STATE OF WASHINGTON v. SHANNON B. BLAKE
NO. 96873-0
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OF WASHINGTON
FEBRUARY 25, 2021
EN BANC
FILE IN CLERK‘S OFFICE SUPREME COURT, STATE OF WASHINGTON FEBRUARY 25, 2021 González, C.J. CHIEF JUSTICE
THIS OPINION WAS FILED FOR RECORD AT 8 A.M. ON FEBRUARY 25, 2021 SUSAN L. CARLSON
GORDON MCCLOUD, J.—Washington‘s strict liability drug possession statute,
INTRODUCTION
We begin with the rule that state legislatures have the police power to criminalize and punish much conduct. But the due process clauses of the state and federal constitutions limit that power. The key limit at issue here is that those due process clause protections generally bar state legislatures from taking innocent and passive conduct with no criminal intent at all and punishing it as a serious crime.
Unfortunately, that is exactly what
To be sure, at one time, it might have been possible for this court to avoid this constitutional issue by interpreting
This court, however, is the one that must evaluate whether that statute comports with constitutional due process guaranties. We have been asked to do that today, and we hold that the statute violates those guaranties. Attaching the harsh penalties of felony conviction, lengthy imprisonment, stigma, and the many collateral consequences that accompany every felony drug conviction to entirely innocent and passive conduct exceeds the legislature‘s powers.
FACTS
In 2016, police executed a search warrant in Spokane, Washington, seeking evidence of stolen vehicles. Verbatim Report of Proceedings (VRP) at 19. They arrested three people on the property, including Shannon Blake. Clerk‘s Papers (CP) at 13; VRP at 40. At the jail, a corrections officer discovered a small baggy containing methamphetamine in the coin pocket of Blake‘s jeans. VRP at 47-48. The State charged Blake with possession of a controlled substance in violation of
At trial, Blake relied on the judicially created affirmative defense of “unwitting possession.” She testified that a friend had bought the jeans secondhand and given them to Blake two days before Blake‘s arrest. VRP at 76. Blake said she had never used methamphetamine and did not know the jeans had drugs in the pocket. Id. She acknowledged that the drugs had been “on [her]” on the day of her arrest. Id. at 83. Blake‘s boyfriend also testified that Blake did not use drugs and that she had received the jeans from a friend. Id. at 89-90.
The trial court served as trier of fact. CP at 20. It found that Blake had “possess[ed]” methamphetamine on the day in question. CP at 26. Consistent with the law as interpreted in Cleppe and Bradshaw, it did not make any findings as to whether the State had proved that Blake‘s possession was intentional or knowing. It did conclude, however, that Blake had not met her burden to prove that her possession was unwitting. VRP at 108; CP at 26. Accordingly, the trial court found Blake guilty.
On appeal, Blake argued that “requiring her to prove unwitting possession to [sic] the charged offense violates due process.” State v. Blake, No. 35601-9-III, slip op. at 1 (Wash. Ct. App. Jan. 22, 2019) (unpublished), http://www.courts.wa.gov/opinions/pdf/356019_unp.pdf. Relying on Cleppe and Bradshaw, the Court of Appeals held that “[t]he crime of possession of a controlled substance does not require a mens rea element” and the defense‘s burden to show unwitting possession does not violate due process. Id. at 6 (citing Bradshaw, 152 Wn.2d at 532; Cleppe, 96 Wn.2d at 380; State v. Schmeling, 191 Wn. App. 795, 365 P.3d 202 (2015)).
We granted review. State v. Blake, 194 Wn.2d 1023 (2020).
ANALYSIS
I. THE STRICT LIABILITY DRUG POSSESSION STATUTE EXCEEDS THE STATE‘S POLICE POWER BY IMPOSING HARSH FELONY CONSEQUENCES ON INNOCENT NONCONDUCT WITH NO MENS REA
The basic drug possession statute at issue in this case states, “It is unlawful for any person to possess a controlled substance . . . .”
Blake clearly argues that the constitution bars the legislature from penalizing her conduct without requiring the State to prove she had a guilty mind. Pet‘r‘s Suppl. Br. at 18 (“[T]he legislature exceeds its power by creating a strict liability offense that lacks a public welfare rationale, has draconian consequences, and criminalizes innocent conduct.“). Amici provide additional support for this argument.2 The concurrence dismisses our discussion of this argument by claiming that it was not even briefed. Concurrence at 9-10, 22-24.3 As the citations above and in the footnote below show, the concurrence is incorrect about this and the cited portion of Blake‘s brief does place a question of first impression4 before us: whether the legislature possesses the power to punish Blake for innocent conduct—or, more accurately, nonconduct—without proving any mental state at all.
A. Due Process Clause Protections Limit the Legislature‘s Police Power To Criminalize Wholly Innocent and Passive Nonconduct
“States have a legitimate interest in restraining harmful conduct and are empowered to do so under their police powers.” State v. Talley, 122 Wn.2d 192, 199, 858 P.2d 217 (1993) (citing City of Seattle v. Hill, 72 Wn.2d 786, 797, 435 P.2d 692 (1967); Minnesota ex rel. Whipple v. Martinson, 256 U.S. 41, 45, 41 S. Ct. 425, 65 L. Ed. 819 (1921)). In 1936, we said the police power “is an attribute of sovereignty, an essential element of the power to govern, and a function that cannot be surrendered. It exists without express declaration, and the only limitation upon it is that it must reasonably tend to correct some evil or promote some interest of the state, and not violate any direct or positive mandate of the constitution.” Shea v. Olson, 185 Wash. 143, 153, 53 P.2d 615 (1936) (citing Bowes v. Aberdeen, 58 Wash. 535, 542, 109 P. 369 (1910); State ex rel. Davis-Smith Co. v. Clausen, 65 Wash. 156, 178, 117 P. 1101 (1911); State ex rel. Webster v. Superior Court, 67 Wash. 37, 40, 120 P. 861 (1912); State v. Mountain Timber Co., 75 Wash. 581, 584, 135 P. 645 (1913), aff‘d, 243 U.S. 219 (1917)).
