Lead Opinion
¶ 1. This case involves a constitutional challenge to Wis. Stat. § 941.23 (1999-2000),
¶ 2. Before trial, Cole pled guilty to the concealed weapons charge and a drug charge. After he was sentenced, Cole filed a motion to vacate the concealed weapons conviction on the basis that Wis. Stat. § 941.23 violates Article I, Section 25 of the Wisconsin Constitution. The postconviction motion was denied. Cole appealed and the court of appeals certified the matter to this court. We accepted certification, and we now uphold the decision of the circuit court.
I
¶ 3. The facts of this case are not in dispute. On the evening of November 6, 1999, Milwaukee police officers pulled over a vehicle driven by Minko Lewis for an expired registration and a defective brake lamp. Phillip Cole, the defendant in this case, was a passenger
¶ 4. On May 12, 2000, Cole pled guilty to charges of carrying a concealed weapon (CCW) in violation of Wis. Stat. § 941.23 and possession of tetrahydrocannab-inols (marijuana) in violation of Wis. Stat. § 961.41(3g)(e).
¶ 5. On September 29, 2000, Cole filed a motion to vacate his conviction on the concealed weapons charge, alleging that the CCW statute is an unconstitutional infringement of his constitutional right to bear arms. The state constitutional right to bear arms is found in Article I, Section 25 of the Wisconsin Constitution and provides as follows: "The people have the right to keep and bear arms for security, defense, hunting, recreation or any other lawful purpose." Wis. Const, art. I, § 25. Section 941.23 of the Wisconsin Statutes, which Cole claims violates that provision, states: "Any person
¶ 6. The Milwaukee County Circuit Court, the Honorable Charles F. Kahn, Jr., presiding, denied the postconviction motion, finding the statute to be constitutional. Cole appealed and on October 23, 2001, the court of appeals certified the matter to this court. This court then accepted certification on November 27, 2001.
¶ 7. This case was originally scheduled to be decided as a companion case to State v. Gonzales,
I — I I — I
¶ 8. The Wisconsin Legislature first passed a concealed weapons law in 1872. § 1, ch. 7, Laws of 1872; see also State v. Dundon,
¶ 9. Article I, Section 25 of the Wisconsin Constitution was adopted by the citizens of this state in November 1998. Jeffrey Monks, Comment, The End of Gun Control or Protection Against Tyranny ?: The Impаct of the New Wisconsin Constitutional Right to Bear Arms on State Gun Control Laws, 2001 Wis. L. Rev. 249, 250. It became effective on November 30, 1998. See Gonzales,
II
¶ 10. We first address the standards of review applicable in this case. The constitutionality of a statute presents a question of law that this court reviews de
The purpose of construction of a constitutional amendment is to give effect to the intent of the framers and of the people who adopted it; and it is a rule of construction applicable to all сonstitutions that they are to be construed so as to promote the objects for which they were framed and adopted.
Kayden Indus., Inc. v. Murphy,
the plain meaning of the words in the context used; the constitutional debates and the practices in existence at the time of the writing of the constitution; and the earliest interpretation of the provision by the legislature as manifested in the first law passed following adoption.
¶ 13. Rare exceptions to the presumption have been found, particularly where a statute infringes upon First Amendment rights or the process of enactment is suspect. See State v. Weidner,
¶ 14. Cole cites to Kayden Industries and Schmeling v. Phelps to support his argument that because the amendment came into being after the statute, it should not be entitled to a presumption of constitutionality. We find both of these cases inapposite on this particular point. As noted by the State, Kayden has to do with the result when a new constitutional amendment is inconsistent with prior statutes and common law. See Kayden,
The constitution or a constitutional amendment is of the highest dignity and prevails over legislative acts and court rule to the contrary. Ordinary acts of thelegislature, whether adopted before or after the date of the constitution, cannot be given effect if to do so would contravene a substantive provision in the constitution.
Id. at 908-09 (internal quotations and citations omitted) (emphasis added). The presumption was never an issue in Schmeling. As in Kayden, the issue in Schmeling was the proper interpretation when a conflict exists, not the method of ascertaining if there is a conflict at all. Similarly, in La Follette v. Board of Supervisors of Milwaukee County,
¶ 15. Cole also cites City of Princeton v. Buckner,
¶ 16. While we have found the cases cited above to be unhelpful, at least one other state has dealt with this type of situation in the context of gun control laws and applied a presumption of constitutionality. In State v. Comeau,
¶ 17. This court has consistently used broad language in describing the presumption of constitutionality. Also, we have reaffirmed time and again the general rule that a presumption exists. For example, in Ham-mermill, this court, quoting Wisconsin precedent, stated: "All legislative acts are presumed constitutional, and every presumption must be indulged to sustain the law if at all possible." Hammermill,
¶ 18. Given the above analysis demonstrating the general rule favoring application of the presumption and, in addition, finding no valid reason to reject the presumption in this context, we hold that it is appropriate to apply a presumption of constitutionality in this case. As we have noted:
We as a court are not concerned with the merits of the legislation under attack. We are not concerned with the wisdom of what the legislature has done. We are judicially concerned only when the statute clearly contravenes some constitutional provision.
