Julaine K. APPLING, Jo Egelhoff, Jaren E. Hiller, Richard Kessenich and Edmund L. Webster, Plaintiffs-Appellants-Petitioners, v. Scott WALKER, Kitty Rhoades and Oskar Anderson, Defendants-Respondents, FAIR WISCONSIN, INC., Glenn Carlson, Michael Childers, Crystal Hyslop, Janice Czyscon, Kathy Flores, Ann Kendzierski, David Kopitzke, Paul Klawiter, Chad Wege and Andrew Wege, Intervening Defendants-Respondents.
No. 2011AP1572
Supreme Court of Wisconsin
July 31, 2014
2014 WI 96 | 853 N.W.2d 888 | 355 Wis. 2d 99
Oral argument October 23, 2013.
For the intervening defendants-respondents, the cause was argued by Christopher R. Clark of Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund, Inc., Chicago; with whom on the brief was Brian Butler, Barbara Neider, and Stafford Rosenbaum LLP, Madison.
An amicus curiae brief was filed by Dyann L. Hafner, assistant corporation counsel, on behalf of Dane County.
An amicus curiae brief was filed by Donald K. Schott, Joseph T. Hanes, and Quarles & Brady LLP, Madison; Sarah L. Fowles and Quarles & Brady LLP, Milwaukee; and Laurence J. Dupuis and ACLU of Wisconsin Foundation, Inc., Milwaukee; and John A.
¶ 3. For the reasons stated herein, we affirm the court of appeals’ holding that
¶ 5. In short, they contend that it is the “existence of an exclusive, intimate relationship—clearly implicit in
¶ 6. It is well established that challengers to a statute face a very difficult task.
A statute enjoys a presumption of constitutionality. To overcome that presumption, a party challenging a statute‘s constitutionality bears a heavy burden. It is insufficient for the party challenging the statute to merely establish either that the statute‘s constitutionality is doubtful or that the statute is probably unconstitutional. Instead, the party challenging a statute‘s constitutionality must “prove that the statute is unconstitutional beyond a reasonable doubt.”
State v. Smith, 2010 WI 16, ¶ 8, 323 Wis. 2d 377, 780 N.W.2d 90 (citations omitted). “Furthermore, ‘every presumption must be indulged to sustain the law if at all possible and, wherever doubt exists as to a legislative enactment‘s constitutionality, it must be resolved in favor of constitutionality.’ ” Georgina G. v. Terry M., 184 Wis. 2d 492, 515, 516 N.W.2d 678 (1994).
¶ 7. Such a framework for analysis has doomed many challenges, and it dooms this one as well. Like the circuit court and the court of appeals, we conclude that the Plaintiffs have not met their burden of proving
¶ 8. The plain language of the Amendment prohibits only a status “identical or substantially similar to” marriage, and by implication it does not prohibit what is not identical or substantially similar thereto. There are important statutory distinctions in the way the state treats marriage and domestic partnerships and important differences in the lists of benefits and obligations that inhere in the two types of relationships.12 In light of the totality of those differences,
¶ 9. Our conclusion is supported by evidence from the drafting and ratification process—evidence in the drafting files13 that the framers of the Amendment intended specifically to allow legislation that provided a set of rights and benefits to same-sex couples. We are supported in our conclusion by evidence that voters were repeatedly told by Amendment proponents that the Amendment simply would not preclude a mechanism for legislative grants of certain rights to same-sex couples.14 We see no evidence that voters who approved the Amendment saw it as permitting those rights to be granted only in the kind of scheme Plaintiffs now suggest—that is, in cohabiting domestic relationships that bear no resemblance at all to marriage, with
BACKGROUND
¶ 10. The ratification of the Marriage Amendment and the passage of the domestic partnership law occurred against a backdrop of significant social and legal shifts across the country concerning the status of same-sex couples. What happened in two states in particular is relevant because they were frequently cited by Amendment proponents in the course of the ratification process. A 2003 Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court decision establishing the right of same-
¶ 11. In McConkey v. Van Hollen, we described the passage of the Wisconsin Marriage Amendment as follows:
During both the 2003 and 2005 sessions, the Wisconsin State Assembly and Senate adopted a joint resolution to amend the Wisconsin Constitution. Though the 2003 and 2005 versions contained minor procedural variations, the text of the resolution itself was identical. Both versions of the resolution contained what the parties have referred to as the title: “To create section 13 of article XIII of the constitution; relating to: providing that only a marriage between one man and one woman shall be valid or recognized as a marriage in this state.” The substance of the resolution contained two sections. Section 1 stated the text of the proposed marriage amendment. Section 2 of the resolution addressed the numbering of the new proposed amendment.
