25, 1979, p. 51 (Justice Bowles noted “change should be made where change is
In conclusion, none of the State’s arguments discussed above undermines the soundness of Olevik. Although we do not determine conclusively that Day was correctly decided, that case (and others like it) established a well-settled interpretation of the self-incrimination right, one that was not unique but within the mainstream of American judicial decisions at the time. That interpretation was carried forward into subsequent Georgia Constitutions, and there was no error in Olevik in concluding that Paragraph XVI preserved the protections of prior constitutional self-incrimination provisions because the previous
IV. Admission of evidence that a defendant refused to submit to a chemical test of breath pursuant to
Our reaffirmance of Olevik means that Elliott’s refusal to submit to a breath test fell within the protections of Paragraph XVI. But that does not necessarily mean that introduction of evidence of that refusal at trial violates Paragraph XVI. That issue presents a separate question. After thorough review of the relevant history and case law, we conclude that the admission of such a refusal violates Paragraph XVI.
The pre-Revolution English common-law right against compelled self-
A. The United States Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Fifth Amendment is unpersuasive as to the meaning of the Georgia Constitution on this point.
To be clear, this conclusion is not dictated by the United States Supreme Court’s decision in Griffin v. California, 380 U.S. 609 (1965)
B. Although the text of the 1877 Provision considered in isolation does not clearly preclude admission of evidence that a defendant refused a breath test, that does not end our analysis of the provision’s meaning.
Although the state constitutional provision at issue here is sometimes referred to as embodying a right against self-incrimination, by its text the 1877 Provision prohibited only “compelled” self-incrimination. Paragraph XVI also uses the term “compelled.” “Compel” is generally defined as to “constrain” or “force” a person to do something. See Webster’s New World Dictionary 289 (2d College ed. 1980).22 Just as asking a person to take a breath test, without more, is not compelling that person to do any act, admission of evidence of a defendant’s refusal to submit to a breath test does not fit within a natural understanding of the word “compel.” Rather, such a refusal merely is a consequence of a DUI arrestee’s choice between two options. Both options are decidedly unpalatable given that both likely would result in incriminating evidence: agree to the breath test and risk an incriminating result, or refuse and
But as we explained in Division II, we do not read the text in isolation; rather, “[w]e interpret a constitutional provision according to the original public
C. The historical record prior to Georgia’s adoption of the 1877 Provision indicates the provision prohibited admission of a defendant’s refusal to incriminate herself or the drawing of adverse inferences therefrom.
The pre-Revolution English common-law right did not preclude admission of a defendant’s refusal to incriminate herself or adverse inferences therefrom. But the second half of the nineteenth century was a time of great change in the American criminal justice system. And decisions of this Court in the years leading up to, and around the time of, the adoption of the 1877 Provision indicate a significant deviation from the common law of England on the question of whether a defendant’s silence could be presented as evidence of guilt. We thus conclude that the original public meaning of the 1877 Provision prohibited admission of a defendant’s refusal to incriminate herself or the drawing of adverse inferences therefrom.
(i) Inferences from refusal to testify were permissibly drawn at common
The common law as it was understood in 1776 does not support construing the 1877 Provision as forbidding admission of a defendant’s refusal to incriminate herself or the drawing of adverse inferences therefrom. The common law as it was understood in 1776 did not prohibit a trial court from admitting evidence that a defendant refused to speak or otherwise provide incriminating evidence against himself. And it did not prohibit jurors from drawing adverse inferences from such a refusal. Until 1848, English magistrates would conduct preliminary examinations of defendants without advising them that they need not answer or that their unsworn statements could be used against them in a later trial. See Langbein, 92 Mich. L. Rev. at 1060-1061. If the defendant refused to answer questions, his refusal could be admitted, and any adverse inferences might be drawn thеrefrom. See id. at 1061-1062. The question of whether adverse inferences could be drawn from the accused’s failure to “testify” at trial did not even arise, as defendants were deemed incompetent to testify under English law until 1898. See De Luna, 308 F.2d at 150. Moreover, defendants’ inability to rely on a lawyer to speak for them meant that a failure to speak amounted to no defense at all. See Langbein, 92 Mich. L.
