DOUG SMITH, еt al., Plaintiffs, v. ANNE HELZER, et al., Defendants, and ALASKANS FOR BETTER ELECTIONS, INC., Intervenor-Defendant.
Case No. 3:22-cv-00077-SLG
July 14, 2022
ORDER RE MOTIONS FOR PRELIMINARY INJUNCTION
Before the Court at Docket 18 is Plaintiffs’ motion for a preliminary injunction.1 Defendants responded in opposition at Docket 30,2 and Intervenor-Defendant Alaskans for Better Elections, Inc. (“ABE“), also responded in opposition at Docket 34. Plaintiffs filed their reply at Docket 39. Oral argument was held in Anchorage, Alaska on June 13, 2022.
BACKGROUND
On November 3, 2020, Alaskan voters enacted by initiative Ballot Measure 2, entitled “An Act Replacing the Political Party Primary with an Open Primary System and Ranked-Choice General Election, and Requiring Additional Campaign Finance Disclosures” (“the Measure“).3 The Measure officially became law 90 days later on February 28, 2021.4 On June 9, 2021, the Alaska Public Offices Commission (“APOC“) adopted regulations implementing the Measure.5 In April 2022, Plaintiffs initiated this action and filed a motion for a preliminary injunction seeking to enjoin the enforcement of several provisions of Alaska‘s campaign finance laws, including certain provisions added by Ballot Measure 2.6
Second, Ballot Measure 2 amends existing statutory financial disclaimer requirements for political communications. Section 11 of the Measure provides that the requisite disclaimers be easily discernable throughout the “entirety” of the “broadcast, cable, satellite, internet or other digital communication.”11 Section 12 of the Measure adds a new subsection to
Third, Ballot Measure 2 creates new statutory requirements applicable to independent expenditure entities regarding “dark money” and the “true source” of contributions to these entities. “Dark money” is defined by Section 17 as “a contribution whose source or sources, whether from wages, investment income, inheritance, or revenue generated from selling goods or services, is not disclosed to the public.”14 Section 6 of the Measure amends
LEGAL STANDARD
In Winter v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 20 (2008), the Supreme Court held that plaintiffs seeking preliminary injunctive relief must establish that (1) they are likely to succeed on the merits; (2) they are likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief; (3) the balance of equities tips in their favor; and (4) a preliminary injunction is in the public interest.19 Winter places the burden on a plaintiff to make a showing on all of the Winter factors before a court will issue a preliminary injunction.20
DISCUSSION
For a preliminary injunction to issue, the Court must determine that each of the Winter factors are satisfied. The Court turns first to assessing Plaintiffs’ likelihood of success on the merits. Because Plaintiffs advance a facial, as opposed to an as-applied, challenge to certain provisions of Alaska election law,23 Plaintiffs must demonstrate that a “substantial number of applications [of the challenged provisions] are unconstitutional, judged in relation to [their] plainly legitimate sweep.”24 In that regard, courts will not engage in “speculat[ion] about ‘hypothetical’ or ‘imaginary’ cases.”25
I. Likelihood of Success on the Merits
A. Count I
In Count I, Plaintiffs assert that “[c]ompelling individual donors to report donations to independent expenditures violates the First Amendment.”26 Specifically, Plaintiffs allege that the donor disclosure requirements in Sections 7 and 15 of Ballot Measure 2 are unconstitutional for two reasons: (1) “because they compel individual independent expenditure donors to report donations within 24 hours to Defendants when the recipient organizations must also report them“; and (2) because “they require donors to report donations to groups that are not actively engaged in independent expenditures.”27
1. Standard of Review
The Court agrees with the parties that the appropriаte standard of review applicable to resolution of Count I is exacting scrutiny.28 To withstand exacting scrutiny, “there must be ‘a substantial relation between the disclosure requirement and a sufficiently important governmental
2. Sufficiently Important Governmental Interest
The parties dispute whether the State has a sufficiently important interest to justify the challenged provisions of Ballot Measure 2. Defendants contend that the State has two important interests with regard to the challenged provisions of the Measure: (1) “the State‘s interest in an informed electorate” and (2) the State‘s interest in “deterr[ing] actual corruption and avoid[ing] the appearance of corruption by exposing lаrge contributions and expenditures to the light of publicity.”33