Hammermill,
¶ 19. Cole next argues that this court should apply strict scrutiny, or at least intermediate scrutiny, in determining the constitutionality of Wis. Stat. § 941.23, because the right to bear arms is a fundamental constitutional right. The State questions whether the right to bear arms is fundamental and asserts that because of the compelling public health and safety reasons for the CCW statute, a reasonableness standard is appropriate. The State notes the reasonableness standard is what most other states have used.
¶ 20. We find that the state constitutional right to bear arms is fundamental. It is indeed a rare occurrence for the state constitution's Declaration of Rights to be amended. See Monks, The End of Gun Control,
¶ 21. Nevertheless, we do not agree with Cole's position that strict scrutiny or intermediate scrutiny is required in this case. This court has previously recognized that it need not apply strict scrutiny every time a
¶ 22. Generally, when other courts have evaluated challenges to the validity of gun control statues under state constitutional provisions, the test has been whether the statute constitutes a "reasonable regulation" in light of the state's police powers. See, e.g., People v. Swint,
¶ 23. Even courts that have found such a right to be fundamental have used a reasonableness standard. See, e.g., Arnold v. Cleveland,
¶ 24. Cole acknowledges that the right to bear arms is not absolute. Cole has conceded that some regulation is appropriate, but insists that the prohibition of all concealed weapons extends too far and impermissibly infringes the constitutional right. In the process of drafting Article I, Section 25, the legislature was made aware that "no current state constitutional provision guaranteeing the right to keep and bear arms has been found to create an absolute right." 1995 LCS Memorandum, at 13. Further, it has been noted: "[E]ven in the absence of such specific authorization [for legislative control], the judiciary has long recognized that the exigencies of society require limits on the scope of the arms right. Michael D. Ridberg, The Impact of State Constitutional Right to Bear Arms Provisions on State Gun Control Legislation, 38 U. Chi. L. Rev. 185, 187 (1970).
¶ 25. There are few, if any, absolute rights. As this court recognized long ago: "Indeed, most of the legislative acts which fill our statute books detract in some measure from the absolute freedom of the individual to act wholly at the dictate of his will, and yet are of either decided or fully recognized constitutionality." Zillmer v. Kreutzberg,
[t]he very existence of government renders imperative a power to restrain the individual to some extent. Thisis called the "police power".... It may be described, though not defined, as the power of the government to regulate conduct and property of some for safety and property of all.
Id. at 536-37. Moreover, this authority to enact legislation using police power has been held to "embrace every law or statute which concerns the whole or any part of the people . ..." Id. at 154. As noted by the court of appeals in Fisher,
¶ 26. Although Article I, Section 25 creates a fundamental right, as the above analysis shows, such a right is still subject to reasonable restriction. As such, we find the correct test to be whether or not the restriction upon the carrying of concealed weapons is a reasonable exercise of the State's inherent police powers. Such a test should not be mistaken for a rational basis test. The explicit grant of a fundamental right to bear arms clearly requires something more, because the right must not be allowed to becoine illusory. See State v. Reid,
When a state has a right to bear arms amendment, the test generally changеs from "Is it a 'reasonable' means of promoting the public welfare?" to "Is it a 'reasonable1 limitation on the right to bear arms?"
¶ 27. As we have noted, numerous other jurisdictions have applied a reasonableness test. See, e.g., People v. Atencio,
¶ 28. Having laid out the appropriate standards for our analysis, we move now to application of the test. We face the same task many other state courts have already taken on — to determine whether, in balancing the authority of the state to enact legislation for the health, sаfety and welfare of the public as implemented here through the CCW statute against the right to bear arms, the legislature has gone too far and unreasonably impinged the constitutional right to bear arms. See, e.g., Dano v. Collins,
¶ 29. First, based on the text of the constitution and the legislative history of the amendment, we note our agreement with both parties that Article I, Section 25 of the Wisconsin Constitution grants an individual, rather than a collective, right.
¶ 30. A "facial" challenge to the constitutionality of a statute means that the "challenger must establish, beyond a reasonable doubt, that there are no possible applications or interpretations of the statute which would be constitutional." State v. Wanta,
¶ 31. In interpreting a constitutional provision, we first turn to the plain meaning of the amendment in context. Cole argues that the plain language of the amendment is unambiguous and clearly incompatible with the broad prohibition upon carrying concealed weapons in Wis. Stat. § 941.23. As such, he argues, the statute is effectively repealed. However, both parties in this case have "read in" exceptions to the text of the amendment.