(ii) Developments between the time of Georgia’s adoption of the common law of England and our ratification of the 1877 Constitution indicate that the 1877 Provision barred admission of a defendant’s refusal to speak or act.
By the end of the nineteenth century, American jurisdictions generally experienced a shift in the admissibility of defendants’ refusal to incriminate themselves. The practice of magistrates questioning the accused before trial, with suspects’ silence being used against them at trial, continued in America into the 1800s. See Mitchell, 526 U.S. at 333-335 (Scalia, J., dissenting); Amar & Lettow, 93 Mich. L. Rev. at 897-898. And to the extent that defendants declined to make a statement at trial, the practice of drawing an adverse
Georgia in at least one sense was an outlier, prohibiting defendants from testifying under oath in their own defense at trial until 1962. See Ga. L. 1962,
Nonetheless, decisions of this Court prior to the adoption of the 1877 Provision, consistent with those of other jurisdictions at the time, indicate that it was impermissible to draw adverse inferences from a defendant’s failure to make such a statement. In 1874, this Court overturned a criminal conviction when the jury was charged that it might consider the defendant’s refusal to make a statement at trial. See Bird, 50 Ga. at 589 (7). This decision appeared to reflect the Court’s view that allowing a defendant to make a statement, but forbidding him from testifying, did defendants more harm than good. The Court noted it did “not think that the statute giving this right to a defendant intended that it should be counted against him, if he did not avail himself of it,” and the authoring Justice observed that he had “never known or heard of but one instance where it supposed that the right had availed anything” and thus it would be “terrible” if a defendant’s failure to speak could be considered against him. Bird, 50 Ga.
Consistent with that approach, other cases decided prior to the adoption of the 1877 Provision afforded protection to civil parties or third-party witnesses faced with questions the answers to which might implicate them criminally. See Pinkard v. State, 30 Ga. 757, 759 (2) (1860) (trial court properly told State’s
We also decided similar cases shortly after the adoption of the 1877 Provision. We said early on that the 1877 Provision meant a witness did not have to answer questions that might subject the witness to criminal prosecution, or even ones that merely “tend[ed] to degrade” the witness. See Gravett v. State, 74 Ga. 191, 199-200 (6) (1884) (relying on state constitutional provision to hold that trial court did not err by ruling that State’s witness, who had testified that she had a child, did not have to answer whether she had ever been married). Less than a decade after the adoption of the 1877 Provision, citing both the Georgia and federal constitutions, we found no error in excluding depositions offered in a civil case to show that the original plaintiff (since deceased) had refused to answer questions the answers to which might implicate him in the crime of doing business on a Sunday. See Harrison v. Powers, 76 Ga. 218, 245 (6), (8) (1886). We wondered “[o]f what worth would the protection [of the right
The State argues that, to the extent the Georgia constitutional provision incorporates the Bird and Loewenherz lines of cases, such incorporation would retain a common-law limitation to refusals to testify in formal court proceedings. But those cases are not so limited. Harrison involved a refusal to answer questions in a deposition, not a formal court proceeding. 76 Ga. at 245 (6).26 And we have never limited Paragraph XVI to compelled self-incrimination in
Similarly helpful is a line of cases, beginning just twelve years after the adoption of the 1877 Provision, in which this Court deemed improper negative prosecutorial comment on the defendant’s failure to make a statement at trial. Robinson v. State, 82 Ga. 535, 546 (9) (1889). Although we concluded that the error was rendered harmless by the court’s jury instruction, we held that “counsel for the State should not argue to the jury from the omission of the accused to make a statement[.]” Id. at 535 (syllabus). This became an oft-cited rule — at least until the United States Supreme Court in Griffin held that the Fifth Amendment barred such comments even in state court trials. See, e.g., O’Dell v. State, 120 Ga. 152, 154 (4) (1904); Minor v. State, 120 Ga. 490, 490 (1) (1904); Caesar v. State, 125 Ga. 6 (1906); Barker v. State, 127 Ga. 276 (1907); Thornton v. State, 190 Ga. 783, 783-784 (1) (1940); Parks v. State, 208 Ga. 508, 508 (1) (1951); Jordan v. State, 212 Ga. 337, 338 (3) (1956).27