Because the joint resolution was passed by two successive legislatures, the amendment was submitted to the people for ratification. Wisconsin voters were asked the following question:
Marriage. Shall section 13 of article XIII of the constitution be created to provide that only a marriage between one man and one woman shall be valid or recognized as a marriage in this state and that a legal
status identical or substantially similar to that of marriage for unmarried individuals shall not be valid or recognized in this state?
On November 7, 2006, Wisconsin voters approved this amendment by a vote of 59 percent to 41 percent.
McConkey v. Van Hollen, 2010 WI 57, ¶¶ 7-8, 326 Wis. 2d 1, 783 N.W.2d 855 (holding that there was no violation of the “separate amendment rule,” the constitution‘s requirement that voters must be allowed to vote separately on separate amendments).
¶ 12. The subsequent passage of
[I]n 2009, the Wisconsin legislature created a chapter in the Wisconsin statutes establishing domestic partnerships as an option for same-sex couples.
Wisconsin Stat. ch. 770 contains eligibility requirements and prescribes the manner in which such partnerships are formed and terminated.Chapter 770 does not specify the rights and obligations of domestic partnerships. The mechanism the legislature chose for conferring rights and obligations was to select a subset of rights and obligations found in other parts of the statutes that already apply to marriages and then indicate, in the text of those other statutes, that they apply to domestic partnerships. For example,Wis. Stat. § 861.21(2) , the statute assigning to a surviving spouse his or her decedent spouse‘s interest in their home, was made applicable to domestic partnerships.
Appling v. Doyle, 2013 WI App 3, ¶ 7, 345 Wis. 2d 762, 826 N.W.2d 666.
PROCEDURAL HISTORY
¶ 13. In the circuit court, both Plaintiffs and Intervening Defendants moved for summary judgment.
¶ 14. The circuit court considered evidence from the legislative drafting files and from the ratification campaign, during which voters heard “messages... similar to [those] in the Marriage Amendment‘s drafting files.” It quoted extensively from those materials, citing at least a dozen publications and statements by Amendment proponents, which it said made clear that the repeated message to voters was that the second sentence of the Amendment was targeted at a “legally exact replica of marriage, but without the title” and that the Amendment was not intended to be “about benefits.” It also compiled a list of benefits conferred by
¶ 15. The court of appeals likewise addressed what the Amendment meant, considering the Dairy-
STANDARD OF REVIEW
¶ 16. This case comes to us on a summary judgment ruling, and it requires us to interpret a constitutional provision and a statute. “We do not review the circuit court‘s grant or denial of summary judgment under an erroneous exercise of discretion standard. Rather, our review is independent of the determination rendered by the circuit court, but we apply the same methodology.” Tews v. NHI, LLC, 2010 WI 137, ¶ 40, 330 Wis. 2d 389, 793 N.W.2d 860 (citations omitted). We approach this in the same manner as the court of appeals, which noted that “[u]nder summary judgment methodology, ‘[i]f there is no dispute as to the material facts or inferences, summary judgment is appropriate and we proceed to [resolve the dispute by considering] the legal issue or issues raised by the [summary judgment] motion.’ Here there is no dispute about the facts and, accordingly, we focus on the parties’ legal disputes and the application of law to the undisputed facts.” Appling, 345 Wis. 2d 762, ¶ 9 (citations omitted).
