Fernandez v. United StatesFernandez v. United States
NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is being done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued. The syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader. See United States v. Detroit Timber & Lumber Co., 200 U. S. 321, 337.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
Syllabus
FERNANDEZ v. UNITED STATES
CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT
No. 24–556. Argued November 12, 2025—Decided May 28, 2026
Joe Fernandez was indicted in 2013 for his role in the assassination of two gang members. The prosecution‘s theory was that members of a drug ring had paid Fernandez to act as the backup shooter, and when the primary shooter‘s gun jammed, Fernandez fired 14 rounds and killed both victims. Fernandez‘s alleged co-conspirator, Patrick Darge, testified against Fernandez at trial. The jury convicted Fernandez of murder for hire and a firearms offense, and the District Court imposed two consecutive life sentences.
Fernandez pursued multiple avenues of relief. He first asked the District Court to reconsider, alleging Brady violations related to the Government‘s failure to disclose that another alleged co-conspirator, Luis Rivera, had denied driving the getaway car. The District Court reviewed the Government‘s notes from interviewing Rivera and concluded that they did not contain relevant information, though the judge noted he was “troubled” by the Government‘s lenient treatment of Rivera. The Second Circuit affirmed the conviction and sentence, rejecting both the Brady claim and Fernandez‘s insufficiency-of-evidence argument. It held that a reasonable jury could credit Darge‘s testimony and that the evidence was sufficient to support conviction. Fernandez then twice moved for postconviction relief under
Fernandez finally filed a motion for compassionate release under
Held: A prisoner who collaterally attacks the validity of his conviction must proceed through
(a) Section 2255 governs collateral attacks on federal convictions and imposes tight procedural constraints, including: a 1-year statute of limitations,
The Court‘s precedents establish that claims “close to the core of habeas corpus” must be brought under “the specific federal habeas corpus statute” prescribed for relief, Preiser v. Rodriguez, 411 U. S. 475, 489, and other statutes “must be read in harmony” with the habeas framework, District Attorney‘s Office for Third Judicial Dist. v. Osborne, 557 U. S. 52, 66. In Preiser, the Court held that even though prisoners’ claims “came within the literal terms” of
Applying these principles, challenging the validity of a conviction through a compassionate release motion circumvents the exacting requirements of
The text and structure of
(b) Fernandez‘s argument that
Fernandez‘s backup argument—that actual innocence claims must be cognizable under
104 F. 4th 420, affirmed.
BARRETT, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which ROBERTS, C. J., and THOMAS, ALITO, GORSUCH, and KAVANAUGH, JJ., joined. SOTOMAYOR, J., filed an opinion concurring in the judgment, in which KAGAN, J., joined. JACKSON, J., filed a dissenting opinion.
NOTICE: This opinion is subject to formal revision before publication in the United States Reports. Readers are requested to notify the Reporter of Decisions, Supreme Court of the United States, Washington, D. C. 20543, pio@supremecourt.gov, of any typographical or other formal errors.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
No. 24–556
JOE FERNANDEZ, PETITIONER v. UNITED STATES
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT
[May 28, 2026]
JUSTICE BARRETT delivered the opinion of the Court.
A federal statute authorizes district courts to shorten prison sentences for “extraordinary and compelling reasons“—most commonly, conditions like the prisoner‘s age and infirmity.
I
Fernandez was indicted in 2013 for his role in the assassination of two gang members. The prosecution‘s theory was that members of a drug ring had paid Fernandez $40,000 to act as the backup shooter. When the primary shooter‘s gun jammed, Fernandez stepped in. He fired 14 rounds, killing both victims.
Fernandez‘s cousin and alleged co-conspirator, Patrick Darge, testified against him at trial. To discredit Darge, Fernandez‘s counsel argued that Darge was framing Fernandez to protect the real second shooter, Darge‘s brother. Unconvinced, the jury convicted Fernandez of murder for
Fernandez asked the District Court to reconsider, alleging that the prosecution had violated Brady v. Maryland, 373 U. S. 83 (1963). He pressed that argument several times, first in a motion to vacate the verdict, then in a motion for new trial, and again in a motion for rehearing. According to Fernandez, the Government should have disclosed that another alleged co-conspirator, Luis Rivera, had denied driving the getaway car. To determine whether Rivera had in fact denied his involvement, the District Court reviewed the Government‘s notes from Rivera‘s interview; it concluded that they “d[id] not contain any relevant information.” United States v. Fernandez, 2014 WL 7180225, *1 (SDNY, Nov. 25, 2014). There was no evidence that Rivera had ever made such a statement, and it was not clear that it would have mattered to the jury if he had. Even so, the judge noted that he was “troubled” that prosecutors had “allow[ed] Rivera to plead to a lesser narcotics offense and [had] dismiss[ed] the murder and gun charges against him.” Id., at *3. In the judge‘s view, the prosecutors could have used the evidence in Fernandez‘s case to show that Rivera had engaged in similar wrongdoing. Ibid.