D. No subsequent developments clearly altered the meaning of the 1877 Provision.
Of course, the 1877 Provision does not apply today; Paragraph XVI of the 1983 Constitution does. As explained in Division II, a constitutional provision — like Paragraph XVI — that is retained from a previous constitution without material change is strongly presumed to retain the original public meaning that provision had at the time it was first adopted. Thus, we presume that Paragraph XVI as it is found in the 1983 Constitution carries the same meaning as that of the 1877 Provision. Although not ironclad, this presumption is strong. As also
In 1964, well before Georgia readopted the provision against compelled self-incrimination as part of the 1976 and 1983 Constitutions, we held that the provision precluded a conviction based on a defendant’s failure to do an incriminating act — in that case, his refusal to drive his truck onto scales. See Aldrich, 220 Ga. 132. Although the applicable statute in that case went further than the one at issue here, by making refusal itself a crime, see id. at 133, our holding was consistent with an understanding that the constitutional provision
The State relies heavily on a line of cases — since overruled at least as a matter of federal law — that allowed a jury to hear abоut and be charged on a defendant’s silence in the face of statements made in his presence that implicated him in criminal activity, essentially as an exception to the hearsay rule. Dating back to the nineteenth century, Georgia evidence law provided that silence when the circumstances require an answer, denial, or other conduct may amount to an admission. See Code of 1860 § 3713; see also Cobb v. State, 27 Ga. 648, 697-698 (5) (1859) (upholding conviction, on the basis that the jury should hear all relevant evidence, against a challenge that the jury should not have heard that the defendant refused to confess when confronted by a jailer with a letter from a co-defendant). For a long time, we applied this tacit admission provision with little consideration of whether the circumstances might implicate either a state or federal right against compelled self-incrimination,
At one point we rejected, albeit with little analysis, a self-incrimination challenge to the tacit admission rule. Emmett v. State, 195 Ga. 517 (25 SE2d 9) (1943), involved the admissibility of testimony that the defendant failed to respond to certain statements made by a co-defendant in his presence, as well as the propriety of a jury instruction that the defendant’s failure to deny the statements would amount to an admission of the statements by the defendant if the circumstances were such that “an answer or denial was required[.]” Id. at 535-537 (2). The defendant claimed that because the co-defendant’s incriminating statements were made while the defendant was in jail, in the presence of a sheriff and prosecutor, and charged with assault, he had a right to
In at least one instance prior to the Miranda decision in 1966, however, we questioned whether the tacit admission rule was always compatible with the right against compelled self-incrimination. See Johnson v. State, 151 Ga. 21 (105 SE 603) (1921) (plurality opinion) (even if evidence at issue — a deputy’s testimony that, while in jail charged with homicide, defendant did not comment upon accomplice’s statements that arguably implicated her in the crime — were admissible, it was not “positive evidence of guilt” sufficient to support a guilty verdict). Ultimately, decades after the adoption of the 1945 Constitution, we at least partially overruled our tacit admission case law as irreconcilable with Miranda. See Howard v. State, 237 Ga. 471, 474-475 (228 SE2d 860) (1976) (stating that Bennett, Kalb, and Emmett must be overruled in part). In the light of Miranda, we construed the tacit admission statute as not authorizing a charge based on silence or acquiescence by a person when they are in police custody,
We did not do away with the tacit admission rule altogether. See Emmett v. State, 243 Ga. 550, 552-553 (1) (255 SE2d 23) (1979) (applying tacit admission rule and distinguishing Howard as involving custodial interrogation). Under our current Evidence Code, the tacit admission rule is embodied in
The State argues that the United States Supreme Court in South Dakota v. Neville, 459 U. S. 553 (103 SCt 916, 74 LE2d 748) (1983), held that admission of a defendant’s refusal to consent to a blood-alcohol test does not violate the Fifth Amendment, suggesting that this means we cannot conclude that refusal to submit to a brеath test is “coerced” and thus that admission of that refusal is barred by Paragraph XVI. Id. at 564. But Neville’s holding followed
E. Because Elliott had the right to refuse to submit to a breath test under Paragraph XVI, admission of evidence of her refusal violates that state constitutional right against compelled self-incrimination.