¶ 32. Cole points out that the right to bear arms amendments in many states explicitly leave open the possibility of legislative restriction, some even specifically singling out restrictions upon carrying concealed wеapons. See, e.g., Colo. Const, art. II, § 13 (2002); Fla. Const, art. I, § 8(a) (2002); Ill. Const, art. I, § 22 (2000). We are not persuaded that the absence of such language
¶ 33. Other states have found that CCW statutes can coexist with a constitutional right to bear arms, holding the laws to be reasonable time, place, and manner restrictions. In McAdams,
¶ 34. The McAdams case also supports the conclusion that the CCW statute is sufficiently narrow. As we have discussed, the CCW statute must be "reasonable" restriction upon the right to bear arms in order to pass constitutional muster. This requires us to balance the interests involved. In McAdams, the court aptly noted: "The police power cannot... be invoked in such a manner that amounts to the destruction of the right to bear arms." Id. at 1237. In balancing the individual's constitutional right against the interest of society in enacting laws to "ensure some semblance of order," the court found that the concealed weapons statute did impose a limitation upon the right to bear arms, but that it constituted a reasonable restraint in light of the objectives of the statute. Id. at 1237-38. Similarly, in Dano,
¶ 36. We next examine the legislative history of the amendment. The drafting records related to the right to bear arms amendment are informative. The amendment passed first consideration of the legislature in 1995.1995 Enrolled Joint Resolution 27. In 1997, the second consideration was approved and the amendment moved to the voters for ratification. 1997 Assembly Joint Resolution 11. During this process, the Legislative Reference Bureau (LRB) and the Legislative Council Staff (LCS) authored several analyses related to the amendment to assist the legislature.
Because the inherent authority of the state to protect its citizens through the proper exercise of its police power, it is unlikely that any of the current laws regulating or restricting either the possession or carrying of firearms is in serious jeopardy of being invalidated as an infringement of the proposed constitutional right. A review of court decisions in other states withconstitutional provisions securing the right to keep and bear arms discloses that courts are very willing to uphold reasonable firearms restrictions.
1995 LCS Memorandum at 13-14. Clearly, the legislature knew gun control laws existed and this memo shows that they also had reason to believe the passage of Article I, Section 25 would not impact the status of those laws.
¶ 37. A drafting memo by the LRB, authored by Jefren Olsen and attached to the 1995 LCS Memorandum, also supports the proposition that the legislature intended gun control legislation, including the concealed weapons law, to survive the new constitutional right to bear arms. This memo stated: "Another example of a restriction that is generally held to be reasonable is the prohibition on carrying concealed weapons." Drafter's Note, LRB-4287/ldn at 3, reprinted as attachment to 1995 LCS Memorandum.
¶ 38. A 1997 LCS memo reiterates the assertions of these previous memos. Shaun Haas, Wisconsin Legislative Council Staff Memorandum, Explanation of 1997 Assembly Joint Resolution 11, Relating to the Right to Keep and Bear Arms (Second Consideration) (January 22, 1997). In 1998, the LRB again analyzed the proposed amendment shortly before it went before the public for a vote. See Wisconsin Briefs, Constitutional Amendments to be Considered by the Wisconsin Voters, November 3, 1998, LRB-98-WB-10 (September
¶ 39. Our established constitutional analysis includes an examination of the practices in effect at the time the amendment was passed. Following the lead of the legislature, we have looked to the practices and interpretations of other states. Like proponents of the amendment, we are now convinced that the amendment does not affect the reasonable regulation of guns. The legislative history clearly suggests that the legislature did not intend to repeal reasonable gun laws such as the CCW statute. In examining the potential effects of the new right to bear arms, one article noted that the extensive 1995 LCS Memorandum reviewing the law of other states, lacked any reference to cases allowing prohibitions upon carrying a concealed weapon. McFadden, Wisconsin Bear Arms Amendment,
¶ 40. Further, as our discussion has made clear, our own review of relevant case law from other states shows that CCW statutes like ours have been upheld in states with constitutional protections similar to ours. See Dano,
¶ 41. In contrast to the holding in Buckner, a court of appeals in Ohio has recently affirmed the
The [CCW] statute does not operate as a prohibition against carrying weapons, but as a regulation of the manner of carrying them. This gist of the offense is the concealment. The constitution contains no prohibition against the legislature making such police regulations as may be necessary for the welfare of the public at large as to the manner in which arms shall be borne.