ANALYSIS
¶ 18. Against that daunting standard, Plaintiffs have set themselves the task of proving beyond a reasonable doubt that
I. WHAT TEST DO WE EMPLOY TO DETERMINE THE MEANING OF A CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION?
¶ 19. The purpose of construing a constitutional amendment “is to give effect to the intent of the framers and of the voters who adopted it.” State v. Cole, 2003 WI 112, ¶ 10, 264 Wis. 2d 520, 665 N.W.2d 328 (citations
omitted). Constitutions should be construed “so as to promote the objects for which they were framed and adopted.” Id. “We therefore examine three primary sources in determining the meaning of a constitutional provision: the plain meaning, the constitutional debates and practices of the time, and the earliest interpretations of the provision by the legislature, as manifested through the first legislative action following adoption.” Dairyland Greyhound Park, Inc., 295 Wis. 2d 1, ¶ 19 (citations omitted).¶ 20. Interpreting a constitutional amendment differs from interpreting a statute; we undertake a “more intense review” of extrinsic evidence when interpreting a constitutional provision:
Our methodology in interpreting a constitutional provision envisions more intense review of extrinsic sources than our methodology in statutory interpretation. . . .
The reasons we employ a different methodology for constitutional interpretation are evident. Constitutional provisions do not become law until they are approved by the people. Voters do not have the same access to the “words” of a provision as the legislators who framed those words; and most voters are not familiar with the debates in the legislature. As a result, voters necessarily consider second-hand explanations and discussion at the time of ratification. In addition, the meaning of words may evolve over time, obscuring the original meaning or purpose of a provision. The original meaning of a provision might be lost if courts could not resort to extrinsic sources. Finally, interpreting a constitutional provision is likely to have a more lasting effect than the interpretation of a statute, inasmuch as statutory language can be more easily
changed than constitutional language. Thus, it is vital for court decisions to capture accurately the essence of a constitutional provision.
Dairyland Greyhound Park, Inc., 295 Wis. 2d 1, ¶¶ 115-116 (Prosser, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part).
¶ 21. Of the three sources identified in Dairyland, the first two prongs are the most useful under the circumstances presented here: the plain meaning of the amendment, and the constitutional debates and practices of the time. We apply the third source—“the earliest interpretations of the provision by the legislature, as manifested through the first legislative action following adoption“—in a limited sense in a case such as this, where the challenge is to the constitutionality of “the first legislative action following adoption” itself. Dairyland Greyhound Park, Inc., 295 Wis. 2d 1, ¶ 49. In other words, in this case it would be potentially problematic to place significant weight on the legislature‘s enactment of
A. WHAT IS THE PLAIN MEANING OF THE AMENDMENT?
¶ 22. To determine what the framers and the voters wanted the constitutional provision to accomplish we first look at the plain language and meaning of the amendment they ratified.
¶ 23. What is prohibited by the Marriage Amendment is “a legal status identical or substantially similar to that of marriage.” Like the court of appeals, we “agree with [Plaintiffs] that, to properly assess the plain meaning of the term ‘legal status,’ that term must be viewed in context. The issue here is not the generic meaning of ‘legal status,’ but rather . . . its meaning as used in the constitutional phrase ‘[a] legal status identical or substantially similar to that of marriage.’ ” Appling, 345 Wis. 2d 762, ¶ 24. This is consistent with a “paramount rule of constitutional construction . . . that the intent of the provision ‘is to be ascertained, not alone by considering the words of any part of the instrument, but by ascertaining the general purpose of the whole[.]’ [W]hen the intent of the whole is ascertained, no part is to be construed so that the general purpose [is] thwarted. . . .” Dairyland Greyhound Park, Inc., 295 Wis. 2d 1, ¶ 24 (citations omitted). Another
¶ 24. Turning to the words, then, “legal status” means “the legal position of the individual in or with regard to the rest of the community.” State v. Duket, 90 Wis. 272, 275, 63 N.W. 83 (1895). Status is “the sum total of a person‘s legal rights, duties, liabilities, and other legal relations, or any particular group of them separately considered.” Black‘s Law Dictionary 1419 (7th ed. 1999). A legal right is “a right created or recognized by law.” Id. at 1323. Rights, duties and obligations are important considerations, but a legal status can‘t be fully examined without considering its eligibility and formation requirements or constituent elements, because a legal status cannot be fully understood without understanding who can have it and what is necessary to obtain it.