But the police power is not infinite. If it were, “the result would be a police state, and the legislative branch of the government would be omnipotent.” Peterson v. Hagan, 56 Wn.2d 48, 53, 351 P.2d 127 (1960). Under both the state and federal constitutions, a statute must have “a reasonable and substantial relation to the accomplishment of some purpose fairly within the legitimate range or scope of the police power and [must] not violate any direct or positive mandate of the constitution.” Ragan v. City of Seattle, 58 Wn.2d 779, 783, 364 P.2d 916 (1961)5 (citing Nebbia v. New York, 291 U.S. 502 (1934); State v. Canyon Lumber Corp., 46 Wn.2d 701, 284 P.2d 316 (1955); State v. Dexter, 32 Wn.2d 551, 202 P.2d 906 (1949); Campbell v. State, 12 Wn.2d 459, 122 P.2d 458 (1942); Shea, 185 Wash. 143; City of Seattle v. Proctor, 183 Wash. 293, 48 P.2d 238 (1935), overruled in part on other grounds by Chong Yim v. City of Seattle, 194 Wn.2d 682, 451 P.3d 694 (2019)). Though Ragan did not identify the specific constitutional source of this test, it relied on Nebbia; in Nebbia, the Supreme Court explicitly rooted the limits of the police power in “the guaranty of due process” that “the law shall not be unreasonable, arbitrary or capricious” and “the means selected shall have a real and substantial relation to the object sought to be attained.” 291 U.S. at 525.
In other words, prior precedent of the United States Supreme Court and of this court—including Ragan—holds that the State‘s police power is limited by the due process clause or “by constitutional protection afforded certain personal liberties.” Talley, 122 Wn.2d at 199 (citing Olympic Forest Prods., Inc. v. Chaussee Corp., 82 Wn.2d 418, 435, 511 P.2d 1002 (1973)). The “constitutional protection[s] afforded certain personal liberties” implicated by
With regard to the first constitutional limit, the principle that mens rea is generally a prerequisite to criminalization in “Anglo-American jurisprudence,” it is certainly true that this general rule has exceptions.
But the second constitutional limit, the rule against criminalizing “essentially innocent” conduct, does not have such exceptions, and it applies with special force to passive conduct or nonconduct—that is unaccompanied by intent, knowledge, or mens rea.
The United States Supreme Court explained this over 60 years ago in Lambert v. California, 355 U.S. 225, 228, 78 S. Ct. 240, 2 L. Ed. 2d 228 (1957). In Lambert, Los Angeles had criminalized “remain[ing] in Los Angeles for a period of more than five days without registering” with the city. Id. at 226. A defendant charged with violating this ordinance was “given no opportunity to comply with the law and avoid its penalty, even though her default [failure to register] was entirely innocent.” Id. at 229. The United States Supreme Court held that this exercise of the police power to criminalize entirely passive, innocent nonconduct deprived defendant Virginia Lambert of her liberty without due process of law. Id. at 229.
The United States Supreme Court applied the same reasoning to a similar statute 15 years later. In Papachristou v. City of Jacksonville, 405 U.S. 156, 92 S. Ct. 839, 31 L. Ed. 2d 110 (1972), that Court considered the constitutionality of a Florida ordinance that criminalized, among other things, “nightwalking.” Id. at 163. The Florida Supreme Court had upheld the ordinance after construing it “not to make criminal one night‘s wandering, only the ‘habitual’ wanderer or, as the ordinance describe[d] it, ‘common night walkers.‘” Id. at 163 (citation omitted) (quoting and citing Johnson v. State, 202 So. 2d 852, 855 (Fla. 1967), rev‘d on other grounds, 391 U.S. 596 (1968)). But the United States Supreme Court reversed. It explained that walking, strolling, and wandering—even at night—are “historically part of the amenities of life as we have known them.” Id. at 164. It continued that criminalizing such historically innocent conduct was impermissible for many reasons, including the fact that it made “criminal activities which by modern standards are normally innocent” and did so without proof of any “intent to commit an unlawful act.” Id. at 163. It concluded that criminalizing passive nonconduct while eliminating the requirement of a guilty mind violated due process clause protections, “cannot be squared with our constitutional standards[,] and is plainly unconstitutional.” Id. at 171. Lambert‘s and Papachristou‘s holdings rested on the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. 355 U.S. at 229-30; 405 U.S. at 165;
Our state constitution‘s due process clause provides even greater protection of individual rights in certain circumstances.9 Thus, this court‘s precedent also enforces the constitutional due process limit on the reach of the State‘s police power (though often without specifying the specific constitutional source of that limit). City of Seattle v. Pullman, 82 Wn.2d 794, 802, 514 P.2d 1059 (1973); see also City of Seattle v. Drew, 70 Wn.2d 405, 408, 423 P.2d 522 (1967) (“The right to be let alone is inviolate; interference with that right is to be tolerated only if it is necessary to protect the rights and the welfare of others.“). Restating Ragan‘s due process test, we have analyzed whether “the area of regulation [was] within the government‘s scope of authority and [whether] the particular ordinance [was] a reasonable regulatory measure in support of the area of concern.” Pullman, 82 Wn.2d at 799 (citing Markham Advert. Co. v. State, 73 Wn.2d 405, 420-22, 439 P.2d 248 (1968), overruled in part on other grounds by Yim, 194 Wn.2d 682; Ragan, 58 Wn.2d 779). Applying that test, we have held that criminalization of passive nonconduct without mens rea “makes no distinction between conduct calculated to harm and that which is essentially innocent” and therefore exceeds the State‘s police power. Id. at 795.
The strict liability drug possession statute challenged in this case is similar to the strict liability curfew ordinance challenged in Pullman. In Pullman, the defendant challenged a Seattle ordinance that prohibited “accompanying a child during curfew hours.” Id. By the language of the ordinance, “any minor under the age of 18 could be arrested for standing or playing on the sidewalk in front of his home at 10:01 p.m. on a warm summer evening.” Id. Justice Utter, writing for the majority, recognized that the government has an “independent interest in the well-being of its youth” and hence has authority to “enact laws to assist those whose primary responsibility is for the well-being of minors.” Id. at 800 (citing Ginsberg v. New York, 390 U.S. 629, 639, 88 S. Ct. 1274, 20 L. Ed. 2d 195 (1968)). But the challenged law made “no distinction between conduct calculated to harm and that which is essentially innocent,” and it bore “an insufficient relationship to the objective of safeguarding minors.” Id. at 795, 802. We therefore concluded that the law was “an unreasonable exercise of the police power.” Id. at 800, 802. We explained that the record before the court was “absolutely devoid of any evidence showing ‘bad conduct‘. . . . [T]he mere fact that the defendant was in the presence of two minors during curfew hours resulted in this prosecution.” Id. at 802.10
Pullman stands for the rule that the state legislature‘s exercise of its otherwise plenary police power to criminalize entirely passive and innocent nonconduct with no mens rea or guilty mind violates the due process clause of the state and federal constitutions. But as discussed below, the legislature criminalized exactly that sort of passive and innocent nonconduct in this case.