Id. (internal quotations omitted). We find this case to be more analogous than the Buckner case to the matter at hand. We are persuaded that the courts upholding concealed weapons statutes as reasonable restrictions upon a constitutional right to bear arms have properly balanced the interests of the individual and society. Also, given that our legislature was provided in-depth analysis of the general practices in other states, we conclude the legislative intent in creating Article I, Section 25 was not to repeal or invalidate existing gun control legislation, including Wis. Stat. § 941.23.
¶ 42. The final source this court is to consider in construing a constitutional amendment is the first related legislation passed after the amendment was ratified. In this case, the main statute of interest was passed long before the constitutional amendment was drafted. However, there is some legislative action that is of interest in our inquiry. As the amendment went through the drafting process to the present time, efforts have been made to pass laws creating a licensing system
¶ 43. This court has not been forced to look far to find support for its conclusion that Wis. Stat. § 941.23 is facially valid. As our foregoing discussion makes clear, other states have shown a great willingness to uphold "reasonable" restrictions upon the constitutional right to bear arms. We believe the reason is the compelling state interest in protecting the public from the hazards involved with certain types of weapons, such as guns. One article noted the prohibition of carrying concealed weapons is but one of a variety of laws restricting the place and manner in which arms may be carried, and concluded that such prohibitions "have little effect on widespread availability and ownership of weapons." Ridberg, Impact of Right to Bear Arms Provisions,
[I]t might be argued that these laws impede the purpose of self-defense if they deny an individual the right to carry a weapon when he is most likely to be attacked. This argument is countered by two considerations: thedanger of widespread presence of weapons in public places and police protection against attack in these places. Thus, in view of the benefit to be derived from these laws, place and manner regulations which do not restrict possession in homes or businesses do not seem to subvert unduly the self-defense purpose.
Id. We agree with this analysis. Many other states have noted the important safety interests protected by gun control laws. As we have noted, courts have found such laws to be reasonable time, place, and manner restrictions upon constitutional rights to bear arms. The CCW statute in particular serves an important public sаfety purpose:
At common law or by very early statute in England, people were prohibited from going armed that they might not terrorize the King's subjects. That was never the law in this country, but from an early date, with the invention of small arms, statutes were enacted condemning the practice of carrying a deadly weapon concealed on or about the person. The reason for these statutes, it has been said, is "because persons becoming suddenly angered and having such a weapon in their pocket, would be likely to use it, which in their sober moments they would not have done, and which could not have been done had the weapon been upon their person."
Williams v. Commonwealth,
¶ 44. Finally, we mention the intent of the Wisconsin voters. While this court cannot read the minds of Wisconsin citizens at the time they vote, since it is the voters that adopt the language of the constitution, indications of the will of the people are valuable. In the case of the right to bear arms amendment, public opinion polls at the time provide some interesting insights. Two statewide polls indicated that almost eighty percent of Wisconsinites opposed legalizing carrying of concealed weapons. Monks, The End of Gun Control,
V
¶ 45. Cole has also claimed that the CCW statute is unconstitutional "as applied" to him. He claims that the statute impermissibly abrogates the right of an individual to bear arms while riding in a vehicle. This claim must fail.
¶ 46. First, we find that Cole has waived the opportunity to challenge the constitutionality of Wis. Stat. § 941.23 "as applied." In State v. Trochinski,
¶ 47. In addition, Cole argues a hypothetical rather than an application of the facts at hand. Generally, a person cannot challenge the constitutionality of a statute on the grounds that it may be unconstitutional as applied to others. See State v. Thiel,
¶ 48. Cole claims that he was carrying the weapons because he had been "the victim of a brutal beating when he was younger and he did not feel safe in the neighborhood." (Pet'r Br. at 3.) He did not assert that he had the weapons in the car in response to any specific or
¶ 49. In the case at hand, police seized two loaded weapons from the interior of a vehicle, one inside the glove compartment and the other stashed under the front seat of the vehicle. Both clearly were, by any definition, concealed. In Dundon,
VI
¶ 50. Because we conclude that the CCW statute is a reasonable exercise of the state's inherent police powers, we find that the CCW statute is not unconstitutional either on its face or as applied to Cole.
By the Court. — The decision of the Milwaukee County Circuit Court is affirmed.
Notes
All subsequent references to the Wisconsin Statutes are to the 1999-2000 version unless otherwise indicated.
Wisconsin Stat. § 961.41(3g)(e) provides:
If a person possesses or attempts to possess tetrahydrocan-nabinols inсluded under s. 961.14(4)(t), or a controlled substance analog of tetrahydrocannibinols, the person may be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned for not more than 6 months or both.
In 1878, the statute, then Wis. Stat. § 4397, provided:
Any person who shall go armed with any concealed and dangerous weapon, shall be punished by imprisonment in the county jail not more than six months, or by fine not exceeding one hundreddollars: provided, this section shall not apply to any policeman or officer authorized to serve process.