Fernandez appealed, and the Second Circuit affirmed his conviction and sentence. See United States v. Fernandez, 648 Fed. Appx. 56 (2016). Although Fernandez argued that the Government had failed to turn over its notes before trial, those notes “d[id] not reflect Rivera‘s unequivocal denial of a getaway driver role.” Id., at 61. “[I]n any event,” the court said, “Fernandez fails to show how the notes could have been ‘useful‘” for impeaching any witness. Ibid. Fernandez also argued that insufficient evidence supported his conviction: He insisted that Darge‘s testimony was not credible and highlighted the Government‘s choice not to charge Rivera as a co-conspirator in the murder-for-hire plot,
Fernandez persisted. He twice moved for postconviction relief under
Still, the District Judge remained troubled about Fernandez‘s murder-for-hire conviction. No new evidence had surfaced. But the judge continued to focus on Rivera—the getaway driver who had pleaded guilty to a less serious charge. In his order vacating the firearms conviction, the judge speculated that the Government had offered Rivera such a lenient plea deal because it “kn[ew] something” inconsistent with Darge‘s testimony. Id., at 174, n. 4. And if Darge was lying, the judge wondered, “perhaps there is something to Petitioner‘s argument, that not he, but Patrick Darge‘s brother . . . was the second shooter, and that Patrick Darge testified to cover that up.” Ibid. Notably, the
Fernandez took the hint. Within two weeks, he filed a motion for compassionate release under
The District Court granted the motion. Nearly a decade after presiding over the trial and sentencing, the judge felt “a certain disquiet” about whether Darge‘s testimony had been truthful and whether the cross-examination had been effective. 2022 WL 17039059, *4 (SDNY, Nov. 17, 2022). He had “strong concerns” about the Government‘s decision to charge the getaway driver with a lesser offense and “doubt[ed] that the jury‘s verdict was correct.” Ibid. Darge might have “sacrifice[d]” Fernandez “to save his brother,” and Fernandez might not have been the shooter or even “a member of the conspiracy.” Ibid. That “disquiet” formed the “basis of [the District Court‘s] finding that Petitioner Joe Fernandez has shown extraordinary and compelling circumstances for his release.” Ibid.1
The Second Circuit reversed, holding that “challenges to the validity of a conviction are not cognizable as ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ under section 3582(c)(1)(A).” 104 F. 4th 420, 431 (2024). Congress has channeled such claims into federal postconviction proceedings under
While seven other Circuits have reached the same conclusion, two have taken the other side.2 We granted certiorari to resolve the split. 605 U. S. 931 (2025).
II
Collateral attacks on federal convictions are governed by
Recall that Fernandez brought—and lost—a challenge to his conviction under
This is not the first time we have addressed the relationship between the habeas statutes and other kinds of prisoner litigation. In Preiser v. Rodriguez, prisoners brought claims under
Gonzalez v. Crosby, 545 U. S. 524 (2005), flows in the same vein. There, we held that prisoners may not use
Much like the prisoners in Preiser and Gonzalez, Fernandez has pursued a collateral attack outside the rigorous habeas framework. And as in those cases, the workaround is impermissible. Challenging the validity of a conviction
Indeed, Fernandez candidly admits that avoiding
It is easy to see why Fernandez would prefer this construction. Section 3582—in sharp contrast to
We will not set
While Congress has not defined the “extraordinary and compelling reasons” that may warrant a reduced sentence, these criteria are not empty vessels. “Extraordinary” means “most unusual,” “far from common,” and “having little or no precedent.” Webster‘s Third New International Dictionary 807 (1976); see 5 Oxford English Dictionary 614 (2d ed. 1989) (“[o]ut of the usual or regular course or order“).