¶ 25. To avoid surplusage, our analysis must also take into account and give meaning to the choice of the word “substantially” as a modifier of “similar.” For the same reason, we take it that the use of “substantially similar” means that a status that is merely similar is not meant to be prohibited. (There is no contention by any party that the status of domestic partners is identical to that of marriage.)
¶ 26. The plain language of the Amendment indicates that the framers and the voters intended to prohibit a status that gives a domestic partner a sum total of legal rights, duties, liabilities, and other legal
B. WHAT INFORMATION WAS GIVEN TO VOTERS DURING THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEBATES AND RATIFICATION PROCESS?
¶ 27. The second source of information the Dairyland test directs us to consider is the content of the constitutional debates and practices of the time as exemplified during the ratification process. The ballot question that was presented to voters stated a question and provided the text of the proposed amendment:
Ballot Question: “Marriage. Shall Section 13 of article XIII of the constitution be created to provide that only a marriage between one man and one woman shall be valid or recognized as a marriage in this state and that a legal status identical or substantially similar to that of marriage for unmarried individuals shall not be valid or recognized in this state?”
Text of Section: [Article XIII] Section 13. Only a marriage between one man and one woman shall be valid or recognized as a marriage in this state. A legal status identical or substantially similar to that of marriage for unmarried individuals shall not be valid or recognized in this state.
Wisconsin Blue Book 887 (2007-2008).
¶ 28. “This court presumes that, when informed, the citizens of Wisconsin are familiar with the elements of the constitution and with the laws, and that the information used to educate the voters during the ratification campaign provides evidence of the voters’ intent.” Dairyland Greyhound Park, Inc., 295 Wis. 2d 1, ¶ 37
¶ 29. We therefore examine the relevant public statements made by the Amendment‘s framers and other proponents that were intended to persuade voters during the ratification process. During the process, the question of the effect on the rights of same-sex couples was a matter of intense debate. A newspaper article dated July 30, 2006, stated, “Although there‘s not much dispute that the proposed constitutional amendment on marriage in Wisconsin would bar same-sex unions, there is deep disagreement about what the wording might mean for civil unions and domestic-partner benefits.” Stacy Forster, “Same-sex ban, different interpretations,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, July 30, 2006, at 1B. In one letter to the editor of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, taking issue with an opponent‘s statements, Rep. Mark D. Gundrum characterized opponents as “continu[ing] the effort to deceive people about the impact the man-woman marriage constitutional amendment will have in Wisconsin” and flatly rejected the notion that it would “seriously jeopardize any legal protections for unmarried couples—gay or straight.” Rep. Mark D. Gundrum, “Opponents Resort to Deception, Fear,” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, August 6, 2006, at 2J. (Emphasis added.) Proponents made numerous statements on that issue as the following facts demonstrate.
¶ 30. A January 28, 2004, press release on the letterhead of the Wisconsin Legislature by legislative sponsors who spearheaded the effort to pass the Amendment, Rep. Mark D. Gundrum and Sen. Scott Fitzgerald, stated:
The proposed amendment, while preserving marriage as one man-one woman unions, would also preclude the creation of unions which are substantially similar to marriage. ‘Creating a technical “marriage,” but just using a different name, to massage public opinion doesn‘t cut it,’ Gundrum said. . . . Significantly though, the language does not prohibit the legislature [and other entities] . . . from extending particular benefits to same-sex partners as those legal entities might choose to do.