State v. Dundon,
Dundon provides a summary of much of the history of Wis. Stat. § 941.23. There the court noted:
Section 4397 was renumbered as Wis. Stat. § 340.69 in 1925. § 1, ch. 4, Laws of 1925. In 1953, the legislature repealed § 340.69 and adopted Wis. Stat. § 341.23, a statute very similar to the current statute. § 2, ch. 623, Laws of 1953. In 1955, this statute was repealed and renumbered, with minimal changes, as the current Wis. Stat. § 941.23. § 1, ch. 696, Laws of 1955.
Dundon,
In 1969, Wis. Stat. § 941.23 was split into subsections. §§ 1, 2, ch. 272, Laws of 1969. Subsection 1 was substantially the same as what is now the complete statute. In 1977, the legislature amended subsection 1 to change the language from a term of imprisonment to a level of offense, stating that a person going armed with a concealed weapon is "guilty of a Class A misdemeanor." § 37, ch. 173, Laws of 1977. In 1979, the legislature repealed subsection 2 and renumbered Wis. Stat. § 941.23(1) to be simply Wis. Stat. § 941.23, the present statute. See §§ 843g, 843j, ch. 221, Laws of 1979.
Under Article XII, Section 1 of the Wisconsin Constitution, a proposed constitutional amendment must be considered and approved by two successive legislatures before it is presented to the public for referendum approval. Wisconsin Briefs, Constitutional Amendments to be Considered by the Wisconsin Voters, November 3, 1998, LRB-98-WB-10, at 1 (September 1998). The proposed right to bear arms amendment received "first consideration" during the 1995-96 session of the legislature and "second consideration" during the 1997-98 legislature. See Bulletin of the Proceedings of the Wisconsin Legislature, 1995-96 Assemb. Sess., at 394 — 95; Bulletin of the Proceedings of the Wisconsin Legislature, 1997-98 Assemb. Sess., at 316-17.
Regardless of whether the defendant waived the issue, this court may, in its discretion, address the important constitutional issue raised herein.
See also Davis v. Grover,
Actually, many of these laws provided fodder for the debate over the proposed amendment. See Jeffrey Monks, Comment, The End of Gun Control or Protection Against Tyranny ?: The Impact of the New Wisconsin Constitutional Right to Bear Arms on State Gun Control Laws, 2001 Wis. L. Rev. 249, 249-50 n.3-6, 8-9.
Michael D. Ridberg, The Impact of State Constitutional Right to Bear Arms Provisions on State Gun Control Legislation, 38 U. Chi. L. Rev. 185, 187-88 (1970), also notes, regarding the test to apply, that "[t]he range of legislation permissible under the police power is restricted by the notion of reasonableness; both the goals of legislation and the means chosen to achieve those goals must be reasonable in light of the public welfare."
See Memorandum from Shaun Haas, Senior Staff Attorney, Explanation of 1997 Assembly Joint Resolution 11, Relating to the Right to Keep and Bear Arms (Second Consideration) to Interested Legislators, at 2 (January 22, 1997). The 1997 Memorandum to legislators explained the importance of a change that had been made in the language of the proposed constitutional amendment, stating:
Assembly Substitute Amendment 1 substituted the phrase "The people" for the phrase "Every individual" in order to avoid apossible construction of the constitutional amendment that would preclude the Legislature, in the exercise of its inherent police power to enact laws that limit or infringe upon the right to keep and bear arms, from restricting the possession and use of arms by certain individuals (e.g., convicted felons) in the interest of protecting the health, safety or welfare of the public.
Id. Monks provides two additional reasons for this conclusion:
. . . [I]n the cases where "the people" was construed as meaning only an aggregate, the court also relied on other words in the amendment to reach this conclusion, such as references to a "militia" or to the "common defense." No such reference is found in the Wisconsin amendment. Rather the enumerated purposes found in the amendment, such as "hunting" and "recreation" suggest that an individual right was intended.
Third, and perhaps most important, a right is conferred to "the people" in two other places in the Declaration of Rights. Both the amendment guaranteeing protection against unreasonable searches and seizures and the right to assemble and petition use "the people" rather than "person" or "individual." As both of these amendments convey individual rights, this suggests that the right to bear arms does as well.
Monks, The End of Gun Control,
At oral argument, Chief Justice Abrahamson noted that although Cole requests the court to decide based only on the plain language of the amendment, both sides actually read the text of the amendment to have implied exceptions.
The Legislative Reference Bureau is deeply involved in the legislative drafting process, as LRB attorneys draft all bills and resolutions that are introduced into the legislature. See Wisconsin Briefs, Guide to Researching Wisconsin Legislation, LRB-98-WB-8, at 1 (August 1998). The LRB also maintains a library collection with publications and records specifically intended to assist with researching legislative history. See id.