The State posits a number of additional arguments as to why evidence of Elliott’s refusal to submit to a breath test should be admissible in its criminal prosecution of her. For one, the State contends that DUI cases are
The State also contends that, under a strict scrutiny framework, it may use evidence of Elliott’s refusal because in encroaching on any fundamental right against self-incrimination, the State is acting on a compelling interest in effectively prosecuting drunk drivers in a way that is narrowly tailored to serve that interest. But this argument would allow similar exceptions for all serious crimes; surely the State’s interest in prosecuting murderers is at least as strong as its interest in prosecuting drunk drivers. The State has failed to identify any case in which we have applied strict scrutiny to Paragraph XVI or any other constitutional rule of criminal procedure. Strict scrutiny is a concept generally
The State also argues that a holding that Paragraph XVI prohibits admission of a defendant’s refusal to submit to a breath test would contravene Olevik’s holding that the implied consent warning is not per se coercive, as well as our subsequent decisions in Fazio v. State, 302 Ga. 295 (806 SE2d 544) (2017), and Schmitz v. State, 302 Ga. 473 (807 SE2d 361) (2017), relying on Olevik to reject challenges to the implied consent notice. To the extent the State argues that our holding here is inconsistent with and nullifies Olevik, the State
The State’s remaining arguments, citing state statutes, general principles of state criminal law, and policy concerns, fail to appreciate the constitutional nature of the right at issue. We acknowledge that the State has a considerable
But the State also has a compelling interest in prosecuting murders, rapes, armed robberies, and a whole host of other serious crimes, and the right to be free from compelled self-incrimination does not wax or wane based on the severity of a defendant’s alleged crimes.
This Court cannot change the Georgia Constitution, even if we believe there may be good policy reasons for doing so; only the General Assembly and the people of Georgia may do that. And this Court cannot rewrite statutes. This decision may well have implications for the continuing validity of the implied consent notice as applied to breath tests, but revising that notice is a power reserved to the General Assembly. Having considered the text of Paragraph XVI and the context in which it was enacted, as well as all of the arguments made by the parties and the amici, we conclude that Paragraph XVI precludes admission
Consequently, we conclude that
We reverse the trial court’s denial of Elliott’s motion to suppress.
Judgment reversed. All the Justices concur, except Warren and Ellington, JJ., disqualified.
I join the Court’s opinion in full, but write to clarify certain implications of the Court’s decision today and our earlier decision in Olevik v. State, 302 Ga. 228 (806 SE2d 505) (2017).
First, it is important to identify the provisions of the implied consent law that are not affected. As acknowledged both in the Court’s opinion today and in Olevik, the scope of these decisions is limited to chemical tests of a driver’s breath; they do not apply to tests of a driver’s blood. Also unaffected is the core component of the implied consent enforcement scheme: the administrative license suspension provided by
That being said, these decisions affect significant portions of the implied consent law. The statements in the implied consent notices set forth in
And it is conceivable that these decisions could affect the admission of previous DUI convictions pursuant to
It is also worth noting that the General Assembly and the people could
I am authorized to state that Justice Blackwell and Justice Bethel join in this concurrence.