(Emphasis supplied for the words “same-sex partners.“)
¶ 31. In December 2005, Sen. Scott Fitzgerald was quoted as follows in media accounts of legislative debates when the Senate was preparing to vote: “The second [sentence] sets the parameters for civil unions. Could a legislator put together a pack of 50 specific things they would like to give to gay couples? Yeah, they could.” (Emphasis added.)
¶ 32. A November 2006 statement issued by the office of Sen. Scott Fitzgerald struck back at opponents of the Amendment and said they were “intentionally mislead[ing] the public about the amendment.” Contrary to those “misleading” representations, the statement said,
Nothing in the proposed constitutional amendment would affect the ability of same-sex individuals from visiting a sick partner in the hospital or mak[ing] medical decisions for their partners as [prescribed] by a medical power of attorney. The non-partisan Legislative Council has written that the proposed amendment does not ban civil unions, only a Vermont-style system that is simply marriage by another name. If the amendment is approved by the voters . . . the legislature will still be free to pass legislation creating civil unions if it so desires.
¶ 33. An article written by Sen. Scott Fitzgerald and published in the Wisconsin State Journal stated, “Contrary to claims from . . . liberal activists, the proposed constitutional amendment would not prohibit state or local governments . . . from setting up a legal construct to provide privileges or benefits such as health insurance benefits, pension benefits, joint tax return filing or hospital visitation to same-sex or unmarried couples.” (Emphasis added.)
¶ 34. The Family Research Institute of Wisconsin, a group that advocated for the Amendment (it defined itself as seeking to preserve “traditional one-man/one-woman marriage in Wisconsin“), issued a six-page publication dated August 2006, listing 13 questions and answers about the meaning of the Amendment. In that publication, the organization stated, “The second sentence [of the Amendment] doesn‘t even prevent the state legislature from taking up a bill that gives a limited number of benefits to people in sexual relationships outside of marriage, should the legislature want to do so.” (Emphasis added.)
¶ 35. An article authored by Julaine Appling, a named plaintiff in this case, published Dec. 13, 2005, stated, “Contrary to the message being consistently given by opponents of the amendment, the second phrase does not ‘ban civil unions.’ . . . Nor does this phrase threaten benefits already given to people in domestic partnership registries by companies or local units of government.”
¶ 36. In an Associated Press article dated Dec. 7, 2005, Julaine Appling was quoted as saying, “Nothing in the second sentence prohibits [legislative grants of adoption or inheritance rights]. Nor does it in any way affect existing benefits given by local governments or
¶ 37. This representative sampling of messages, publicized by some of the most prominent and prolific advocates of the Amendment, makes clear that in response to concerns about what exactly the Amendment would prohibit, such advocates answered directly that the Amendment would not preclude a legislative decision to create a legal mechanism giving unmarried couples in intimate relationships specific sets of rights and benefits. The message was also clearly given that the Amendment would not diminish rights in existing domestic partnerships. Same-sex partners were specifically included in such answers.
C. WHAT LIGHT DOES THE LEGISLATURE‘S ADOPTION OF CHAPTER 770 SHED ON THE MEANING OF THE MARRIAGE AMENDMENT?
¶ 38. The third source of information used to determine the meaning of a constitutional amendment is “the earliest interpretations of the provision by the legislature, as manifested through the first legislative action following adoption.” Dairyland Greyhound Park, Inc., 295 Wis. 2d 1, ¶ 19. Review of legislation following a constitutional amendment has proved particularly useful, for example, in discerning the meaning of specific terms in a constitutional amendment. Payne v. City of Racine, 217 Wis. 550, 259 N.W. 437, 440 (1935) (discussing subsequent legislation to define the meaning of “public utility” in article XI, section 3 of the Wisconsin Constitution); State v. Beno, 116 Wis. 2d 122, 138, 341 N.W.2d 668 (1984) (adopting the court of appeals’ reliance on legislative acts to understand the
¶ 39. Analysis of the first legislation passed following the passage of an amendment, however, provides a limited benefit in this case where we are tasked with resolving a challenge to the first law passed following the Marriage Amendment. We do find, however, that the legislature‘s careful drafting of