The Legislative Council Staff also assists the legislature. LCS is a nonpartisan legislative service agency of the state legislature. See Joint Legislative Council, Legislative Council Staff, at http://www.legis.state.wi.us/lc/staff_list.htm (last visited Mar. 9, 2003). LCS is responsible for a variety of research services, including responding to requests for research and information from members of the legislature, legislative staff, other governmental agencies, and other state legislatures. Id.
While the research done by these agencies is not necessarily dispositive in determining legislative intent, their analyses at the time of drafting certainly provides the court with valuable information about the knowledge available to legislators. Fur
Regarding the authority of this document, Monks noted: "Because this memorandum (LCS) was read by many legislators and is part of the amendment's official drafting record, the conclusions in it should be considered a strong indicator of legislative intent." Monks, The End of Gun Control,
While Cole's "as applied" argument fails, we note that the scope of the application of the CCW statute has been appropriately raised in the companion to this case, also released today. See State v. Hamdan,
Justice Prosser's concurrence, ¶ 60.
Concurrence Opinion
¶ 51. (concurring). I join Justice Prosser's concurrence except that part of his concurrence in which he states that he "strongly support[s] much of the majority opinion."
¶ 53. Furthermore, I am not persuaded that there is any difference between rational basis test and the majority opinion's "reasonable exercise of police power" test.
¶ 54. For the reasons set forth, I write separately.
See majority op., ¶¶ 12, 17.
See majority op., ¶ 26.
See Noranda Exploration, Inc. v. Ostrom,
See State v. Hamdan,
Concurrence Opinion
¶ 55. (concurring). While I strongly disagree with the majority's conclusion that Wis. Stat. § 941.23 is constitutional, for the reasons set forth in my dissent in State v. Hamdan,
¶ 56. On May 12, 2000, Cole entered a plea of guilty to charges of carrying a concealed weapon (CCW) in violation of Wis. Stat. § 941.23 and to possession of THC (marijuana) in violation of Wis. Stat. § 961.41(3g)(e). Judge Maxine A. White sentenced Cole to 60 days on the CCW charge and 15 days (concurrent) on the possession charge.
¶ 57. Four and one-half months later, on September 29, 2000, Cole filed a motion to vacate his conviction on the CCW charge. For the first time he raised the issue of the constitutionality of the CCW statute, claiming that his right to bear arms, found in Article I, Section 25 of the Wisconsin Constitution, was violated by that statute.
¶ 58. He was too late! His objection was not made prior to his guilty plea, and therefore was not in any way preserved for subsequent review. Wisconsin law has long been clear that a guilty plea, which is knowingly and voluntarily made, waives all non-jurisdictional defects and defenses, including alleged violations of constitutional rights. See State v. Bangert,
¶ 59. Since Cole, by his guilty plea, waived his right to claim that Wis. Stat. § 941.23 (CCW statute) is unconstitutional, his conviction must be affirmed. Because of his waiver, I respectfully concur in the mandate.
Concurrence Opinion
¶ 60. (concurring). This case represents the court's initial effort to interpret Article I, Section 25 of the Wisconsin Constitution. The majority opinion holds that the new provision grants a fundamental, individual right to keep and bear’arms. The majority states several times that the right is "fundamental," majority op., ¶¶ 20, 26, 29, and it expresses agreement with the parties "that Article I, Section 25 . . . grants an individual, rather than a collective, right." Id., ¶ 29. Although I strongly support much of the mаjority opinion, I write separately to explain why the amendment deserves a more nuanced interpretation.
¶ 61. Article I, Section 25 originated in the 1995 legislative session. The amendment was one of several reactions to municipal initiatives to ban handguns.
¶ 62. Milwaukee and Kenosha
Under the handgun ban proposal, nearly 300 federally licensed gun dealers (there are no gun shops in Milwaukee — most dealers sell out of their homes) would be restricted to selling only shotguns, rifles and the few pistols that have barrels longer than 10 inches.
Residents who own handguns would be urged to turn them over to city police, who would catalog and then destroy the weapons. When handguns turn up during arrests, traffic stops and other police contacts, residents could face misdemeanor convictions punishable by $100 fines and $200 for repeated convictions. All firearms would be confiscated.
Stephen Braun, Vote Puts Milwaukee Under the Gun, Cap. Times, Nov. 2, 1994, at 3A.
¶ 63. Both referenda were defeated.
¶ 64. Representative DuWayne Johnsrud announced that he would introduce legislation to preempt municipalities from enacting gun control ordinances that were stricter than state law. Representative Johnsrud stated: "Cities like Madison are creating á patchwork of regulations across the state. ... I want to make sure that individuals have the law-given ability to
¶ 65. In the meantime, Senator David Zien introduced a constitutional amendment to keep and bear arms. 1995 Senate Joint Resolution 7 (introduced February 14, 1995). Senator Zien explained that the measure had been introduced because of "pressure on law-abiding gun-owning citizens" by "anti-gun forces."