An argument that is compelling in one context is not necessarily so in another; the force of an argument depends on what it seeks to justify. For instance, a 25th wedding anniversary is a convincing reason to shorten a business trip, but it is not a convincing reason to shorten a prison sentence. So here, we do not ask in the abstract whether a challenge to the validity of a conviction is “compelling.” We ask whether it is an especially convincing reason to grant the relief sought: compassionate release from prison.4
Section 2255‘s reticulated scheme bears on this inquiry. A reason is not “compelling” if Congress has channeled it through the postconviction statutes. Even Fernandez recognizes that an argument may be less compelling if it could have been—and was not—asserted through
The role of the Bureau of Prisons reflects the statute‘s focus on a defendant‘s personal circumstances—his advanced age, safety risk, illness, rehabilitation, and the like. The Bureau evaluates compassionate release motions in the first instance. Until 2018, a district court could reduce a sentence only “‘upon motion of the Director of the Bureau of Prisons.‘” Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, 98 Stat. 1998–1999. After the First Step Act, prisoners may file their own compassionate release motions, but only if the Bureau declines or fails to respond to a prisoner‘s request that the Director file on his behalf. 132 Stat. 5239. Fernandez agrees that this procedural shift in the Bureau‘s role—from
If compassionate release were a vehicle for attacking the validity of a conviction, it is hard to see why the Bureau of Prisons would run the process. The Bureau‘s institutional expertise lies in the daily lives of prisoners: matters relating to their “safekeeping,” “care,” “subsistence,” “protection,” “instruction,” and “discipline.”
Regulatory history points the same way. Congress has authorized the Sentencing Commission to issue policy statements about when compassionate release is warranted,
In short, the structural inference of Preiser and Gonzalez is borne out in
III
Fernandez insists that because
Instead of helping him, this argument highlights the mismatch between the error Fernandez alleges and the remedy he seeks. When an elderly or infirm prisoner is discharged early, the reasons for release have nothing to do with the lawfulness of the conviction—so it makes sense to leave it in place. But when a prisoner persuades a court that his conviction is invalid, the remedy of a little less prison time does not redress the wrong. If a conviction is invalid, the fitting remedy is to vacate it, as
In any event, the difference in relief does not render Preiser irrelevant. The remedies were not identical in Preiser either: The prisoner sought an injunction under
And to be clear: Fernandez is challenging the validity of his conviction, even though he is not asking to have it vacated or set aside. Whether a prisoner‘s request for relief challenges a conviction turns on the nature of the arguments presented. See, e.g., Gonzalez, 545 U. S., at 531, 533 (holding that only some arguments presented in a
Fernandez offers a backup position: Even if
It bears emphasis that this argument is only marginally relevant to Fernandez himself. No court—not even the District Court that reduced his sentence—concluded that Fernandez was actually innocent. His evidentiary challenges were repeatedly rejected, and the District Court reduced his sentence because of “disquiet” about the conviction, not confidence in Fernandez‘s innocence. 2022 WL 17039059, *4. So even if an actual innocence claim were cognizable under
In any event, this case gives us no occasion to decide the antecedent question whether a prisoner may assert a
Fernandez‘s remaining arguments echo those presented in another case, which we also decide today. See Rutherford v. United States, ___ U. S. ___ (2026). Petitioners in both cases contend that the phrase “extraordinary and compelling reasons” vests courts with broad discretion to grant a prisoner compassionate release for virtually any reason whatsoever. We reject these arguments here for the same reasons we reject them in Rutherford. Id., at ___–___ (slip op., at 11–15). “While the terms ‘extraordinary’ and ‘compelling’ leave room for judgment, they are not so flexible as to encompass any consideration.” Id., at ___ (slip op., at 11).
* * *
The compassionate release provision is not a vehicle for attacking the validity of a conviction. Accordingly, the judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit is affirmed.
It is so ordered.
The First Step Act of 2018 expanded district courts’ authority to “reduce [a] term of imprisonment” upon a finding that “extraordinary and compelling reasons warrant such a reduction” and that the reduced sentence is consistent with traditional sentencing factors.
Even so, the judgment below should be affirmed on a different, far simpler ground, which follows much more naturally from the statute before the Court: A motion for compassionate release cannot justify a reduced sentence if it relies solely on facts a court already considered in imposing
In general, a “court may not modify a term of imprisonment once it has been imposed.”