¶ 40. During the drafting process, proponents of
II. WHAT KIND OF LEGAL STATUS DOES CHAPTER 770 CREATE?
¶ 41. Having set out the relevant evidence from the Dairyland factors, we now look at what kind of legal status
¶ 42. We therefore look at what legal position a person in a domestic partnership is in “with regard to the rest of the community,” Duket, 90 Wis. at 275, what rights and benefits there are that the law recognizes such status as having, who can have that legal status, and what is necessary to obtain it. This part of the discussion is fairly straightforward: the definitions of legal status at issue are standard ones well known to the law and involve little more than a review of undisputed and uncontroversial facts about the statutory provisions concerning domestic partnerships and the statutory provisions concerning marriage.
¶ 43.
¶ 44.
¶ 45.
¶ 46. As we noted previously,
(1) Each individual is at least 18 years old and capable of consenting to the domestic partnership.
(2) Neither individual is married to, or in a domestic partnership with, another individual.
(3) The 2 individuals share a common residence. . . .
(4) The 2 individuals are not nearer of kin to each other than 2nd cousins, whether of the whole or half blood or by adoption.
(5) The individuals are members of the same sex.
¶ 47. Terminating a domestic partnership does not require state approval, nor does it require the approval or consent of the second partner, and it can be dissolved automatically if either partner marries.27
¶ 48. The rights conferred are not listed in
¶ 49. Other jurisdictions treat Wisconsin citizens in
¶ 50. That is underscored by the fact that domestic partnerships are not treated as equivalent to marriage, even where the federal government recognizes marriage without limiting it by gender. For example, some federal agencies now extend federal benefits to spouses in same-sex marriages as well as opposite-sex marriages (following the United States Supreme Court‘s ruling in United States v. Windsor, 133 S. Ct. 2675 (2013), which struck down one provision of the federal Defense of Marriage Act,
III. IS THIS THE KIND OF LEGAL STATUS THE MARRIAGE AMENDMENT WAS MEANT TO PROHIBIT?
¶ 51. Having set out the parameters of the legal status of domestic partnerships, we now arrive at the crux of the matter: have the Plaintiffs carried their burden to show beyond a reasonable doubt that the domestic partnership law violates
¶ 52. Keeping as our reference point the intent of the framers and the voters, we turn to that specific question. As we have noted, the plain language of the Amendment prohibits a legal status “identical or substantially similar to that of marriage.” The public statements by proponents of the Amendment in the public debates leading up to ratification repeatedly emphasized the message that it would not prohibit anything other than something that was “marriage by another name.” Thus, the plain meaning of “substantially similar” was defined for voters as something much more than similarities created by same-sex couples’ obtaining a specified amount of rights. For example, as we noted previously, in a press release dated Nov. 2, 2006, Sen. Scott Fitzgerald issued a statement quoting
¶ 53. Plaintiffs now argue that what makes the Vermont-style civil unions similar to the status in
quoted herein make it clear that during the constitutional ratification process, proponents explicitly mentioned same-sex intimate relationships when voters raised questions about what kind of relationship might legally be recognized if it passed. We have found no evidence in the record that proponents made the arguments to voters that they now say voters endorsed regarding Vermont-style unions, constituent elements of marriage, and consanguinity prohibitions and sex-specificity requirements. Adopting Plaintiffs’ position would require us to believe that when voters heard the Marriage Amendment proponents, including its legislative sponsors, make public statements that the legislature could choose to bundle certain rights and give them to same-sex couples in civil unions, voters understood the unspoken remainder of that sentence to be “as long as those rights are not solely extended to same-sex couples but also extended to other pairs of people in domestic settings without regard to kinship or gender, such as siblings, grandparents and grandchildren, and opposite-sex couples.”30
¶ 54. Plaintiffs’ position cannot be squared at all with proponents’ pre-ratification statements about non-marital sexual relationships and civil unions. To follow Plaintiffs’ logic, dropping the “specified gender” requirement would make
¶ 55. It is worth noting another point that undermines the contention that the legal status is defined with reference to marriage‘s “constituent elements,” which is that the “constituent element” approach would appear to require us to find unconstitutional
“Domestic partnership” means a relationship between 2 individuals that satisfies all of the following:
(a) Each individual is at least 18 years old and otherwise competent to enter into a contract.