Plaintiffs, to the contrary, assert that Defendants lack a sufficiently important governmental interest in relation to the challenged provisions of Ballot Measure 2. They concede that “laws requiring disclosure of campaign contributions may serve a governmental interest.”34 But, specifically as to the donor disclosure requirement, Plaintiffs maintain that because the State already requires each independent expenditure entity to report the donations that it receives, “[t]here is no state interest in requiring individual donors to report information to the government that the government already has.”35
The Court finds that the State has a sufficiently important governmental interest in providing voters with information related to the source of funds received by independent expenditure entities. The Supreme Court and the Ninth Circuit have repeatedly recognized that disclaimer and disclosure laws advance the important governmental interest of “providing the voting public with the information with which to assess the various messages vying for their attention in the marketplace of ideas.”36 In Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), for example, the Supreme Court noted that
3. Substantial Relationship
Plaintiffs contend that the donor disclosure requirement in Section 7 of Ballot Measure 2 is not justified by a substantial and narrowly tailored relationship with the State‘s informational interest because it is unduly burdensome and duplicative of other reporting requirements, and because it is not sufficiently related to a specific election.43 The Court discusses each claim in turn.
a. The Donor Disclosure Requirement Is Not Unduly Burdensome
Plaintiffs assert that the “burdensome nature” of the donor disclosure requirement “suffices by itself to render the requirement unconstitutional” for three reasons.44 First, they contend that Section 7 imposes “compliance burdens typically reserved for sophisticated parties” on “anyone who writes a moderate-sized check” and maintain that “[r]equiring individuals to meet standards usually reserved for sophisticated parties violates the First Amendment.”45 Second, Plaintiffs assert that the obligation to report donations
In response, Defendants contend that compliance with the disclosure requirements is neither “tremendous[ly] burden[some]” nor does it require “encyclopedic and prophetic knowledge.”48 Defendants assert that “the plaintiffs offer no evidence that individual donors will find compliance difficult” and describe the burden as limited to “filling out a single online form.”49 Defendants further argue that the donor disclosure requirement is narrowly tailored to further the State‘s claimed interests and as such survives exacting scrutiny.50
The Court finds that the donor disclosure requirement is not unduly burdensome so as to render Sections 7 and 15 unconstitutional. Foremost, Plaintiffs provide no evidence to suggest that filling out the online form required by Section 7 within 24 hours of making a contribution is difficult. Indeed, Plaintiffs fail to provide evidence from the previous 16 months since the donor disclosure requirement took effect to support their аssertion that compliance has been burdensome or onerous. Instead, they have opted to bring a facial challenge; but Plaintiffs cannot sustain a facial challenge based on “‘hypothetical’ or ‘imaginary’ cases.”51 In contrast, the State has filed seven screen shots of the relevant Statement of Contributions Form 15-5, which appears to be a straightforward document that enables a donor to promptly comply with the reporting requirement.52
Plaintiffs rely on Americans for Prosperity Foundation v. Bonta, where the Supreme Court invalidated a donor disclosure requirement.53 But Americans for Prosperity is not a case concerning electioneering by independent expenditure entities. Rather, it concerned the right of private charities to withhold donor names, and it contained an extensive record that demonstrated that government investigators had only rarely used the donor information to detect charitable fraud, the asserted state interest in that case.54 In contrast, here, the donor disclosure requirement in Section 7 is directly related to the State‘s important interest in promptly providing voters with information about the source of funding of political advertisements by independent expenditure entities. Moreover, the donor disclosure requirement is tailored to that interest through both the $2,000 minimum and the temporal requirements, discussed below.55
b. The Donor Disclosure Requirement Is Not Unduly Duplicative
Plaintiffs next contend that the donor disclosure requirement is unconstitutional because it imposes a “burden on citizens even though [the State] already has a source of the same information.”56 Plaintiffs maintain that because the “[d]isclosure of donations by the donee political entitles” is already required by