¶ 66. On September 1, 1995, Assembly Majority Leader Scott R. Jensen introduced an identical constitutional amendment in the Assembly. 1995 Assembly Joint Resolution 53. More than half of the members of the Assembly co-authored Jensen's amendment, and they were joined by 16 senators. This was the joint resolution that ultimately passed.
¶ 67. The Zien/Jensen constitutional amendment, as originally proposed, read as follows:
Every individual, except an individual restricted in accordance with federal law, has the right to keep and bear arms for any lawful purpose including for securityor defense, for hunting and for recreational use, but the manner of bearing arms may be regulated as authorized by the legislature by law.
1995 Assembly Joint Resolution 53.
¶ 68. Representative Jensen's joint resolution was referred to the Assembly Committee on Elections and Constitutional Law, which conducted a public hearing on it only six days after its introduction.
¶ 69. When the joint resolution came out of the Committee on Elections and Constitutiоnal Law, it was referred to a second committee, the Assembly Committee on Criminal Justice and Corrections.
¶ 70. On March 22, 1996, the Committee on Criminal Justice and Corrections approved a substitute amendment,
¶ 71. This text was approved by the Assembly on March 26, approved by the Senate on May 8, approved by the legislature at its next session, and ultimately ratified by the people of Wisconsin. During the first debate in the Assembly, the amendment was referred to as "the Soglin amendment."
¶ 73. Footnote 10 of the majority opinion quotes from a 1997 Legislative Council Memorandum containing Shaun Haas's explanation of the textual change:
Assembly Substitute Amendment 1 substituted the phrase "The people" for the phrase "Every individual" in order to avoid a possible construction of the constitutional amendment that would preclude the Legislature, in the exercise of its inherent police power to enact laws that limit or infringe upon the right to keep and bear arms, from restricting the possession and use of arms by certain individuals (e.g., convicted felons) in the interest of protecting the health, safety or welfare of the public.
Majority op., ¶ 29 n.10 (quoting Memorandum from Shaun Haas, Senior Staff Attorney, Explanation of 1997 Assembly Joint Resolution 11, Relating to the Right to
¶ 74. Having quoted this Legislative Council analysis, the majority opinion disregards its importance. If the change in constitutional text was intended to permit restriction of the possession and use of firearms by certain individuals — actually, substantial classifications of individuals — the amendment cannot be described as creating a "fundamental" right. Convicted felons are not the only persons restricted or prohibited from possessing or using firearms. See Wis. Stat. §§ 29.304, 941.29, 948.60(2). The same 1995 legislature that gave initial approval to the constitutional amendment also passed legislation prohibiting a person from possessing a firearm if he or she is subject to a domestic abuse, child abuse, or harassment injunction.
¶ 75. In his law review comment on the right to bear arms amendment, Jeffrey Monks recognized and discussed the final change in constitutional text. He wrote:
In right to bear arms amendments, the use of the phrase "the people" to describe those to whom the right has been conferred has sometimes been interpreted as indicating a collective rather than an individual right because "people" rеfers to an aggregate of citizens. Particularly because the Second Amendment, which is generally interpreted as granting a collective right, also uses the phrase "the people" in its language, one couldargue this choice of language implies a similar interpretation for the Wisconsin amendment. Furthermore, the language of the proposed amendment originally included "every individual" and was changed to "the people" later. In a memorandum commenting on the amendment's original language, the [Legislative Council Staff] concluded that the purpose of the amendment was to create an individual right based partially on the fact that the term "individual" had been chosen. The fact that "individual" is no longer used undercuts this conclusion. If interpreted as a collective right, the amendment's effect as a limit on gun control legislation would be severely curtailed, as gun control laws are generally directed at individuals.
Jeffrey Monks, Comment, The End of Gun Control or Protection Against Tyranny ?: The Impact of the New Wisconsin Constitutional Right to Bear Arms on State Gun Control Laws, 2001 Wis. L. Rev. 249, 268. Curiously, the majority opinion does not report this passage. Instead, it quotes later passages that attempt to explain away any significance to the textual change. Majority op., ¶ 29 n.10 (quoting Monks, supra, at 268-69).
¶ 76. In retrospect, there are at least two reasons why the legislature changed the text of the proposed amendmеnt from "Every individual" to "The people."
¶ 77. First, although the legislature wanted to establish a right that would benefit hundreds of thousands of individual gun owners, it wanted to deempha-size the "individual" nature of this right. The original amendment provided that "Every individual, except an individual restricted in accordance with federal law, has the right to keep and bear arms . . . but the manner of bearing arms may be regulated...." (Emphasis added.) This draft could have been read to limit the police power to regulate firearms, permitting the legislature to regulate the manner of bearing arms but
¶ 78. Second, the legislature wanted to underscore that the people have a right to reasonably regulated gun ownership that cannot be denied to them en masse by state legislation or local ordinance.