The District Court‘s grant of relief here ran afoul of this principle. Petitioner Joe Fernandez has been litigating the issues at the core of his
This grant of relief was inappropriate given the absence of any postsentencing developments, and the Court needed to go no further to affirm the decision below. Unfortunately, bad facts often make bad law, and so they did today. Correctly perceiving a problem with the District Court‘s grant of relief, the majority responds with a rule that goes far beyond both what is needed to resolve this case and, worse, what the text and relevant precedents can bear. Because I do not agree with the majority‘s reasoning in support of its decision to affirm the decision below, I concur only in the judgment of the Court.
Section
Today, the Court arbitrarily restricts that discretion by grafting an atextual rule onto
What, then, explains the new categorical rule that the Court adopts today? The answer appears to be the majority‘s intuition that the District Court‘s grant of petitioner Joe Fernandez‘s compassionate-release motion qualifies as
Because the Court of Appeals erroneously relied on such a habeas-based rule in reversing the District Court‘s grant of compassionate release, and the majority now endorses that approach, I respectfully dissent. I would vacate, rather than affirm, the decision of the Court of Appeals.
I
The majority holds that the District Court erred in granting Fernandez‘s compassionate-release motion because
What is evident is that, in devising this new rule, the majority devotes most of its analysis to describing the contours of habeas relief under
A
Start with the words Congress used in
Not only is there no explicit basis for the majority‘s habeas-based rule, there is also no implicit one. Section
The majority offers little by way of a text-based comeback. Focusing on the word “compelling,” the majority observes that what “is compelling in one context is not necessarily so in another“; for example, a 25th wedding anniversary may be a “compelling” reason to shorten a business trip but not a prison sentence. Ante, at 10. While obviously true, that observation tells us nothing relevant. All agree that personal considerations (e.g., illness and family hardship) might warrant a sentence reduction under
B
The text alone suffices to dispel the habeas-related limitation myth the majority adopts today. But, as is often true of statutes, it is not possible to fully understand the compassionate-release provision without appreciating its statutory and legislative history. See R. Katzmann, Judging Statutes 31 (2014) (“The task of the judge is to make sense of legislation in a way that is faithful to Congress‘s purposes“). The historical context under which
1
Before 1984, “the Federal Government employed in criminal cases a system of indeterminate sentencing.” Mistretta v. United States, 488 U. S. 361, 363 (1989). Though “[s]tatutes specified the penalties for crimes,” they “nearly always gave the sentencing judge wide discretion to decide whether the offender should be incarcerated and for how long” or “whether restraint, such as probation, should be imposed instead of imprisonment or fine.” Ibid. The result: “great variation among sentences imposed by different judges upon similarly situated offenders” and “uncertainty as to the time the offender would spend in prison.” Id., at 366.
Congress set out to alleviate those problems with the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984. See 98 Stat. 1987; see also S. Rep. No. 98–225, p. 65 (1983) (“The shameful disparity in criminal sentences is a major flaw in the existing
By design, the new Guidelines-based system left little room for judges to exercise discretion when determining the applicable sentence. See S. Rep. No. 98–225, at 38 (describing the new system as aimed at eliminating “the unfettered discretion the law confers” on sentencing judges). At the same time, Congress recognized that removing all discretion would result in unfairly harsh sentences for some prisoners. Indeed, despite the uniformity aim of the Guidelines, lawmakers acknowledged the possibility of an “exceptional situation where someone obviously slips through the cracks and gets a much longer sentence.” Hearings on Revision of the Federal Criminal Code before the Subcommittee on Criminal Justice of the House Committee on the Judiciary, 96th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 3, pp. 1842–1843 (1979) (Code Revision Hearings) (statement of Rep. Lungren). Federal judges similarly warned of “those occasional cases which cry out for some sort of revision, even though the sentence
This problem was what Congress set out to address when it created various “‘safety valve[s]‘” on the back end of the sentencing process, allowing district courts to exercise their discretion to reduce sentences in “unusual case[s].” S. Rep. No. 98–225, at 121. The compassionate-release provision was one of them. As enacted in 1984,
Significantly for present purposes, Congress was well aware of
2
But, as it turned out, the compassionate-release safety valve rarely opened in the decades following
Of particular issue was the BOP‘s exceedingly narrow interpretation of the statutory phrase “extraordinary and compelling,” which its Central Office staff had interpreted as referring only to “terminally ill medical conditions with a life expectancy of 1 year or less or those who are incapacitated and unable to perform their daily activities—criteria that [were] found nowhere in the relevant statute.” Id., at 13. And though BOP regulations technically “permit[ted] non-medical circumstances to be considered as a basis for compassionate release,” the agency “routinely reject[ed] such requests.” Id., at ii.
Congress took notice. In 2017, a bipartisan group of Senators wrote to the Department of Justice and expressed “dee[p] concer[n] that BOP [was] not fulfilling its role in the compassionate release process.” Letter from 12 U. S. Senators to J. Rod Rosenstein, Deputy Attorney General, & Dr. T. Kane, Acting BOP Director 3 (Aug. 3, 2017) (Letter from 12 U. S. Senators). Several of those Senators worked together later that year to introduce a “bipartisan sentencing and prison reform bill” known as the First Step Act, which passed the following year. 164 Cong. Rec. S7645 (Dec. 17,
This historical account can be summarized succinctly. Congress crafted
II
A
The majority nevertheless insists on categorically excluding one potential ground for compassionate release—any consideration that supposedly “attacks the validity of [a] conviction” or sentence. Ante, at 1. One glaring flaw with this analysis is the majority‘s failure to clearly establish when this forbidden circumstance arises; that is, what, exactly, does it mean for a prisoner to collaterally attack his conviction in the context of a compassionate-release motion? It is not hard to see how one man‘s collateral attack is another man‘s compelling bid for compassion.
Consider, for example, an actually innocent defendant—let‘s call him Paul. Paul is serving a life sentence and, for reasons beyond his control, failed to discover indisputably exonerating evidence during his trial. But Paul cannot point to any way in which his conviction or sentence violates the Constitution or some other provision of the U. S. Code. He does not allege, for instance, that his counsel was
An innocent man stuck in prison for life: Can there be a more “extraordinary and compelling” reason to shorten a prison sentence than that? And is there any logical reason to believe that Congress meant to prohibit Paul from petitioning the court for such relief under
Of course, this is not to say that every assertion of innocence will necessarily qualify as an “extraordinary” or “compelling” basis for a sentence reduction. For instance, a claim of innocence that simply rehashes the evidence presented at trial is unlikely to suffice. The concern that Fernandez is making such an unjustified innocence claim seems to be what drives much of the majority‘s analysis today. See ante, at 16 (“No court—not even the District Court that reduced his sentence—concluded that Fernandez was actually innocent. His evidentiary challenges were repeatedly rejected“); see also ante, at 2 (SOTOMAYOR, J., concurring in judgment) (“Petitioner Joe Fernandez has been litigating the issues at the core of his
Section
Put differently, habeas nullifies a conviction as a matter of law, while compassionate release shortens a sentence as a matter of grace. The majority does not adequately explain why these two forms of relief—which operate differently, exist for different reasons, and ultimately yield different results—must necessarily work to the exclusion of each other.
B
Despite these crucial observations, the majority forges ahead, insisting on grafting a habeas-based restriction onto
1
Highlighting the BOP‘s role in compassionate release and the fact that prison officials can observe things like “advanced age,” “safety risk,” and “illness,” the majority contends that Congress‘s centering of the BOP “reflects the statute‘s focus on a defendant‘s personal circumstances.” Ante, at 11. But the majority cannot deny that Congress amended
Recall that Congress amended the compassionate-release provision as part of the First Step Act—legislation that was broadly aimed at providing district courts with discretion to alleviate what many had come to believe were unduly harsh criminal sentences. See Concepcion v. United States, 597 U. S. 481, 486 (2022). Pointing back to the original, pre-First Step Act scope of
The majority also tells only half the story when it declares that, “[f]or decades, the Sentencing Commission has tied the availability of compassionate release to a defendant‘s personal circumstances.” Ante, at 12. To be sure, the agency has always identified certain personal characteristics (such as “‘a serious physical or medical condition‘“). But it has also included a catchall category for any circumstances determined to be “‘extraordinary and compelling.‘” United States Sentencing Commission, Guidelines Manual Supp. to App. C, Amdt. 683 (Nov. 2008) (USSG) (effective Nov. 2006); id., Amdt. 698 (effective Nov. 2007); USSG Supp. to App. C, Amdt. 799 (Nov. 2016); see
The takeaway from all this is not, as the majority suggests, that compassionate release has always been understood to be limited to certain kinds of factors (i.e., personal circumstances). See ante, at 11–12. Rather, the statutory and regulatory history establishes that
2
The majority‘s reliance on the habeas-channeling analysis in Preiser and Gonzalez is equally misplaced.
Start with Preiser. In that case, we considered a
Unlike
Gonzalez is equally inapposite. There, we held that prisoners cannot use motions for “relief from a final judgment” under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 60(b) to circumvent the statutory limitations on second-or-successive habeas applications. 545 U. S., at 528. But Rule 60(b), like
Instead of acknowledging the poor fit of Preiser and Gonzalez, the majority doubles down, insisting that these cases stand for “an anticircumvention principle.” Ante, at 8, n. 3. That might well be a common thread. But the majority does not explain why the anticircumvention principle applies to
Put differently, the majority assumes that compassionate release operates as an end-run around habeas restrictions. But there is nothing in either statute that corroborates the majority‘s intuition that habeas restrictions take primacy over the “extraordinary and compelling reasons” justifying compassionate release.
C
Perhaps even more troubling than the lack of support for today‘s holding is the uncertainty this case will create moving forward. That uncertainty results, in part, from the majority‘s backwards reasoning: It starts with the premise that Fernandez is functionally attempting to use
Worse still, on its way to announcing that “[a] prisoner who collaterally attacks the validity of his conviction must proceed through” habeas only, the majority fails to define with any precision what it means for a prisoner to “collat erally attac[k] the validity of his conviction.” Ante, at 1. Its inability to do so is understandable, since delineating the bounds of such “collateral attacks” is notoriously difficult. Cf. W. Baude, J. Goldsmith, J. Manning, J. Pfander, & A. Tyler, Hart and Wechsler‘s The Federal Courts and the Federal System 1687 (8th ed. 2025) (Hart & Wechsler) (discussing the difficulty of determining when, under the Preiser line of cases, a successful
This case illustrates why the new line the majority draws is a fuzzy one. The District Court did not question the legality of the jury‘s verdict or Fernandez‘s conviction. See 2022 WL 17039059, *4 (SDNY, Nov. 17, 2022). To the contrary, it found that despite the lawfulness of Fernandez‘s conviction, its lingering “concer[n]” as to his guilt was an “extraordinary and compelling” reason for a sentence reduction. Ibid. A prisoner who proceeds through
So, how, exactly, does the District Court‘s “extraordinary and compelling” finding qualify as a collateral attack on Fernandez‘s conviction for
One could easily imagine similar difficulties arising in other cases. Consider, for instance, a federal prisoner who files a
Thus, the line between a proper compassionate-release claim and a proper habeas claim could be difficult to draw moving forward. The majority ignores this problem rather than taking it as a clue that the habeas-based limitation it favors is an ill fit for the distinct compassionate-release evaluation.
III
For the reasons I have given, I think the majority is wrong to hold, as a categorical matter, that conviction-related concerns a prisoner may raise under
I do not take a position as to whether Fernandez‘s case meets that threshold. The District Court thought so—it laid out the evidentiary gaps that caused it to have serious
* * *
The Court‘s holding in this case reflects an unfortunate misunderstanding of the safety-valve mechanism Congress created in 1984 and broadened in 2018. Congress designed compassionate release as a tool for preserving a modicum of mercy in an otherwise harsh sentencing system. And nothing about the text or history of the compassionate-release provision suggests that Congress meant for this discretionary second-look opportunity to be cabined in the way the majority suggests. In other words, Congress gave prisoners an equitable “out” for the extraordinary and compelling circumstance in which they might otherwise be stuck serving an unjust sentence. Ironically, then, the escape hatch the majority decries is actually
Deploying its own concerns about habeas end-runs, the majority misses all this; it now drastically limits the availability of the compassionate-release tool Congress crafted. And it does so without adequately identifying any true conflict with
Notes
Betraying the weakness of its criticism, the dissent leans on a source that offers no support. According to the dissent, our approach implicates the “notoriously difficult” exercise of deciding “when, under the Preiser line of cases, a successful