Defendants respond that the donor disclosure requirement complements, as opposed to duplicates, other requirements of Alaska campaign finance law. Specifically, Defendants contend that the donor disclosure requirement traces the “true source” of the donor‘s funds, such that “the law reasonably obligates the donor to provide and certify the truth of this information.”60 In the absence of the donor disclosure requirement, Defendants maintain that “[p]lacing this obligation solely on the recipient would lead to incomplete or inaccurate reporting of true sources,” whereas “[r]equiring both sides of the transaction to report . . . ensures that no transactions are missed.”61
The Court finds that the donor disclosure requirement in Section 7 overlaps with, but is not completely duplicative of, the reporting requirements for independent expenditure entities. As ABE notes, “the contributor will always be in a better position than the [independent expenditure entity] to both identify the true source of its own contribution and quickly report it.”62 Requiring the donor, in addition to the recipient, to report contributions over $2,000 does not unreasonably burden the donor. Rather, requiring prompt disclosure by both parties maximizes the likelihood of prompt and accurate reporting of the information when it is most useful to the electorate.63
Plaintiffs’ reliance on McCutcheon v. FEC, 572 U.S. 185, 221 (2014), is unavailing. In McCutcheon, the Supreme Court considered the constitutionality of a regime that imposed limitations on both candidate contributions and expenditures. Here, by contrast, Plaintiffs are challenging the constitutionality of disclosure requirements. As such, the Supreme Court‘s “prophylaxis-upon-prophylaxis” analysis is inapplicable to the present litigation. Because the donor disclosure requirement is closely tailored to providing valuable funding information to the State and its citizens, Plaintiffs are not likely to succeed on their claim that Sections 7 and 15 of Ballot Measure 2 are unconstitutional because they are duplicative of other reporting requirements.
c. The Temporal Parameters of the Donor Disclosure Requirement Are Not Unconstitutional
Plaintiffs also take issue with the provisions of Section 7 that extend the reporting requirement beyond a current election cycle to contributions made to an entity that made independent expenditures in the previous election cycle, as well as to contributions made to an entity that the donor “knows or has reason to know is likely to make independent expenditures in one or more candidate elections in the current election cycle.”64 Plaintiffs assert that “the government has no business requiring disclosure of current donations to groups that engaged in independent expenditures in the past or may do so in the future.”65 Plaintiffs maintain that the temporal reach of the donor disclosure requirement is not “tied with precision to specific election periods” or “carefully tailored” to any sufficiently important governmental interest.66
In response, Defendants acknowledge that the disclosure law “might sweep in some excess information at the margins” as it applies to contributions made during a current election cycle to an entity that has not made any expenditures in the current cycle, but did make them in the past cycle.67 However, Defendants argue that this does not make the disclosure requirement impermissibly overbroad, as it furthers the law‘s purpose. Defendants explain: “If the law covered only contributions to entities that had already made expenditures [in the current election] cycle, many relevant contributions would be missed” because “an entity could amass a secret war chest and delay reporting by beginning its expenditures at the last minute, leaving voters to sort through reports after the election.”68
Foremost, the Court reiterates that Plaintiffs cannot sustain a facial challenge to the donor disclosure provisions of Ballot Measure 2 based on “‘hypothetical’ or ‘imaginary’ cases.”69 Plaintiffs have not submitted any evidence that they have been impacted by the temporal scope of the donor reporting requirement. Nor have they demonstrated that a “substantial number” of contributions subject to the donor reporting requirement are unconstitutional in relation to the “plainly legitimate sweep” of the requirement.70 The Court finds that the temporal reach of Section 7 is substantially related and narrowly tailored to the State‘s important interest in providing voters with prompt information related to the funding of political advertisements in a current election cycle. Specifically, requiring the disclosure of donations made to independent expenditure entities in the previous election cycle and are likely to make independent expenditures in the current election cycle helps ensure that voters will promptly have access to complete information regarding the source of independent expenditures in advance of an election, and prevents donors from sidestepping disclosure requirements by strategically donating in the final stretch of аn election cycle.