(b) Neither individual is married to, or in a domestic partnership with, another individual. (c) The 2 individuals are not related by blood in any way that would prohibit marriage under
s. 765.03 .(d) The 2 individuals consider themselves to be members of each other‘s immediate family.
(e) The 2 individuals agree to be responsible for each other‘s basic living expenses.
(f) The 2 individuals share a common residence.
¶ 56. We know what the proponents told voters that the Amendment would mean, and we know that voters approved the Amendment. What the voters were told was that the Amendment did not mean that government entities, including the legislature, would be barred from “extending particular benefits to same-sex partners as those legal entities might choose to do.”32 That is what the legislature did. The proper interpretation of a constitutional amendment is what framers and the voters who approved it thought it meant. The voters were told by proponents, including the framers of the Amendment, that same-sex couples could be granted rights notwithstanding the Amendment. The message given to the voters did not present the qualifications in regard to extending benefits that the Plaintiffs now claim.
CONCLUSION
¶ 57. For the reasons herein, we affirm the court of appeals’ holding that
¶ 58. The plain language of the Amendment prohibits only a status “identical or substantially similar to” marriage, and by implication it does not prohibit
¶ 59. Our conclusion is supported by evidence from the drafting and ratification process—evidence in the drafting files that the framers of the Amendment intended specifically to allow legislation that provided a set of rights and benefits to same-sex couples. We are supported in our conclusion by evidence that voters were repeatedly told by Amendment proponents that the Amendment simply would not preclude a mechanism for legislative grants of certain rights to same-sex couples. We see no evidence that voters who approved the Amendment saw it as permitting those rights to be granted only in the kind of scheme Plaintiffs now suggest—that is, in cohabiting domestic relationships that bear no resemblance at all to marriage, with same-sex couples only as incidental beneficiaries. Of course the Amendment‘s opponents put out a different message to voters, but as the court of appeals noted, it makes sense to credit the notion, when the proponents prevail in a referendum, that theirs was the message that resonated with the majority of voters. Finally, our conclusion draws additional support, although limited, from the legislature‘s careful adoption of the first legislative act following the Amendment, adoption of
By the Court.—The decision of the Court of Appeals is affirmed.
¶ 61. Although I agree with the majority opinion that
¶ 62. This court recently declined to accept an original action challenging the constitutionality of
¶ 63. I write separately to call the reader‘s attention to these developments of the law.
¶ 64. PATIENCE DRAKE ROGGENSACK, J. (concurring.) I join the majority opinion‘s thoughtful discussion of the petitioners’ challenge to
I. BACKGROUND
¶ 65. The petitioners request us to conclude that Wisconsin‘s domestic partnership law creates a “legal status” that is “substantially similar to that of marriage for unmarried individuals” contrary to the prohibition of
Marriage. Section 13. Only a marriage between one man and one woman shall be valid or recognized as a marriage in this state. A legal status identical or substantially similar to that of marriage for unmarried individuals shall not be valid or recognized in this state.