B. Blake Was Convicted of the Felony of Unknowing Possession of Drugs; This Is Wholly Innocent Nonconduct That Falls beyond the Legislature‘s Power To Criminalize
The question before us today is whether unintentional, unknowing possession of a controlled substance is the sort of innocent, passive nonconduct that falls beyond the State‘s police power to criminalize. Because unknowing possession is just as innocent and passive as staying out late with a juvenile or remaining in a city without registering, we hold that this felony drug possession statute is just as unconstitutional as were the laws in Lambert, Papachristou, and Pullman.
To be sure, active trafficking in drugs, unlike standing outside at 10:01 p.m., is not innocent conduct. States have criminalized
But the possession statute at issue here does far more than regulate drugs. It is unique in the nation in criminalizing entirely innocent, unknowing possession. The statute would criminalize, to list a few examples:
“a letter carrier who delivers a package containing unprescribed Adderall; a roommate who is unaware that the person who shares his apartment has hidden illegal drugs in the common areas of the home; a mother who carries a prescription pill bottle in her purse, unaware that the pills have been substituted for illegally obtained drugs by her teenage daughter, who placed them in the bottle to avoid detection.”
State v. A.M., 194 Wn.2d 33, 64 n.13, 448 P.3d 35 (2019) (Gordon McCloud, J., concurring) (quoting State v. Adkins, 96 So. 3d 412, 432 (Fla. 2012) (Perry, J., dissenting)). “A person might pick up the wrong bag at the airport, the wrong jacket at the concert, or even the wrong briefcase at the courthouse. Or a child might carry an adult‘s backpack, not knowing that it contains the adult‘s illegal drugs.” Id. at 64. These examples illustrate the unreasonable disconnect between the statute‘s intended goals and its actual effects.
The possession statute also imposes harsh felony consequences on this passive nonconduct. Violation of this simple possession statute constitutes a class C felony.
In addition, all such felony convictions strip defendants of many fundamental rights, both during their time of incarceration and long afterward. See generally Michael Pinard & Anthony C. Thompson, Offender Reentry and the Collateral Consequences of Criminal Convictions: An Introduction, 30 N.Y.U. REV. L. & SOC. CHANGE 585 (2006); Tarra Simmons, Transcending the Stigma of a Criminal Record: A Proposal to Reform State Bar Character and Fitness Evaluations, 128 YALE L.J.F. 759 (2019); see also MARGARET COLGATE LOVE, RELIEF FROM THE COLLATERAL CONSEQUENCES OF A CRIMINAL CONVICTION: A STATE-BY-STATE RESOURCE GUIDE 62 (2006) (collecting state laws regulating licensure and employment of convicted persons).
And drug offenders in particular are subject to countless harsh collateral consequences affecting all aspects of their lives. Pinard & Thompson, supra, at 588; Gabriel J. Chin, Race, The War on Drugs, and the Collateral Consequences of Criminal Conviction, 6 J. GENDER, RACE & JUST. 253, 259-60 (“Those convicted of drug offenses are subject to a number of additional penalties,” including denial of more than 750 federal benefits, including consequences for health care, education, employment, housing, parenting, professional licenses, and others.).11
It is certainly true that Louisiana provides the only example of a state court striking down a passive and unknowing possession statute like
Washington‘s strict liability drug possession statute, like Louisiana‘s strict liability drug possession statute, is therefore unconstitutional. It criminalizes unknowing, and hence innocent, passivity and therefore “has an insufficient relationship to the objective of” regulating drugs. Pullman, 82 Wn.2d at 802. The statute “goes beyond the scope of legitimate police power authority.” Id. (citing Lazarus v. Faircloth, 301 F. Supp. 266 (S.D. Fla. 1969), vacated sub nom. Shevin v. Lazarus, 401 U.S. 987 (1971); Alves v. Justice Court, 148 Cal. App. 2d 419, 306 P.2d 601 (1957)).12
C. The Unwitting Possession Defense Cannot Make the Statute Comply with Due Process
This court recognized the harshness of its Cleppe holding that
Our addition of this affirmative defense to a statute that eliminated mens rea and was completely silent about affirmative defenses was “judicial legislation in its most direct form.” City of Kennewick v. Day, 142 Wn.2d 1, 16, 11 P.3d 304 (2000) (Talmadge, J., concurring). Bradshaw nevertheless reiterated this affirmative defense and justified doing so because it “ameliorates the harshness of a strict liability crime.” 152 Wn.2d at 538 (citing Cleppe, 96 Wn.2d at 380-81).
The State contends that this rewrite saves the statute. Suppl. Br. of Resp‘t at 17.
The starting point for analyzing these two competing contentions is that “[t]he State is foreclosed from shifting the burden of proof to the defendant only ‘when an affirmative defense . . . negate[s] an element of the crime.‘” Smith v. United States, 568 U.S. 106, 110 (2013) (quoting Martin v. Ohio, 480 U.S. 228, 237 (1987) (Powell, J., dissenting)); see State v. W.R., 181 Wn.2d 757, 765, 336 P.3d 1134 (2014) (“[W]hen a defense necessarily negates an element of the crime, it violates due process to place the burden of proof on the defendant.“). As we ruled in Cleppe and Bradshaw, the simple possession statute lacks a mens rea element entirely. Thus, contrary to the defense‘s argument, placing the burden to prove
unwitting possession on the defendant does not “negate” any existing element of the crime.
Instead, the question is whether the legislature may constitutionally penalize passive, unknowing drug possession without a mens rea element at all. Contrary to the State‘s argument, the affirmative defense does not play into this analysis because it does not impact the elements that the State must prove to secure a conviction. A judicially created affirmative defense may “ameliorate the harshness” of criminalizing innocent nonconduct, but it cannot save an unconstitutional statute.
The judicially created affirmative defense therefore has no legitimate place in our analysis of whether the statute that the legislature created exceeds its police powers.
II. CONSTITUTIONAL AVOIDANCE IS IMPOSSIBLE BECAUSE THE LEGISLATURE CLEARLY INTENDED TO OMIT A MENS REA ELEMENT FROM THIS STATUTE
At one point in time, it might have been possible to avoid this constitutional problem by reading a mental element into the statute. But that time has passed. Now, in 2021, we have overwhelming evidence that the legislature intends the simple possession statute to penalize innocent nonconduct, and we have overwhelming legal authority that this violates the due process clauses of the state and federal constitutions.