For the foregoing reasons, Plaintiffs have not established a likelihood of success on the merits of Count I.71
B. Count II
In Count II, Plaintiffs assert that “[t]he entirety of
1. Standard of Review
As a threshold matter, the parties disagree as to which standard of review applies to the disclaimer requirements: strict scrutiny or exacting scrutiny. Plaintiffs maintain that the disclaimer requirements are subject to strict scrutiny because they are content-based requirements that “force[] Plaintiffs to alter their advertisements that seek to inform or convince people on a particularly political issue, to also encourage viewers or listeners to consider Plaintiffs’ own donors.”74 They point to National Institute of Family & Life Advocates (NIFLA) v. Becerra, 138 S. Ct. 2361 (2018), in which the Supreme Court applied strict scrutiny to strike down a California stаtute compelling crisis pregnancy centers to post notices about the availability of abortion services.75 Plaintiffs also rely on ACLU of Nevada v. Heller, 378 F.3d 979 (9th Cir. 2004), a case in which the Ninth Circuit applied strict scrutiny to a Nevada law that “require[d] certain groups or entities publishing ‘any material or information relating to an election, candidate or any question on a ballot’ to reveal on the publication the names and addresses of the publication‘s financial sponsors.”76 There, the court recognized a “constitutionally determinative distinction between on-publication identity disclosure requirements and after-the-fact reporting requirements,” holding that the former should receive strict scrutiny because such requirements “involve the direct alteration of the content of a communication.”77
Defendants, by contrast, contend that exacting scrutiny is the appropriate standard because the Supreme Court applied that standard to “both disclosures and disclaimers” in Citizens United, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), “even though the plaintiff had advocated for strict scrutiny—like the plaintiffs here—on the theory that disclaimers constitute ‘compelled speech’ or ‘content-based restrictions on
The Court finds that, to the extent that the Ninth Circuit‘s decision in Heller can be read as requiring strict scrutiny for all on-ad political disclaimer requirements, such a holding is “clearly irreconcilable” with the Supreme Court‘s subsequent decision in Citizens United.82 Contrary to Plaintiffs’ assertions, the Supreme Court did consider compelled speech in Citizens United because one of the challenged statutory provisions that the Supreme Court upheld required that “televised electioneering communications funded by anyone other than a candidate must include a disclaimer” stating the “name and address (or Web site address) of the person or group that funded the advertisement.”83 The Supreme Court made clear that its rationale in employing exacting scrutiny applied to both disclosures and disclaimers, explaining that “[d]isclaimer and disclosure requirements may burden the ability to speak, but they ‘impose no ceiling on campaign-related activities,’ and ‘do not prevent anyone from speaking.‘”84 Indeed, the Ninth Circuit has since recognized Citizens United as controlling on the appropriate level of scrutiny for political disclaimer requirements.85 In Chula Vista Citizens for Jobs & Fair Competition v. Norris, for example, the Ninth Circuit, sitting en banc, cited Citizens United to conclude that exacting scrutiny applied to California‘s statutory requirement that the name of the official proponent of a ballot initiative must appear on each section of the initiative petition that is circulated to voters.86
Thus, even if a disclosure or disclaimer is viewed as compelling speech, exacting scrutiny is the appropriate standard to apply in considering Plaintiffs’ likelihood of success on the merits of Count II. To survive exacting scrutiny, the disclaimer requirements must be “substantially related to a sufficiently important governmental interest”87 and “be narrowly tailored to the government‘s asserted interest.”88
2. Sufficiently Important Governmental Interest
As discussed above, the Court finds that the State has a sufficiently important governmental interest in providing voters with information related to the funding of political advertisements by independent expenditure organizations. While Plaintiffs argue in their motion that the out-of-state disclaimer does not serve an important state interest in preventing corruption,89 Defendants respond that they do not “seek[] to justify the out-of-state disclaimer as a means of preventing quid pro quo corruption.”90 Thus, the Court will only consider whether the disclaimers are justified based on the State‘s informational interest.