II. DISCUSSION
¶ 66. In order to prevail, petitioners must overcome the presumption that Wisconsin‘s domestic partnership law is constitutional and prove that it is unconstitutional beyond a reasonable doubt. Tammy W-G. v. Jacob T., 2011 WI 30, ¶ 46, 333 Wis. 2d 273, 797 N.W.2d 854. The proof that is required is not proof in an evidentiary sense, as we usually understand burdens of proof. Rather, it is proof that “establishes the force or
A. Standard of Review
¶ 67. Whether a statute is facially unconstitutional is a question of law that we independently review, and while we give no deference to prior court decisions, we do benefit from their analyses. State v. McManus, 152 Wis. 2d 113, 129, 447 N.W.2d 654 (1989).
B. Constitutional Challenges
1. Judicial review
¶ 68. When we review a challenge to the constitutionality of a statute, we apply foundational legal principles to each case that comes before us. For example, there is a general presumption that all legislative acts are constitutional. Bostco LLC v. Milwaukee Metro. Sewerage Dist., 2013 WI 78, ¶ 76, 350 Wis. 2d 554, 835 N.W.2d 160. The challenger must overcome this presumption. Id. The challenger also must prove that the statute is unconstitutional beyond a reasonable doubt. GTE Sprint Commc‘ns Corp. v. Wis. Bell, Inc., 155 Wis. 2d 184, 192, 454 N.W.2d 797 (1990). The heavy burden that a challenger must meet is based on our respect for the legislature as a co-equal branch of government. Ponn P., 279 Wis. 2d 169, ¶ 16. Our procedures promote due deference to the legislature‘s constitutional function. Id. (citing State v. Cole, 2003 WI 112, ¶ 18, 264 Wis. 2d 520, 665 N.W.2d 328). This deference is grounded in the recognition that creating distinctions upon which public policies for the state are
¶ 69. We resolve any doubt about whether a statute is constitutional by upholding the legislature‘s enactment. Cole, 264 Wis. 2d 520, ¶ 11. Therefore, it is insufficient for a challenger to show that the statute‘s constitutionality is doubtful or even that the statute probably is unconstitutional. Id.; Jackson v. Benson, 218 Wis. 2d 835, 853, 578 N.W.2d 602 (1998). Furthermore, given alternate interpretations of a statute, we employ the interpretation that will sustain its constitutionality. Am. Family Mut. Ins. Co. v. DOR, 222 Wis. 2d 650, 667, 586 N.W.2d 872 (1998). Stated otherwise, if it is shown that there are applications or interpretations of the statute that would be constitutional, the challenge will fail. Cole, 264 Wis. 2d 520, ¶ 30.
2. Application
¶ 70. The majority opinion carefully addresses petitioners’ facial challenge to Wisconsin‘s domestic partnership law to determine whether that law creates a “legal status” that is “substantially similar to that of marriage for unmarried individuals.” It does so within the court‘s well-defined framework for analyzing facial constitutional challenges. First, the majority opinion accords the domestic partnership law “a strong presumption” that it is constitutional.1 Second, the majority opinion holds the challengers to their obligation to overcome this presumption and to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the law is not constitutional.2
¶ 71. In Madison Teachers, the majority opinion applies the same basic analytic framework as the majority opinion does here. It accords the same presumption of constitutionality to Act 10.3 Madison Teachers also resolves any doubt about the constitutionality of Act 10 in favor of upholding the statute, by requiring plaintiffs to prove the law unconstitutional beyond a reasonable doubt, a burden they did not meet.4
¶ 72. Because understanding our decision today requires some appreciation of the foundational legal principles employed in the judicial decision-making that attends facial constitutional challenges, I write to discuss that aspect of our decision, and accordingly, I respectfully concur.
Notes
(1) “Domestic partner” means an individual who has signed and filed a declaration of domestic partnership in the office of the register of deeds of the county in which he or she resides.
(2) “Domestic partnership” means the legal relationship that is formed between 2 individuals under this chapter.
To form a domestic partnership, individuals must be members of the same sex, must not be nearer of kin to each other than second cousins, must be at least 18 years old and capable of consent, must share a common residence, and must not be married to or in a domestic partnership with another person.