¶ 79. The constitutional right to keep and bear arms in Wisconsin is an important right and a valuable right, and it must be protected. But it is not a fundamental right in the same sense that freedom of speech, freedom of worship, the right to remain silent, and the right to jury trial are fundamental rights. The right is subject to reasonable regulation under the police power. Recognizing the limits to this important right up front will avoid a deluge of frivolous litigation.
Christopher R. McFadden, The Wisconsin Bear Arms Amendment and the Case Against an Absolute Prohibition on Carrying Concealed Weapons, 19 N. Ill. U. L. Rev. 709, 713-16 (1999).
James Rowen, Madison Victory at Polls Bolsters Gun Supporters, Mil. J., Apr. 8, 1993, at B5.
All cited newspaper clippings are from the state editions of Milwaukee newspapers on file at the Wisconsin Legislative Reference Bureau, Madison, Wisconsin.
Id.; Daniel Bice, Fendry Vows War on Gun Ordinances, Mil. Sentinel, Dec. 8, 1994, at 6B.
Joel Broadway, City Officials Propose Ban on Assault Weapons, Wis. State J., Apr. 19,1994, at 1A; Joel Broadway, City Council to Vote Tonight on Gun Control Proposals, Wis. State J., Dec. 6, 1994, at 1A.
Joel Broadway, Gun Ban, Wis. State J., Dec. 7,1994, at 1A; Bice, Fendry Vows War on Gun Ordinances, Mil. Sentinel, Dec. 8, 1994, at 6B.
Id.
The Kenosha referendum question read: "Shall the possession of handguns be banned in the city subject to certain enumerated exceptions?" Tom Held, Handgun Ban Shot Down, Mil. Sentinel, Nov. 9, 1994, at 1A.
Tom Held, NRA Contributed $133,449 to Fight City Handgun Ban, Mil. Sentinel, Nov. 1, 1994, at 1A.
Id.
Id.
Stephen Braun, Vote Puts Milwaukee Under the Gun, Cap. Times, Nov. 2, 1994, at 3A. [reprinted from Los Angeles Times article].
Tom Held, Handgun Ban Shot Down, Mil. Sentinel, Nov. 9, 1994, at 1A.
Jack Norman, Pro-gun Forces Mm for State Ban on Bans, Mil. J., Nov. 10, 1994, at Bl; Daniel Bice, Fendry Vows War on Gun Ordinances, Mil. Sentinel, Dec. 8, 1994, at 6B; David Callender, City's Gun Laws May Fall, Cap. Times, Dec. 9. 1994, at 1A.
Gun Rule Shootout, Cap. Times, Dec. 16, 1994, at 10A.
Steve Walters, Zien Seeks Guarantees on Ownership of Guns, Mil. Sentinel, Jan. 20, 1995, at 4A.
Id.
Id
Assembly Bulletin of the Proceedings of the Wisconsin Legislature, 1995 A.J.R. 53, 1995-96 Sess., 394.
Id.
Id.
Id.; Sharon Thelmer, Gun Legislation Considered, Wis. State J., Jan. 22, 1996, at 1A.
Assembly Bulletin of the Proceedings of the Wisconsin Legislature, 1995 A.J.R. 53, 1995-96 Sess., 394.
Id.
Record of Committee Proceedings: Public Hearing on A.J.R. 53 Before the Committee on Criminal Justice and Corrections, 1995-96 Leg. Sess. (Wis., Feb. 15, 1996) 1.
Sharon Thelmer, Gun Legislation Considered, Wis. State J., Jan. 22, 1996, at 1A.
Id.
Assembly Bulletin of the Proceedings of the Wisconsin Legislature, 1995 A.J.R. 53, 1995-96 Sess., 394.
Daniel Bice, Assembly Backs Amendment Affirming Right to Own Guns, Mil. J. Sentinel, Mar. 27, 1996, at 7B; Daniel Bice, Assembly Supports Right to Bear Arms, Wis. State J., Mar. 27, 1996, at 3B.
Shaun Haas wrote the exact same words in a March 25, 1996, memorandum to Representative Robert G. Goetsch and other interested legislators, explaining Assembly Substitute Amendment 1.
See 1995 Wis. Act 71; Wis. Stat. §§813.12, 813.122, 813.125.
Christopher McFadden correctly concluded that the amendment "evinces a hostility to inflexible, blanket gun control laws. While citizens may have agreed that less restrictive limitations on bearing arms were necessary and perhaps even desirable, they adamantly opposed total prohibitions." McFadden, supra, at 716.