3. Substantial Relation
Plaintiffs assert that the on-ad disclaimer requirements significantly burden their First Amendment rights in three ways and that these burdens are not justified by a substantial and narrowly tailored relationship between the disclaimers and the State‘s informational interest.91 The Court discusses each of Plaintiffs’ claimed burdens in turn.
a. Top-Three-Donor Disclaimer
Plaintiffs assert that the disclaimer requirements, particularly the top-three-donor disclaimer contained in Section 11 of the Measure, burden their First Amendment rights because they “force[] them to speak a message they do not want to voice.”92 They maintain that the top-three-donor disclaimer is akin to the crisis pregnancy center notices invalidated in NIFLA because Plaintiffs “believe strongly in the right to privacy for citizens and would not include their donors’ information in their
Given this burden, Plaintiffs contend that the top-three-donor disclaimer is not substantially related to an informational interest or narrowly tailorеd because the State‘s interest in informing the electorate is already served by other disclosure requirements; thus, the on-ad top-three-donor disclaimer “only provides, at best, a marginal gain in convenience for viewers to see these names on the ad itself, rather than having to trouble themselves to find it on the Internet.”94 Further, Plaintiffs assert that “[t]he on-ad sponsor disclaimer (the name of the independent expenditure committee) alone easily satisfies any information interest” and that conveying the top three donors on the ad may actually “decrease viewers’ information by giving them a distorted view of the organization‘s overall donors.”95
Defendants disagree with Plaintiffs’ assessment of the burdens created by the top-three-donor disclaimer. They contend that NIFLA is not analogous because that case “was not about political disclaimers, and the disclaimers there were much more burdensome.”96 Further, Defendants maintain that there is a sufficiently substantial relation between the top-three-donor disclaimer requirement and the government‘s informational interest, asserting that: (1) the on-ad sponsor disclaimer alone is insufficient because “disclosing donor information prevents entities from ‘hiding behind dubious and misleading names’ while trying to influence the outcome of elections“;97 and (2) including “[donor] information in the ads themselves advances [the government‘s informational interest] more efficiently and effectively than requiring voters to search for disclosure forms online.”98
In support of these contentions, Defendants cite Gaspee Project v. Mederos, 13 F.4th 79 (1st Cir. 2021), a recent case in which the First Circuit applied exacting scrutiny to uphold a Maine law requiring on-ad disclaimers identifying the ad sponsor‘s top five donors.99 In Gaspee, the First Circuit rejected the plaintiffs’ arguments that the disclaimer “serve[d] no informational interest and [was] essentially redundant of [a separate] disclosure requirement.”100 The court determined that the on-ad disclaimer was “not entirely redundant to the donor information revealed by public disclosures” because it was “a more efficient tool for a member of the public who wishes to know the identity of the donors backing the speaker.”101 Further, the court noted that an on-ad disclaimer “may be more effective in generating discourse” because it “may elicit debate as to both the extent of donor influence on the message and the extent to which the top five donors arе representative of the speaker‘s donor base.”102
Balancing the burdens against the governmental interest, the Court finds that the on-ad top-three-donor disclaimer requirement is substantially related to the important governmental interest in an informed electorate and is narrowly tailored to further that interest. The Court agrees with Defendants that the burden here on independent expenditure entities is much lower than in NIFLA, where pro-life pregnancy crisis centers were required to “inform women how they can obtain state-subsidized abortions,” which was “the very practice that [they] are devoted to opposing.”103 Here, while Plaintiffs may hold broad ideological concerns about privacy, the on-ad top-three-donor disclaimer does not require them to convey a message that is directly contrary to whatever political statement they seek to make in their electioneering communications.
With regard to the substantial relation between the burdens created by the on-ad top-three-donor disclaimer requirement and the government‘s informational interest, the Court finds the reasoning of the First Circuit in Gaspee Project persuasive. While voters have aсcess to donor information through the required disclosures to the APOC, the on-ad placement of some of that information provides a far more efficient and effective form of disclosure. As the Supreme Court noted in Citizens United, there is value in the “prompt disclosure” of such information, as it “can provide shareholders and citizens with the information needed to hold corporations and elected officials accountable for their positions and supporters.”104 Given the modest nature of the burden imposed by the on-ad top-three-donor disclaimer requirement and the fact that exacting scrutiny does not require that the government use the least restrictive means possible, there is a sufficient relationship between the government‘s informational interest and the on-ad top-three-donor disclaimer requirement to withstand constitutional scrutiny.105 Plaintiffs are unlikely to succeed on the merits of Count II based on the on-ad top-three-donor disclaimer requirement.