A. We Usually Interpret Statutes To Avoid Constitutional Problems—Including Reading in Absent Mens Rea Elements
In general, “[w]e construe statutes to avoid constitutional doubt.” Utter ex rel. State v. Bldg. Indus. Ass‘n of Wash., 182 Wn.2d 398, 434, 341 P.3d 953 (2015) (citing State v. Robinson, 153 Wn.2d 689, 693-94, 107 P.3d 90 (2005). But we construe statutes only “to avoid constitutional difficulties when such construction is consistent with the purposes of the statute.” In re Pers. Restraint of Williams, 121 Wn.2d 655, 665, 853 P.2d 444 (1993).
In many cases, these statutory interpretation rules have led the United States Supreme Court and this court to read mens rea elements into statutes where the legislature omitted them. See, e.g., Staples v. United States, 511 U.S. 600, 619, 114 S. Ct. 1793, 128 L. Ed. 2d 608 (1994) (interpreting a mens rea element into an unlawful firearm possession statute); State v. Anderson, 141 Wn.2d 357, 366, 5 P.3d 1247 (2000) (same); State v. Boyer, 91 Wn.2d 342, 344, 588 P.2d 1151 (1979) (interpreting a mens rea element into the unlawful delivery of a controlled substance statute).
This line of cases does not explicitly discuss the constitutional limits of the police power—it emphasizes interpreting each statute in light of “the background rules of the common law, in which the requirement of some mens rea for a crime is firmly embedded.” Staples, 511 U.S. at 605 (citation omitted) (citing United States v. U.S. Gypsum Co., 438 U.S. 422, 436-37, 98 S. Ct. 2864, 57 L. Ed. 2d 854 (1978)). But they reflect a consistent concern about criminalizing fundamentally innocent conduct. Staples, 511 U.S. at 610 (“[T]he Government ignores the particular care we have taken to avoid construing a statute to dispense with mens rea where doing so would ‘criminalize a broad range of apparently innocent
In part to address this concern, we have adopted a series of factors to consider in deciding whether to interpret a mens rea element into an otherwise strict liability statute. Yishmael, 195 Wn.2d at 166 (quoting Bash, 130 Wn.2d at 605-06). But the case before us today does not lend itself to this approach. Unlike the statutes in Staples, Anderson, and Boyer, we are not interpreting
B. The Legislature Has Embraced Our Early Cleppe and Bradshaw Decisions Holding that RCW 69.50.4013 Imposed Strict Felony Liability
The legislature “‘is presumed to be aware of judicial interpretation of its enactments,’ and where statutory language remains unchanged after a court decision the court will not overrule clear precedent interpreting the same statutory language.” Riehl v. Foodmaker, Inc., 152 Wn.2d 138, 147, 94 P.3d 930 (2004) (quoting Friends of Snoqualmie Valley v. King County Boundary Review Bd., 118 Wn.2d 488, 496-97, 825 P.2d 300 (1992)). This is why “[c]onsiderations of stare decisis have special force in the area of statutory interpretation, for here, unlike in the context of constitutional interpretation, the legislative power is implicated, and Congress remains free to alter what we have done.” Patterson v. McLean Credit Union, 491 U.S. 164, 172-73, 109 S. Ct. 2363, 105 L. Ed. 2d 132 (1989).
In Buchanan v. International Brotherhood of Teamsters, for example, we were concerned that we had misinterpreted a statute in a prior case. 94 Wn.2d 508, 511, 617 P.2d 1004 (1980). But 22 legislative sessions had passed over 17 years and left our interpretation intact. Id. We therefore held that this showed that “it was and is the policy of the legislature to concur in” our prior ruling. Id. Despite a contrary United States Supreme Court holding interpreting identical language in a federal statute, we held that given that history of legislative acquiescence, the power to change our decision rested solely with the legislature. Id.
Coming back to the drug possession statute, 40 years ago, we held that “if the legislature had intended guilty knowledge or intent to be an element of the crime of simple possession of a controlled substance it would have put the requirement in the act.” Cleppe, 96 Wn.2d at 380. Sixteen years ago, we doubled down on Cleppe‘s interpretation, holding that “[t]he legislature ha[d] amended
Since Bradshaw, the legislature and the people have amended the simple possession
We are confident that the legislature has not remained silent out of ignorance of our decisions. Cleppe and Bradshaw are far from obscure—these decisions have been frequently cited and have impacted the lives of countless criminal defendants as drug possession cases churn through the Washington courts. See, e.g., Day, 142 Wn.2d at 10-11; State v. Staley, 123 Wn.2d 794, 799, 872 P.2d 502 (1994); A.M., 194 Wn.2d at 44 (Gordon McCloud, J., concurring). The drug statute that they interpreted has affected thousands upon thousands of lives, and its impact has hit young men of color especially hard. See Research Working Grp. of Task Force on Race & Criminal Justice Sys., Preliminary Report on Race and Washington‘s Criminal Justice System, 35 SEATTLE U.L. REV. 623, 651-56 (2012) (attributing Washington‘s racially disproportionate criminal justice system to disparity in drug law enforcement and drug-related asset forfeiture, among many other causes). Cleppe and Bradshaw “struck at the heart of our criminal law and social policies. The legislative silence is thus all the more deafening.” A.M., 194 Wn.2d at 56 (Gordon McCloud, J., concurring).
Thus, it remains true that “[w]here an issue may be resolved on statutory grounds, the court will avoid deciding the issue on constitutional grounds,” Tunstall v. Bergeson, 141 Wn.2d 201, 210, 5 P.3d 691 (2000) (citing Senear v. Daily Journal-Am., 97 Wn.2d 148, 152, 641 P.2d 1180 (1982)). But the history summarized above shows that the “issue” of interpreting
III. THE STATE RETAINS THE POWER TO ENACT STRICT LIABILITY CRIMES, BUT THE SIMPLE POSSESSION STATUTE IS UNIQUE IN OUR STATE IN PUNISHING WHOLLY INNOCENT NONCONDUCT
The State compares the drug possession statute to other crimes and claims that declaring it unconstitutional will undermine the legitimacy of those crimes, also. For example, the State is concerned about the continuing validity of strict liability crimes such as child rape. Suppl. Br. of Resp‘t at 9 (citing
But the simple possession statute does not violate the due process clause solely because it is a strict liability crime. Instead, the simple possession statute violates the due process clause because it criminalizes wholly innocent and passive nonconduct on a strict liability basis.
We do nothing here today to disturb the legislature‘s power to enact strict liability crimes. See Yishmael, 195 Wn.2d at 163-72 (holding unlawful practice of law to be a strict liability crime); see also State v. Deer, 175 Wn.2d 725, 731, 287 P.3d 539 (2012) (“As a strict liability crime, child rape in the third degree requires no proof of mens rea.” (citing Chhom, 128 Wn.2d at 741-43)). Even after today, when the legislature enacts a statute without explicit mens rea language, we will still look to the statutory language, the legislative history, and a series of nonexclusive factors to determine “whether the legislature intended to create a strict liability offense.” Yishmael, 195 Wn.2d at 164-66. Our ruling today does not change this statutory interpretation analysis; the only reason that we have not applied that
The only thing we change here today is our view of the validity of the simple possession law as written and interpreted by this court. The key distinction between this simple possession statute and other, valid, strict liability crimes is that the former statute penalizes passive and innocent nonconduct (without mens rea) while the latter statutes do not. For example, to prove that a defendant practiced law unlawfully, the State must show that the defendant actually “practice[d] law, or [held] himself or herself out as entitled to practice law.”
Similarly, to convict a defendant of rape of a child, the State must prove that the defendant “ha[d] sexual intercourse with another” who is under a particular age, depending on the degree of the crime.
The drug possession statute is different. It does not require the State to prove any intent or even any action. And in this case, the State did not prove that Blake did anything except wear jeans that had pockets. Valid strict liability crimes require that the defendant actually perform some conduct. Blake did not. Under the due process clauses of the state and federal constitutions, the legislature may not criminalize such nonconduct.
CONCLUSION
Legislative acquiescence has locked our old interpretation of
Accordingly,
Gordon McCloud, J.
WE CONCUR:
González, C.J.
Yu, J.
Montoya-Lewis, J.
Whitener, J.
Where I part company with the majority is its decision to declare this court powerless to reconsider our prior statutory interpretation and to instead announce a broad constitutional holding, based on its own new test of passive nonconduct versus active criminal conduct. While we do not lightly overrule precedent, we should do so in rare cases such as this, and thereby avoid an unnecessary—and here essentially unbriefed—declaration that the legislature exceeded its constitutional authority. Because I would resolve this case based on statutory interpretation of
ANALYSIS
Shannon Blake was convicted of felony possession of a controlled substance under
While the Court of Appeals necessarily followed this precedent, we are offered compelling reasons to reconsider it. I do not share the majority‘s view that the legislature‘s failure to correct our mistakes in Cleppe and Bradshaw renders us powerless to do so, especially in light of a plainly incorrect statutory interpretation and the harmful effects it continues to produce. I would overrule our erroneous precedent and, considering the main arguments actually briefed in this case, read an implied intent element into the drug possession statute.
I. The Drug Possession Statute Does Not Impose Strict Liability but Necessarily Presumes Knowledge and Intent
The presumption of mens rea is a common law principle foundational to our system of criminal justice. The Latin axiom actus reus non facit reum nisi mens sit rea has long controlled our conception of criminal law. See generally Francis Bowes Sayre, Mens Rea, 45 HARV. L. REV. 974 (1932). It stands for the basic proposition that a criminal act does not make a person guilty unless their mind is also guilty. See id. at 974. Strict liability crimes—those crimes that relieve the State from proving intent or mental state—are therefore disfavored. State v. Anderson, 141 Wn.2d 357, 361, 363, 5 P.3d 1247 (2000); accord Staples v. United States, 511 U.S. 600, 606, 114 S. Ct. 1793, 128 L. Ed. 2d 608 (1994) (recognizing Congress may enact strict liability crimes, but “offenses that require no mens rea generally are disfavored“). When a criminal statute does not include some form of intent or mental state, courts will apply a presumption of “scienter.”2 Staples, 511 U.S. at 605 (quoting United States v. Balint, 258 U.S. 250, 251, 42 S. Ct. 301, 66 L. Ed. 604 (1922)); State v. A.M., 194 Wn.2d 33, 47, 448 P.3d 35 (2019) (Gordon McCloud, J., concurring) (collecting cases).
It is not uncommon for criminal statutes to omit reference to an express mental state, and courts regularly read a mens rea element into such statutes. In Elonis v. United States, 575 U.S. 723, 135 S. Ct. 2001, 2009, 192 L. Ed. 2d 1 (2015), the United States Supreme Court emphasized that the “mere omission from a criminal enactment of any mention of criminal intent’ should not be read ‘as dispensing with it.‘” (quoting Morissette v. United States, 342 U.S. 246, 250, 72 S. Ct. 240, 96 L. Ed. 288 (1952)). “This rule of construction reflects the basic principle that ‘wrongdoing must be conscious to be criminal.‘” Id. (quoting Morissette, 342 U.S. at 252).
Though our current drug possession statute has been recodified several times, both the former and current versions of the statute omit any reference to mental state:
(1) It is unlawful for any person to possess a controlled substance unless the substance was obtained directly from, or pursuant to, a valid prescription or order of a practitioner while acting in the course of his or her professional practice, or except as otherwise authorized by this chapter.
(2) Except as provided in RCW 69.50.4014, any person who violates this section is guilty of a class C felony punishable under chapter 9A.20 RCW.
A. The Drug Possession Statute Is Required To Be Read in a Uniform Manner with Other States
The Uniform Controlled Substances Act (UCSA) requires a defendant “knowingly or intentionally” possess a controlled substance. UNIF. CONTROLLED SUBSTANCES ACT § 401(c). After the North Dakota legislature amended its own possession statute to add a “willfulness” mens rea element, Washington became the only state that interpreted its drug possession statute to not require proof of intent. See Dawkins v. State, 313 Md. 638, 647 n.7, 547 A.2d 1041 (1988) (recognizing Washington and North Dakota as the only states to determine “knowledge is not an element of the offense of possession of controlled substances“);
To be sure, Washington is not the only state whose model drug possession statute is ambiguous in regard to an intent element. See, e.g.,
Washington‘s Uniform Controlled Substances Act “shall be so applied and construed as to effectuate its general purpose to make uniform the law with respect to the subject of this chapter among those states which enact it.”
B. Requiring Proof of Intent Addresses Blake‘s Primary Request for Relief without Reaching an Unnecessary Constitutional Holding
Blake‘s primary request, both in her briefing and at oral argument, is for this court to read a mens rea element into the possession statute. See Pet‘r‘s Suppl. Br. at 1 (asking this court to “hold the drug possession statute requires the prosecution to prove knowledge“); see also Wash. Supreme Court oral argument, State v. Blake, No. 96873-0 (June 11, 2020), at 5 min., 45 sec. through 5 min., 58 sec., video recording by TVW, Washington State‘s Public Affairs Network, https://www.tvw.org/watch/?eventID=
Properly interpreting the drug possession statute to presume a knowledge element is consistent with the doctrine of constitutional avoidance. At oral argument, Blake‘s counsel recognized that “this court can avoid declaring the statute unconstitutional by using the canon of constitutional avoidance or the canon of constitutional doubt and read in a knowledge element and avoid the constitutional (citing Chhom, 128 Wn.2d at 741, 743). But the State must certainly show the activity of sexual intercourse, not just innocent passivity.15
The drug possession statute is different. It does not require the State to prove any intent or even any action. And in this case, the State did not prove that Blake did anything except wear jeans that had pockets. Valid strict liability crimes require that the defendant actually perform some conduct. Blake did not. Under the due process clauses of the state and federal constitutions, the legislature may not criminalize such nonconduct.
CONCLUSION
Legislative acquiescence has locked our old interpretation of
question.” Wash. Supreme Court oral argument, supra, at 1 min., 56 sec. through 2 min., 13 sec., audio recording by TVW, Washington State‘s Public Affairs Network, https://www.tvw.org/watch/?eventID=2020061060. Absent such an element, Blake submits the statute “should be declared unconstitutional,” but not for the reasons the majority offers. Pet‘r‘s Suppl. Br. at 17. In contrast to the majority‘s declaration that
II. Cleppe and Bradshaw Were Wrongly Decided and We Are Not Required To Uphold Their Erroneous Interpretations Today
The majority rightly observes that stare decisis applies to our decisions in Cleppe and Bradshaw.4 “But stare decisis does not compel us to follow a past decision when its rationale no longer withstands careful analysis. When the generalization underpinning a decision is unfounded, we should not continue in blind adherence to its faulty assumption.” Rose v. Anderson Hay & Grain Co., 184 Wn.2d 268, 282, 358 P.3d 1139 (2015). When a rule announced by past cases is clearly incorrect and harmful, we will overturn those erroneous decisions. State v. Schierman, 192 Wn.2d 577, 764, 438 P.3d 1063 (2018). (Yu, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part)
This court does not limit the meaning of “incorrect” to any specific kind of error. State v. Barber, 170 Wn.2d 854, 864, 248 P.3d 494 (2011). “An opinion can be incorrect when it was announced, or it can become incorrect because the passage of time and the development of legal doctrines undermine its bases.” State v. Abdulle, 174 Wn.2d 411, 415-16, 275 P.3d 1113 (2012). “A decision may be ‘harmful’ for a variety of reasons as well.” Barber, 170 Wn.2d at 865. In State v. W.R., 181 Wn.2d 757, 769, 336 P.3d 1134 (2014), we held a rule from two prior cases, which impermissibly
The interpretation of our possession statute announced by Cleppe and extended by Bradshaw was incorrect from the start because those decisions ignored the legislature‘s clear direction to “supplement all penal statutes” with “provisions of the common law relating to the commission of crime and the punishment thereof,” which includes the common law presumption of mens rea.
A. Cleppe Was Incorrect and Bradshaw Extended That Error
As a matter of statutory interpretation, Cleppe—and, by extension, Bradshaw—is clearly incorrect. “The purpose of statutory interpretation is ‘to determine and give effect to the intent of the legislature.“” State v. Evans, 177 Wn.2d 186, 192, 298 P.3d 724 (2013) (quoting State v. Sweany, 174 Wn.2d 909, 914, 281 P.3d 305 (2012)). We determine legislative intent “from the plain language enacted by the legislature, [including] the text of the provision in question, the context of the statute in which the provision is found, related provisions, and the statutory scheme as a whole.” Id. Only if the statute is ambiguous do we turn to legislative history and other tools of statutory construction to derive legislative intent. Id. at 192-93. Cleppe erred by turning directly to legislative history rather than examining the context of the possession statute, its related provisions, and the statutory scheme as a whole to determine legislative intent. As indicated above, both the former and present version of the drug possession statute are silent as to whether proof of the defendant‘s mental state is required. But the possession statute‘s silence on mens rea does not automatically make possession a strict liability crime or render the statute unconstitutional.
Years before Cleppe, the legislature enacted
Rather than properly supplement the statute with the relevant common law as directed by
B. Cleppe and Bradshaw Are Also Harmful
“It is not enough that a decision is incorrect for us to overrule it; we must also find that it is harmful.” Id. at 871. Cleppe and Bradshaw are clearly harmful. The
The court in Cleppe recognized the inherent “harshness” of a law strictly criminalizing all drug possession and sought to mitigate the unjust consequences of such a law by adopting the affirmative defense of unwitting possession. 96 Wn.2d at 381. The affirmative defense currently provides, “A person is not guilty of possession of a controlled substance if the possession is unwitting. Possession of a controlled substance is unwitting if a person [did not know that the substance was in [their] possession] [or] [did not know the nature of the substance].” 11 WASHINGTON PRACTICE: WASHINGTON PATTERN JURY INSTRUCTIONS: CRIMINAL 52.01, at 1196 (4th ed. 2016) (most alterations in original). “The burden is on the defendant to prove by a preponderance of the evidence that the substance was possessed unwittingly. Preponderance of the evidence means that you must be persuaded, considering all of the evidence in the case, that it is more probably true than not true.” Id.; State v. Deer, 175 Wn.2d 725, 735, 287 P.3d 539 (2012).
The unwitting possession defense recognizes that a person cannot be convicted under the possession statute if possession is unknowing or unintentional. Blake makes a compelling argument that burdening a defendant with proving unwitting possession violates due process because it negates the implied mens rea element we must read into the statute. See W.R., 181 Wn.2d at 765. “This impermissible shift in burden is not merely academic but . . . rais[es] a very real possibility of wrongful convictions.” Id. at 769. For these reasons, Cleppe and Bradshaw are harmful.
Those decisions are also harmful because they deviate from proper methods of statutory interpretation, render two statutes meaningless, and fail to adhere to long established common law principles. Affirming Cleppe‘s and Bradshaw‘s incorrect interpretations would harm the integrity of this court by approving of interpretative methods that
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, “[t]he fact of racial and ethnic disproportionality in our criminal justice system is indisputable.” Research Working Grp. of Task Force on Race and the Criminal Justice Sys. Preliminary Report on Race and Washington‘s Criminal Justice System, 35 SEATTLE U.L. REV. 623, 627 (2012). “[S]cholars have shown that the poor, people of color, sexual minorities, and other marginalized populations have borne the brunt of criminal punishment and police intervention.” Benjamin Levin, Mens Rea Reform and Its Discontents, 109 J. CRIM. L. & CRIMINOLOGY 491, 530 (2019). Given that criminal laws are enforced against marginalized communities at disproportionate rates, this court‘s past decisions divesting the possession statute of mens rea created a constitutional harm that has hit these vulnerable communities hardest. The majority similarly recognizes the harm of reading the drug possession statute to criminalize unknowing possession given the racial disparities in drug prosecutions and convictions. Majority at 13 n.10 (citing Gabriel J. Chin, Race, the War on Drugs, and the Collateral Consequences of Criminal Conviction, 6 J. GENDER, RACE & JUST. 253, 262-70 (2002)). These harsh realities give us all the more reason to overrule Cleppe and Bradshaw based on the harmful effects the holdings in those cases created.
We recently acknowledged this court‘s culpability in perpetuating the racial injustices in our legal system and pledged to recognize and correct such injustices. See Letter from Wash. State Supreme Court to Members of Judiciary & Legal Cmty. 1 (June 4, 2020) (“Too often in the legal profession, we feel bound by tradition and the way things have ‘always’ been. We must remember that even the most venerable precedent must be struck down when it is incorrect and harmful.“), https://www.courts.wa.gov/content/publicUpload/Supreme%20Court%20News/Judiciary%20Legal%20Community%20SIGNED%20060420.pdf [https://perma.cc/QNT4-H5P7]. We should take ownership of and responsibility for our mistakes in Cleppe and Bradshaw, and overrule those decisions as incorrect and harmful.
C. The Majority‘s Reliance on Legislative Acquiescence Sidesteps this Court‘s Commitment To Overturn Incorrect and Harmful Decisions
As the final authority on Washington law, we undisputedly have the ability to correct our own erroneous statutory interpretation in a previous case. See, e.g., Keene v. Edie, 131 Wn.2d 822, 834, 935 P.2d 588 (1997) (overruling Brotton v. Langert, 1 Wash. 73, 23 P. 688 (1890) (interpreting a statute to preclude community real estate from the execution of a judgment against a tortfeasor)). Yet, the majority argues, “Given the interpretive principles of legislative acquiescence and stare decisis, only the legislature, not the court, can now change the statute‘s intent.” Majority at 3. More specifically, the majority notes, whatever the current validity of Cleppe and Bradshaw, the legislature has acquiesced in their statutory interpretation by failing to add a mens rea element to the possession statute in the intervening years, thereby preventing us from revisiting those cases. Majority at 2.6
We should not lean so heavily on the rule of legislative acquiescence because ““[legislative] inaction lacks persuasive significance’ in most circumstances.” Star Athletica, LLC v. Varsity Brands, Inc., 580 U.S. 405, 137 S. Ct. 1002, 1015, 197 L. Ed. 2d 354 (2017) (quoting Pension Benefit Guar. Corp. v. LTV Corp., 496 U.S. 633, 650, 110 S. Ct. 2668, 110 L. Ed. 2d 579 (1990)). Importantly, “evidence of legislative acquiescence is not conclusive, but is merely one factor to consider.” Fast v. Kennewick Pub. Hosp. Dist., 187 Wn.2d 27, 39, 384 P.3d 232 (2016)
We are neither bound by legislative silence nor beholden to the legislature‘s inaction in response to our incorrect and harmful decisions. The scant support legislative silence or inaction may lend a prior interpretation cannot overcome the need to correct a long-standing injustice of our own making. We should not hold ourselves powerless to correct prior decisions reflecting an erroneous statutory interpretation, even when the legislature has not responded to those decisions. To adhere to the majority‘s view of legislative acquiescence would be to abdicate our judicial responsibility to correct course when precedent perpetuates harmful effects.
Unlike the majority, I would hold that Cleppe‘s and Bradshaw‘s statutory interpretations are both incorrect and harmful, and should be overturned. We should reject these decisions in favor of a proper interpretation that recognizes the implied mens rea element, requiring the State to prove the absence of unwitting possession defense beyond a reasonable doubt.
III. Reading an Intent Element into the Drug Possession Statute Provides a Better Resolution Than Declaring the Statute Unconstitutional
Recognizing that our drug possession statute includes an intent element corrects our past mistakes and resolves this case on narrow grounds. This approach avoids the majority‘s sweeping holding to declare the statute unconstitutional in its entirety as beyond the legislature‘s police powers. It is particularly noteworthy that the majority reaches its holding based on a test that was never addressed in the briefing of either party. While Blake raised a constitutional due process challenge as an alternative to her statutory interpretation argument, her arguments do not align with the majority‘s position. The majority‘s novel analysis of substantive due process has the potential to overturn a number of criminal statutes to the extent this court finds they criminalize innocent or passive nonconduct. I would reject this analysis because it reaches far beyond the issues and arguments before us, and it misinterprets the precedent the majority relies on.
A. The Majority Oversteps by Creating a Test That No One Asked for and Is Not Sufficiently Grounded in Our Case Law
Under the principle of “party presentation” the United States Supreme Court has noted, ““[Courts] do not, or should not, sally forth each day looking for wrongs to right. We wait for cases to come to us, and when they do we normally decide only questions presented by the parties.“” Greenlaw v. United States, 554 U.S. 237, 244, 128 S. Ct. 2559, 171 L. Ed. 2d 399 (2008) (alteration in original) (quoting United States v. Samuels, 808 F.2d 1298, 1301 (8th Cir. 1987) (Arnold, J., concurring in denial of reh‘g en banc)). The Court reaffirmed this point in United States v. Sineneng-Smith, 590 U.S. 371, 140 S. Ct. 1575, 1578, 206 L. Ed. 2d 866 (2020), holding the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals overstepped its bounds by inviting amici to brief a First Amendment overbreadth issue and subsequently accepting amici‘s arguments to declare a particular immigration provision facially unconstitutional—rather than confronting the petitioner‘s request to find the provisions at issue did not cover her conduct or, if they did, “they violated the Petition and Free Speech Clauses of the First Amendment as applied.” The Court noted that while there are circumstances where “a modest initiating role for a court is
The majority‘s approach in the current case presents substantially similar concerns as in Sineneng-Smith. Rather than meaningfully engage with the arguments Blake raises, the majority summarily concludes the “time has long since passed [to interpret
Moreover, the substantive due process test announced by the majority is constructed from a collection of passing phrases from three separate cases. Specifically, the majority strings together a series of citations to announce a new rule that the “legislature‘s exercise of its otherwise plenary police power to criminalize entirely passive and innocent nonconduct with no mens rea . . . violates . . . due process.” Id. at 10-14 (citing Lambert v. California, 355 U.S. 225, 78 S. Ct. 240, 2 L. Ed. 2d 228 (1957); Papachristou v. City of Jacksonville, 405 U.S. 156, 92 S. Ct. 839, 31 L. Ed. 2d 110 (1972); City of Seattle v. Pullman, 82 Wn.2d 794, 514 P.2d 1059 (1973)). I cannot speak to what the parties may have to say about this rule, but I believe this passive nonconduct versus active criminal conduct test is not supported by the cited precedent and is ill suited to the present case.
In Lambert, the United States Supreme Court held a felon registration ordinance unconstitutional where it was “unaccompanied by any activity” other than “mere presence in the city.” 355 U.S. at 229. And in Papachristou, the Court determined a vagrancy ordinance was void for vagueness given that it “‘fails to give a person of ordinary intelligence fair notice‘” and “makes criminal activities which by modern standards are normally innocent.” 405 U.S. at 162-63 (quoting United States v. Harriss, 347 U.S. 612, 617, 74 S. Ct. 808, 98 L. Ed 989 (1954)). In Pullman, we held a Seattle ordinance prohibiting individuals from accompanying a child during curfew hours was unconstitutionally vague and violated due process. 82 Wn.2d at 795. In reaching this holding, we noted that the certain words in the ordinance, including “‘to loiter, idle, wander or play‘” failed to “provide ascertainable standards for locating the line between innocent and unlawful behavior.” Id. at 799. One major distinction between these cases and the present case is that criminalizing the possession of controlled substances differs greatly from the criminalization of night walking or failure to register.
To be sure, knowing possession of a controlled substance necessarily involves an active decision to obtain that particular drug. And the majority concedes that the active trafficking of drugs “is not innocent conduct.” Majority at 14. Instead, the majority appears to argue that ”unknowing possession is just as innocent and passive as staying out late with a juvenile or remaining in a city without registering.” Id. (emphasis added). But if that is true, then the proper solution is to remedy the statute‘s unconstitutional implications by reading in an intent requirement, as courts regularly do. Adopting the majority‘s approach means striking the possession statute in its entirety, and it opens the door to a slew of due process challenges asserting passive versus active conduct in criminal statutes.
In addition to the future challenges the majority‘s novel test will undoubtedly invite, the test also has the potential to undermine our existing constitutional analysis. The majority insists its “active” versus “passive” test leaves undisturbed other constitutionally permissible strict liability crimes such as the rape of a child because, there, “the State must certainly show the activity of sexual intercourse, not just innocent passivity.” Id. at 29 (emphasis added). But the majority acknowledges one case where we
Under the test the majority proposes, the defendant in Deer would be able to argue that criminalization of child rape without a mens rea element unconstitutionally punishes innocent and passive behavior where a defendant was asleep and, therefore, failed to partake in the activity of the alleged rape. In Deer, we noted that just because a defendant was asleep during sexual intercourse with a child “does not negate the fact that sexual intercourse occurred.” 175 Wn.2d at 734. Similarly, if drug possession is regarded as a strict liability crime, just because an individual is unaware they possess an uncontrolled substance does not change the fact that possession of that uncontrolled substance occurred. The consequence of the majority‘s test is that statutes that lack a mens rea element now have the potential to be overturned not because a mens rea element is required but as a result of a test that hinges on whether the act or conduct at issue is deemed passive or innocent. Such a test conflates the distinct elements of mens rea and actus reus and will undoubtedly lead to confusion and divergent application among the courts.
B. The Better Course Is To Properly Construe the Drug Possession Statute and Follow the Doctrine of Constitutional Avoidance
The majority recognizes that ““[w]e construe statutes to avoid constitutional doubt.“” Majority at 21 (alteration in original) (quoting Utter ex rel. State v. Bldg. Indus. Ass‘n of Wash., 182 Wn.2d 398, 434, 341 P.3d 953 (2015)). Interpreting the possession statute to require a mens rea element “avoids a confrontation with the constitution.” A.M., 194 Wn.2d at 49 (Gordon McCloud, J., concurring). Yet the majority argues constitutional avoidance is impossible based on the “overwhelming evidence that the legislature intends the simple possession statute to penalize innocent nonconduct.” Majority at 21. As explained, such “overwhelming evidence” does not exist, and legislative inaction following Cleppe and Bradshaw ““is merely one factor to consider.“” Fast, 187 Wn.2d at 39. (quoting Safeco Ins. Cos., 102 Wn.2d at 392)
When the drug possession statute is considered in context—including the context of
CONCLUSION
Cleppe and Bradshaw are incorrect and harmful decisions that this court—not the legislature—should remedy by reading an intent requirement into the possession statute. Such an outcome is supported by the presumption of mens rea in criminal statutes and the requirement for uniform interpretation of the Uniform Controlled Substances Act among the states. Because I read the drug possession statute to require
Stephens, J.
State v. Blake
No. 96873-0
JOHNSON, J. (dissenting)—Over 60 years ago, this court decided that the crime of possession of a controlled substance does not require knowledge or intent. “Whether intent or guilty knowledge is to be made an essential element . . . is basically a matter to be determined by the legislature.” State v. Henker, 50 Wn.2d 809, 812, 314 P.2d 645 (1957).
We reiterated this principle in State v. Cleppe, 96 Wn.2d 373, 378, 635 P.2d 435 (1981), unanimously rejecting a challenge to the validity of the legislature‘s power to enact
Finally, removing any doubt in this long-standing principle, in State v. Yishmael, 195 Wn.2d 155, 456 P.3d 1172 (2020), we held that the crime of the unauthorized practice of law,
The legislative power to enact strict liability crimes remains consistent and undiminished, and the Court of Appeals decision upholding
Johnson, J.
Madsen, J.
Owens, J.