b. Out-of-State Disclaimer
Plaintiffs challenge the out-of-state disclaimer requirement in Section 12 of the Measure as unduly burdensome because it
Plaintiffs assert that there is not a substantial relation between the out-of-state disclaimer and the State‘s informational interest because “the donors to independent expenditure groups are already disclosed to the state, and to the public on the state‘s website, so one can easily determine whether any particular group draws it support from outside Alaska.”109 Further, they maintain that the disclaimer requirement is not narrowly tailored due to the Measure‘s over-inclusive definition of “outside-funded entity“: a group that takes donations from a true source with a principal place of business outside Alaska.110 Plaintiffs suggest that “one‘s principal place of business is a poor proxy for one‘s interest in Alaska‘s elections,” particularly because a donor may have “significant operations in Alaska” while “happening to be headquartered elsewhere.”111
Defendants disagree, maintaining that the out-of-state disclaimer is “narrowly tailored to the important state interest in informing voters,” particularly when entities use misleading names, such as “Families of the Last Frontier,” that imply that they are primarily funded by Alaska residents.112 While Defendants acknowledge that donors with an out-of-state principal place of business may still have a valid interest in Alaska‘s elections, they note that those donors are not barred from participating—the Measure only requires disclosure.113
As Defendants note, Thompson and the other cases that Plaintiffs cite concerned contribution limits or bans on non-resident petition circulators rather than the type of disclaimer requirement at issue here.114 While the out-of-state disclaimer places some burden on political speech, it is not nearly as burdensome as an outright ban or cap on contributions or certain political activities. It does not limit how much out-of-state donors can give, nor does it even directly burden out-of-state donors; rather, it burdens independent expenditure entities that receive over a certain
With respect to tailoring, the Court again finds the reasoning of Gaspee Project instructive. While there are other avenues for voters to learn about independent expenditure entities’ funding sources, an on-ad disclaimer makes that information far more accessible and presents it at a highly useful time for voters attempting to weigh competing political messages. And though an entity‘s principal place of business may be an imperfect proxy for its interest in Alaska‘s elections, it is likely an accurate measure in most cases; exacting scrutiny does not require a perfect fit between a state‘s important informational interest and the means used to further that interest. Thus, the Court finds that the out-of-state disclaimer has a substantial relation to Defendants’ informational interest and is narrowly tailored to further that interest. Plaintiffs are unlikely to succeed оn the merits of Count II based on the out-of-state disclaimer requirement.
c. Ad Space
Plaintiffs also assert that all three disclaimers, taken together, “restrict[] their ability to speak their preferred message” because the disclaimers consume substantial ad space.115 They primarily rely on American Beverages Association v. City & County of San Francisco, 916 F.3d 749 (9th Cir. 2019), a case in which the Ninth Circuit overturned a district court‘s denial of a preliminary injunction against enforcement of a mandatory health warning on ads for sugar-sweetened beverages.116 There, the Ninth Circuit held that the disclaimer impermissibly compelled speech because the warning was required to “occupy at least 20% of the advertisement,” but expert testimony showed that a 10% warning would have sufficed.117 Thus, “the 20% requirement [was] not justified and [was] unduly burdensome when balanced against its likely burden on protected speech.”118
Defendants respond that Plaintiffs “offer no evidence to support their conclusory assertions that the disclaimers will take up too much space in their advertisements.”119
The Court finds that American Beverage Association is not controlling here, as that case concerned commercial speech. Different considerations are at play when regulating political advertisements, and the State‘s interest in an informed electorate may justify more burdensome disclaimers. Indeed, in Citizens United, the disclaimer requirement upheld by the Supreme Court required the plaintiff to devote four seconds of a ten-second ad to a disclaimer—a full 40% of the ad space.120 There, the Supreme Court explicitly rejected the plaintiff‘s argument that the disclaimer was impermissible because it “decrease[d] both the quantity and effectiveness of the group‘s speech by forcing it to devote four seconds of each advertisement to the spoken disclaimer.”121
In sum, the Court finds that Plaintiffs have not demonstrated that the ad space consumed by the three disclaimers is unduly burdensome in light of the vital informational interest served by those disclaimers. The specifics of how the disclaimers must be displayed or spoken are substantially related to the State‘s important informational interest and are narrowly tailored to serve that interest. Plaintiffs are thus unlikely to succeed on the merits of Count II based on the ad space consumed by the disclaimers.125
C. Count III
In Count III, Plaintiffs challenge Sections 6, 9, 14, and 18 of Ballot Measure 2. Together, these sections require an independent expenditure entity to identify the “true source” of all contributions it receives of over $2,000. Plaintiffs assert that “[c]ompelling primary and secondary donor disclosure violates the First Amendment.”126 Plaintiffs contend that Ballot Measure 2‘s “true source” requirement burdens speech in multiple significant ways, including by demanding that recipients disclose information they may not have, limiting who an independent expenditure entity may solicit funds from, and sweeping uninterested third parties into Alaskan elections.127 Plaintiffs also assert that “Ballot Measure 2 violates [the] freedom of private association by compelling independent expenditure groups to track and disclose not only their own donors, but also donors to those donors, and donors to those donors’ donors, reaching out indefinitely to what it defines as the ‘true source’ of the money.”128
1. Standard of Review
Plaintiffs assert, and Defendants do not contest, that exacting scrutiny applies to Claim III.129 The Court applies that standard to the challenged sections.
2. Sufficiently Important Governmental Interest
As discussed above, the Court finds that the State has a sufficiently important governmental interest in providing voters with information related to the funding of political
3. Substantial Relation
Plaintiffs contend that the recipient disclosure obligations of Ballot Measure 2 are not substantially related to the government‘s stated interest because these sections “could have been more narrowly tailored by only requiring disclosure of donors who actively participating [sic] in determining how these funds are used.”130 Plaintiffs assert that because the “‘true source’ requirement is not ‘tied with precision’ or ‘carefully tailored’ to actual electoral activity,” these sections of Ballot Measure 2 fail to meet the exacting scrutiny standard.131 Plaintiffs assert that the First Amendment protects major contributors to independent expenditure entities from being required to disclose the “true source” of the contribution to the independent expenditure entity, that is in turn required by these sections of Ballot Measure 2 to report this information to the State.
Defendants respond that the State and its voters have an important interest in knowing who is contributing to independent expenditure entities.132 And the ABE maintains that “there is no constitutional right to make ‘dark money’ contributions.”133
The Court finds that Ballot Measure 2‘s “true source” definition, together with its requirement that independent expenditure entities report these true sources to the State, are both substantially related and narrowly tailored to fulfill the State‘s informational interest in informing voters about the actual identity of those trying to influence the outcome of elections.
The Court further notes that Plaintiffs’ hypothetical examples have not demonstrated that the true source disclosure requirements in Sections 6, 9, 14, and 18 are inadequately tailored. Plaintiffs lack standing to maintain an action based on hypothetical scenarios by non-parties to this action. And the Ninth Circuit has stressed that courts are not to “speculate about ‘hypothetical’ or ‘imaginary’ cases” when evaluating a facial challenge to a disclosure requirement.134
For these reasons, the Court finds that the true source reporting requirements in Sections 6, 9, 14, and 18 of Ballot Measure 2 withstand review under exacting scrutiny, and thus Plaintiffs are not likely to succeed on the merits of Claim III.135
CONCLUSION
Preliminary injunctive relief is an extraordinary remedy, and in the context of elections, the Supreme Court has recognized that “lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter . . . election rules on the eve of an election.”136 Plaintiffs
In light of the foregoing, IT IS ORDERED that Plaintiffs’ motions for a preliminary injunction at Docket 7 and Docket 18 are DENIED.
DATED this 14th day of July, 2022 at Anchorage, Alaska.
/s/ Sharon L. Gleason
UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE
