Jones v. HendrixJones v. Hendrix
Syllabus
NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is being done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued. The syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader. See United States v. Detroit Timber & Lumber Co., 200 U. S. 321, 337.
In 2000, the District Court for the Western District of Missouri sentenced petitioner Marcus DeAngelo Jones after he was convicted on two counts of unlawful possession of a firearm by a felon, in violation of
Held: Section 2255(e) does not allow a prisoner asserting an intervening change in interpretation of a criminal statute to circumvent the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996‘s (AEDPA) restrictions on second or successive
(a) Congress created
Congress later enacted AEDPA, which, as relevant here, barred second or successive
Section 2255(e)‘s saving clause does not authorize that end-run around AEDPA. The clause preserves recourse to
(b) Jones and the United States each advance unpersuasive theories of when and why
(1) Jones argues that
Jones suggests that denying him the chance to raise his Rehaif claim in a
The principles of Ex parte Watkins guided this Court‘s understanding of the habeas writ throughout the 19th century and well into the 20th. See Brown, 596 U. S., at ___, n. 1 (collecting cases). It was not until 1974, in Davis v. United States, 417 U. S. 333, that the Court held for the first time that a substantive error of statutory law could be a cognizable ground for a collateral attack on a federal court‘s criminal judgment. See id., at 342–347. The Suspension Clause neither constitutionalizes that innovation nor requires its extension to a second or successive collateral attack.
Jones’ remaining constitutional arguments are no more persuasive. He argues that denying him a new opportunity for collateral review of his Rehaif claim threatens Congress‘s exclusive power to define crimes, but a court does not usurp legislative power simply by misinterpreting the law in a given case. Next, Jones points to Fiore v. White, 531 U. S. 225 (per curiam), which applied the rule that due process requires that the prosecution prove every element of a crime beyond a reasonable doubt. But due process does not guarantee a direct appeal, McKane v. Durston, 153 U. S. 684, 687, let alone the opportunity to have legal issues redetermined in successive collateral attacks. Finally, the Eighth Amendment‘s constraint on the kinds of punishments governments may inflict creates no independent entitlement to a second round of postconviction review. Pp. 12–20.
(2) The Government asks the Court to adopt a novel interpretation of
The Court sees no indication that the saving clause adopts the Government‘s state-prisoner-habeas benchmark. In any event, that benchmark has uncertain relevance to the question presented here because federal habeas relief does not lie for errors of state law. The Government‘s theory ultimately rests instead on its assertion that
The Government asserts that the Court must require “the clearest command” before construing AEDPA to “close [the] courthouse doors” on “a strong equitable claim” for relief. Holland v. Florida, 560 U. S. 631, 646, 649 (internal quotation marks omitted). But AEDPA‘s restrictions embody Congress‘s policy judgment regarding the appropriate balance between finality and error correction. The Court declines to adopt a presumption against finality. Further, the Court typically has found clear-statement rules appropriate when a statute implicates historically or constitutionally grounded norms that the Court would not expect Congress to unsettle lightly. See, e.g., Alabama Assn. of Realtors v. Department of Health and Human Servs., 594 U. S. ___, ___ (per curiam). As far as history and the Constitution are concerned, “there is nothing incongruous about a system in which this kind of error—the application of a since-rejected statutory interpretation—cannot be remedied after final judgment,” George v. McDonough, 596 U. S. ___, ___, and thus nothing fundamentally surprising about Congress declining to make such errors remediable in a second or successive collateral attack. Pp. 20–25.
8 F. 4th 683, affirmed.
THOMAS, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which ROBERTS, C. J., and ALITO, GORSUCH, KAVANAUGH, and BARRETT, JJ., joined. SOTOMAYOR
Opinion of the Court
JUSTICE THOMAS delivered the opinion of the Court.
This case concerns the interplay between two statutes:
Separately, since the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA), second or successive
The question presented is whether that limitation on second or successive motions makes
I
In 2000, the U. S. District Court for the Western District of Missouri convicted petitioner Marcus DeAngelo Jones of two counts of unlawful possession of a firearm by a felon, in violation of
Years later, in Rehaif v. United States, 588 U. S. ___ (2019), this Court held that a defendant‘s knowledge of the status that disqualifies him from owning a firearm is an element of a
After Rehaif, Jones hoped to leverage its holding into a new collateral attack on his remaining
The District Court dismissed Jones’ habeas petition for lack of subject-matter jurisdiction, and the Eighth Circuit affirmed. 8 F. 4th 683 (2021). The Eighth Circuit rejected Jones’ argument that the saving clause permits recourse to
We granted certiorari. 596 U. S. ___ (2022). The Solicitor General then noticed her intent to defend the Eighth Circuit‘s judgment but not its rationale. We appointed Morgan Ratner as amicus curiae to argue in support of the Eighth Circuit‘s reasoning. 597 U. S. ___ (2022). She has ably discharged her responsibilities.
II
Consistent with the Eighth Circuit‘s reasoning, we hold that
A
In relevant part,
“(a) A prisoner in custody under sentence of a court established by Act of Congress claiming the right to be released upon the ground that the sentence was imposed in violation of the Constitution or laws of the United States, or that the court was without jurisdiction to impose such sentence, or that the sentence was in excess of the maximum authorized by law, or is otherwise subject to collateral attack, may move the court which imposed the sentence to vacate, set aside or correct the sentence.
. . . . .
“(e) An application for a writ of habeas corpus in behalf of a prisoner who is authorized to apply for relief by motion pursuant to this section, shall not be entertained if it appears that the applicant has failed to apply for relief, by motion, to the court which sentenced him, or that such court has denied him relief, unless it also appears that the remedy by motion is inadequate or ineffective to test the legality of his detention.”
In understanding this statutory text, “a page of history is worth a volume of logic.” New York Trust Co. v. Eisner, 256 U. S. 345, 349 (1921). Section 2255 is an outgrowth of the historic habeas corpus powers of the federal courts as applied to the special case of federal prisoners. The First Judiciary Act authorized the federal courts “to grant writs of habeas corpus for the purpose of an inquiry into the cause of commitment,” with a proviso that such writs could “extend to prisoners in gaol” only “where they [were] in custody, under or by colour of the authority of the United States, or [were] committed for trial before some court of the same, or [were] necessary to be brought into court to testify.” Act of Sept. 24, 1789, §14, 1 Stat. 82. In 1867, Congress expanded the federal courts’ habeas powers to
That changed with the 1948 recodification and reorganization of the Judiciary Code. See generally 62 Stat. 869. In enacting the present Title 28 of the United States Code, Congress largely recodified the federal courts’ pre-existing habeas authority in §§2241 and 2243, which, respectively, confer the power to grant the writ and direct the issuing court to “dispose of the matter as law and justice require.”
The “sole purpose” of this innovation, as this Court acknowledged a few years later, “was to minimize the difficulties encountered in habeas corpus hearings by affording the same rights in another and more convenient forum.” United States v. Hayman, 342 U. S. 205, 219 (1952); see also Davis v. United States, 417 U. S. 333, 343 (1974) (“[Section] 2255 was intended to afford federal prisoners a remedy identical in scope to federal habeas corpus“); accord, United States v. Addonizio, 442 U. S. 178, 185 (1979); Hill v. United States, 368 U. S. 424, 427 (1962). Experience had shown that processing federal prisoners’ collateral attacks on their sentences through habeas proceedings—and, therefore, through the judicial districts in which they were confined—resulted in “serious administrative problems.” Hayman, 342 U. S., at 212. Most significantly, a federal prisoner‘s district of confinement was often far removed from the records of the sentencing court and other sources of needed evidence. Id., at 212–213. These difficulties were “greatly aggravated” by the concentration of federal prisoners in a handful of judicial districts, which forced those District Courts to process “an inordinate number of habeas corpus actions.” Id., at 213–214.
Section 2255 solved these problems by rerouting federal prisoners’ collateral attacks on their sentences to the courts that had sentenced them. To make this change of venue effective, Congress generally barred federal prisoners “authorized to apply for relief by motion pursuant to”
Traditionally, courts have treated the saving clause as covering unusual circumstances in which it is impossible or impracticable for a prisoner to seek relief from the sentencing court. The clearest such circumstance is the sentencing court‘s dissolution; a motion in a court that no longer exists is obviously “inadequate or ineffective” for any purpose. See, e.g., Witham v. United States, 355 F. 3d 501, 504–505 (CA6 2004) (finding
In addition, the saving clause ensures that
B
In 1996, Congress enacted AEDPA, which made significant reforms to the process of federal-court postconviction review for both state and federal prisoners. Most relevant here, AEDPA strictly limited “second or successive”
“(1) newly discovered evidence that, if proven and viewed in light of the evidence as a whole, would be sufficient to establish by clear and convincing evidence that no reasonable factfinder would have found the movant guilty of the offense; or
“(2) a new rule of constitutional law, made retroactive to cases on collateral review by the Supreme Court, that was previously unavailable.”
§2255(h) .
Importantly, AEDPA left the text of
Mere months before AEDPA‘s enactment, this Court decided Bailey v. United States, 516 U. S. 137 (1995). That case interpreted the offense of “us[ing]” a firearm “during and in relation to any crime of violence or drug trafficking
Several Courts of Appeals found a workaround for those prisoners in the saving clause. With minor differences in reasoning and wording, they held that
We now hold that the saving clause does not authorize such an end-run around AEDPA. In
The saving clause does not undermine this strong negative inference. Basic principles of statutory interpretation require that we construe the saving clause and
After AEDPA, as before it, the saving clause preserves recourse to
Any other reading would make AEDPA curiously self-defeating. It would mean that, by expressly excluding second or successive
That resistance is particularly acute here, where allowing nonconstitutional claims to proceed under
to put to rest.” Wright v. Spaulding, 939 F. 3d 695, 707 (CA6 2019) (Thapar, J., concurring). Section 2255 owes its existence to Congress’ pragmatic judgment that the sentencing court, not the District Court for the district of confinement, is the best venue for a federal prisoner‘s collateral attack on his sentence. Channeling a particular class of second or successive attacks back into
Here, as often is the case, the best interpretation is the straightforward one. Section 2255(h) specifies the two limited conditions in which Congress has permitted federal prisoners to bring second or successive collateral attacks on their sentences. The inability of a prisoner with a statutory claim to satisfy those conditions does not mean that he can bring his claim in a habeas petition under the saving clause. It means that he cannot bring it at all. Congress has chosen finality over error correction in his case.
III
Resisting this reading, Jones and the United States both argue that
A
Jones begins with a textual interpretation of the saving
Next, Jones offers a wide-ranging discussion of the concept of “inadequacy” as a term of art in traditional equity jurisprudence. While Jones demonstrates that courts of equity would afford relief from “inadequate” legal remedies in
a broad range of circumstances, we find this excursus irrelevant
Trying a different tack, Jones suggests that the saving clause‘s use of the present tense (“is inadequate or ineffective“) means that
As a backstop to his scattershot textual arguments, Jones invokes the constitutional-doubt canon, arguing that denying him the chance to raise his Rehaif claim in a
At the founding, a sentence after conviction “by a court of competent jurisdiction” was “‘in itself sufficient cause‘” for a prisoner‘s continued detention. Brown v. Davenport, 596 U. S. ___, ___ (2022) (slip op., at 8) (quoting Ex parte Watkins, 3 Pet. 193, 202 (1830)). As Chief Justice Marshall explained in the seminal case of Ex parte Watkins, the criminal judgment, “in its nature, conclude[d] the subject on which it [was] rendered,” “pronounce[d] the law of the case,” and “pu[t] an end to the inquiry concerning fact.” Id., at 202–203. Of particular relevance here, a habeas court had no power to “look beyond the judgment” to “re-examine the charges on which it was rendered” for substantive errors of law—even “if . . . the [sentencing] court ha[d] misconstrued the law, and ha[d] pronounced an offence to be punishable criminally, which [was] not so.” Id., at 202, 209.
In rebuttal, Jones argues that pre-founding practice did allow habeas courts to “look beyond the judgment” to ensure that the convicting court had proved every element of the crime for which a prisoner was committed. But Jones fails to identify a single clear case of habeas being used to relitigate a conviction after trial by a court of general criminal
Jones also appeals to Bushell‘s Case, Vaugh. 135, 124 Eng. Rep. 1006 (C. P. 1670), which has long been understood as a case about the independence of criminal juries in determining questions of fact. Clark v. United States, 289 U. S. 1, 16–17 (1933); see also Sparf v. United States, 156 U. S. 51, 90–93 (1895); 1 J. Stephen, A History of the Criminal Law of England 375 (1883) (Stephen). There, a judge fined and imprisoned the members of a jury for acquitting William Penn and William Mead on indictments for “assembling unlawfully and tumultuously,” a verdict ostensibly against the “manifest evidence.” Vaugh., at 137, 124 Eng. Rep., at 1007. A juror refused to pay the fine, applied to the
The principles of Watkins guided this Court‘s understanding of the habeas writ throughout the 19th century and well into the 20th. See Brown, 596 U. S., at ___, n. 1 (slip op., at 9, n. 1) (collecting cases); see also Johnson v. Zerbst, 304 U. S. 458, 465–466 (1938). Even in Ex parte Siebold, 100 U. S. 371 (1880), which held that the constitutionality of a prisoner‘s statute of conviction could be reviewed on habeas (as going to jurisdiction),7 the Court
The Suspension Clause does not constitutionalize that innovation of nearly two centuries later. Nor, a fortiori, does it require the extension of that innovation to a second or successive collateral attack.
Jones’ remaining constitutional arguments are no more persuasive. He argues that denying him a new opportunity for collateral review of his Rehaif claim threatens separation-of-powers principles—specifically, Congress’ exclusive power to define crimes. Cf. United States v. Hudson, 7 Cranch 32, 34 (1812). But the authority to determine the facts and the law in an individual case, and to render a final, binding judgment based on those determinations, stands at the core of the judicial power. See Plaut v. Spendthrift Farm, Inc., 514 U. S. 211, 218–219 (1995); Watkins, 3 Pet., at 202–203. A court does not usurp legislative power simply by misinterpreting the law in a given case. See id., at 206 (“If its judgment was erroneous, a point which this court does not determine, still it is a judgment“).
Jones’ last constitutional contention—that the Eighth Amendment‘s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishments may entitle him to another round of collateral review—fails for a similar reason. By its terms, the Cruel and Unusual Punishments Clause expresses a substantive constraint on the kinds of punishments governments may “inflic[t].” It creates no freestanding entitlement to a second or successive round of postconviction review, and thus it adds nothing to Jones’ unavailing Suspension Clause argument.
B
The Government agrees with the Eighth Circuit that Jones is not entitled to relief, but, somewhat surprisingly, it asks us to adopt a novel, alternative interpretation of the saving clause, which it constructs via a roundabout argument. It begins with the premise that the words “inadequate or ineffective” imply reference to a “benchmark” of adequacy and effectiveness. It proceeds to identify that benchmark as the ability to test the types of claims cognizable under the general habeas statutes—specifically, those governing federal habeas petitions by state prisoners. The Government then reasons that
This elaborate theory is no more convincing than Jones’ arguments. Its most striking flaw is the seemingly arbitrary linkage it posits between the saving clause and state prisoners’ statutory postconviction remedies. While it is true that
In any event, as the Government acknowledges, a state prisoner could never bring a pure statutory-error claim in federal habeas, because “‘federal habeas corpus relief does
Rather, the narrow base on which the Government‘s top-heavy theory ultimately turns out to rest is its assertion that
The Government asserts that we require “the clearest command” before construing AEDPA to “close [the] courthouse doors” on “a strong equitable claim” for relief. Holland v. Florida, 560 U. S. 631, 646, 649 (2010) (internal quotation marks omitted). The only two cases the Government relies on for its clear-statement rule do not sweep as broadly as it suggests. In Holland, we applied the general presumption of equitable tolling to AEDPA‘s 1-year statute of limitations for state prisoners’ habeas claims. Id., at 645–649. Afterward, in McQuiggin v. Perkins, 569 U. S. 383 (2013), we held that “a convincing showing of actual innocence” could enable a prisoner to evade AEDPA‘s statute of limitations entirely. Id., at 386.
Undoubtedly, McQuiggin‘s assertion of equitable authority to override clear statutory text was a bold one. But even taking Holland and McQuiggin for all they are worth, there is a significant difference between reading equitable exceptions into a statute of limitations, on the one hand, and demanding a clear statement before foreclosing workarounds to AEDPA‘s second-or-successive restrictions, on the other.
Accepting the Government‘s proposal to apply a clear-statement rule would be particularly anomalous in light of the precise question this case presents. Typically, we find clear-statement rules appropriate when a statute implicates historically or constitutionally grounded norms that we would not expect Congress to unsettle lightly. See, e.g., Alabama Assn. of Realtors v. Department of Health and Human Servs., 594 U. S. ___, ___ (2021) (per curiam) (slip op., at 6) (presumption that Congress does not casually assign executive agencies “powers of vast economic and political significance” or “significantly alter the balance between federal and state power” (internal quotation marks omitted)); Landgraf v. USI Film Products, 511 U. S. 244, 265–266 (1994) (presumption against statutory retroactivity); Atascadero State Hospital v. Scanlon, 473 U. S. 234, 243 (1985) (presumption against abrogation of state sovereign immunity). But, as shown above in discussing Jones’ Suspension Clause argument, there is no historical or constitutional norm of permitting one convicted of a crime by a court of
IV
We affirm the judgment of the Court of Appeals.
It is so ordered.
Justice Sotomayor and Justice Kagan, dissenting.
We respectfully dissent. As Justice Jackson explains, today‘s decision yields disturbing results. See post, at 23–25 (dissenting opinion). A prisoner who is actually innocent, imprisoned for conduct that Congress did not criminalize, is forever barred by
Though we agree with Justice Jackson that this is not the scheme Congress designed, we see the matter as the Solicitor General does. As all agree, Congress enacted
With that understanding in mind, consider a prisoner who, having already filed a motion for postconviction relief, discovers that a new decision of this Court establishes that his statute of conviction did not cover his conduct. He is out of luck under
In this case, the petitioner says he is that prisoner, with that mismatch. But the Court of Appeals never considered that question, laboring under a mistaken view of the saving clause that, like the majority‘s, assigns it almost no role. Accordingly, we would remand for the lower courts to consider the petitioner‘s claim under the proper framework. See Cutter v. Wilkinson, 544 U. S. 709, 718, n. 7 (2005).
Justice Jackson, dissenting.
Today, the Court holds that an incarcerated individual who has already filed one postconviction petition cannot file another one to assert a previously unavailable claim of statutory innocence.1 The majority says that result follows from a “straightforward” reading of
In any event, putting aside its questionable interpretation of
I am also deeply troubled by the constitutional implications of the nothing-to-see-here approach that the majority takes with respect to the incarceration of potential legal innocents. See Part III, infra. Apparently, legally innocent or not, Jones must just carry on in prison regardless, since (as the majority reads
Thus, in my view, all roads lead to an interpretation of
I
Section 2255(e) saves postconviction claims by authorizing the filing of a habeas petition under
A
To understand why Congress meant for Jones to be able to invoke the saving clause and bring his statutory innocence claim in a habeas petition filed under
1
The saving clause is the latter part of
“An application for a writ of habeas corpus [o]n behalf of a prisoner who is authorized to apply for relief by motion pursuant to this section, shall not be entertained if it appears that the applicant has failed to apply for relief, by motion, to the court which sentenced him, or that such court has denied him relief, unless it also appears that the remedy by motion is inadequate or ineffective to test the legality of his detention.”
Before
Congress created
Congress crafted (what is now)
There are multiple ways in which
The case before us involves another way that
That much is not in dispute—the majority acknowledges that Congress intended to maintain equivalence with the claims available in habeas when it enacted
This reading of
2
Fast forward to 1996: Congress reenacted the saving clause—using identical language—when it passed AEDPA.
This is not to say that Congress necessarily carried forward all of its previous policy determinations with respect to the availability of postconviction claims, or that it did not change its mind at all about the appropriate dimensions of postconviction relief. Indeed, habeas is a dynamic remedy, and congressional enactments contribute to its evolution. See Felker v. Turpin, 518 U. S. 651, 664 (1996); see also 2 R. Hertz & J. Liebman, Federal Habeas Corpus Practice and Procedure §28.4[a], p. 1738 (7th ed. 2020) (Hertz & Liebman) (“Anglo-American law . . . has imposed an evolving set of restrictions on second and subsequent petitions“). But, again, the saving clause—which served an important equalizing function—remained intact when Congress reenacted
All this means that today (as in 1948) the saving clause is best interpreted as allowing for the filing of a habeas petition under
B
That brings us to the situation at issue here. When Congress amended
Moreover, prior to AEDPA‘s enactment, a federal prisoner could bring such a postconviction claim of statutory innocence in a successive petition. This Court had generally restricted successive postconviction filings by the 1990s, but a prisoner who had previously filed at least one petition could still file another one in order to assert innocence. That was because any bar to the filing of a successive petition was typically lifted if enforcing that bar would result in a “miscarriage of justice.” McCleskey v. Zant, 499 U. S. 467, 494–495 (1991); Hertz & Liebman §28.4[g], at 1757; see Brief for Respondent 22–24. And under our settled
These background principles relate to the successive petition that Jones seeks to bring here as follows. If the majority is right that (by virtue of
In my view, that is where the saving clause comes in. Reading the saving clause to perform its normal, intended function of “saving” previously available claims solves this problem, because it allows prisoners who could have brought a claim prior to the enactment of AEDPA (like Jones) to file a habeas petition to the extent that
This understanding of the saving clause also explains the clause‘s application—or, more precisely, its inapplicability—to the types of claims specifically mentioned in
I disagree. Indeed, in my view, it is precisely because the text of
C
The majority advances an entirely different theory of the work that
First and foremost, it is entirely atextual. The majority cites exactly zero dictionary definitions of the terms “inadequate” or “ineffective.” And while it does reference an earlier draft of the legislation that became
Furthermore, while the majority opinion accurately recites the history and purpose of
Ignoring all this, the majority grounds its analysis of
It appears the majority‘s interpretation of
Properly interpreted, a
Thus, the majority has no good answer to interpreting the saving clause as doing what Congress crafted it to do—among other things, ensuring equivalence between
II
The foregoing analysis assumes, as the majority does, that the only hope of a prisoner in Jones‘s position is to assert his statutory innocence claim via a habeas petition filed under
Nothing in the whole of
To reach today‘s conclusion, then, the majority draws a “negative inference” that Congress intended for
First, negative inferences drawn without proper context can be notoriously unreliable. And, as detailed below, there are myriad reasons for skepticism here. Section 2255(h)‘s anti-claim-splitting purpose is one. Another is the likely reason that legal innocence claims do not appear in the text of the statute (spoiler alert: they were inadvertently omitted). Background equitable principles and the practical consequences of preventing the filing of successive petitions in this circumstance are additional key contextual clues that the majority seems to have missed.
Second, I am suspicious of the majority‘s choice to resort to inferential reasoning at all, given that this Court has long held that we will not read a statute to displace access to “the great writ” unless Congress has been clear about its intention to accomplish this result. Ex parte Yerger, 8 Wall. 85, 95, 102 (1869). The clear-statement rule is plainly applicable here, and the majority offers the flimsiest of explanations for its decision to deviate from its application at the threshold of today‘s interpretation.
In short, as shown below, the initial assumption that Congress necessarily meant for
A
The majority says that “since [AEDPA], second or successive
1
First of all, while the majority interprets
Explaining this fully requires me to make a preliminary big-picture point. Section 2255 (originally and as amended by AEDPA) is not a gauntlet of arbitrary hurdles that Congress has erected to stymie prisoners who seek to obtain judicial review of their detention. Indeed, as explained, when Congress first enacted
Still, when it enacted AEDPA in 1996, Congress was aware of how
Section 2255(h) reflects this balancing. “What emerges from a review of the debates over the successive petition restrictions is a clear sense that” Congress wanted to “preven[t] manipulation of the system through relitigation of previously presented claims or strategic withholding of claims for later presentation,” while still creating “a mechanism that would allow prisoners to have one full, fair chance to present their meritorious . . . claims to the federal courts.” B. Stevenson, The Politics of Fear and Death: Successive Problems in Capital Federal Habeas Corpus Cases, 77 N. Y. U. L. Rev. 699, 772 (2002). As Senator Hatch said at the time: “We have provided for protection of Federal habeas corpus, but we do it one time and that is it—unless, of course, they can truly come up with evidence of innocence that could not have been presented at trial. There we allow successive petitions.” 141 Cong. Rec. 15042 (1995). Then-Senator Biden similarly explained that the goal of AEDPA
Thus, Congress enacted
Additional doubts about the majority‘s negative inference surface when one recognizes that the two circumstances Congress carved out of the successive-petition bar share an important common thread: Both situations relate to the newness of the claim that the prisoner seeks to assert in a successive petition. That is, both prongs of
In light of this key observation, the majority‘s assumption that
In short, it is hard to believe that a Congress that expressly authorized “new” claims involving innocence or those that arise from developments in Supreme Court case
2
The majority‘s negative inference also rests on the bald assumption that Congress intentionally left statutory innocence out of its list of carveouts, because it wanted those claims to be barred if brought in a successive petition. Ante, at 12 (asserting that “Congress has chosen finality over error correction” with respect to statutory innocence claims brought in successive petitions (emphasis added)). But there is a perfectly logical alternative explanation for why statutory innocence claims do not appear as express exclusions in the text of
Section 2255(h) was enacted in the same Public Law as
Thus, as others have observed, when Congress crafted
To me, this contextual revelation rocks the foundation of the majority‘s negative inference. That is, it is plausible (and perhaps even likely) that Congress did not appreciate fully that the modeled-after language establishing a successive-petition bar did not capture the full scope of available claims for federal prisoners.10 And, of course, if Congress simply overlooked statutory innocence claims when it crafted
3
Given the purpose and history of
Take equity, for instance. When Congress crafted
The practical consequences that inure from the majority‘s reading also undercut substantially the negative inference upon which the majority relies. We have consistently warned that courts should “resis[t] an interpretation of [AEDPA] that would ‘produce troublesome results’ [and] ‘create procedural anomalies.‘” Panetti, 551 U. S., at 946 (quoting Castro v. United States, 540 U. S. 375, 380 (2003)). The majority does not speak to this at all, but its interpretation of
First, there is the quirky procedural anomaly that arises due to the fact that statutory innocence claims are fully authorized in the postconviction review context. This Court‘s recognition that a statute covers a narrower scope of criminal conduct than was previously acknowledged falls within the narrow subset of criminal law decisions that are fully retroactive, meaning that a federal prisoner can rely upon that new determination whether his case is still on direct review or not. Schriro v. Summerlin, 542 U. S. 348, 351–352 (2004); Bousley, 523 U. S., at 620–621. But reading
Inferring that
Reference to Congress‘s interest in “finality” cannot explain this odd unequal treatment. Under the Court‘s interpretation, a prisoner whose conviction became final 30 years ago can assert a Rehaif claim if he never previously filed a
Interpreting
* * *
Despite all this, the majority clings to its “straightforward” negative inference and interprets
B
Instead of drawing an inference about the operation of
1
A “longstanding rule” of this Court, INS v. St. Cyr, 533 U. S. 289, 298 (2001), the clear-statement rule directs that, before interpreting a congressional enactment as “‘clos[ing the Court‘s] doors to a class of habeas petitioners,‘” the Court must search for a “‘clear indication that such was Congress’ intent,‘” Panetti, 551 U. S., at 946 (quoting Castro, 540 U. S., at 381). This principle recognizes that Congress must “speak unambiguously when it seeks to effect a result that, although constitutional, would undermine a constitutionally derived value.” J. Manning, Textualism and the Equity of the Statute, 101 Colum. L. Rev. 1, 121–
The clear-statement rule is plainly implicated here. Under the state of the law at the time AEDPA was enacted, prisoners were entitled to bring a petition to assert a new claim of legal innocence, even a second or successive petition. Supra, at 8–9. Congress could change that state of affairs, but, under the clear-statement rule, if it intended to do so, it needed to speak clearly to effectuate that result.
At a more general level of analysis, the clear-statement rule also applies to these circumstances because the interpretive question in this case touches upon the venerated writ of habeas corpus—the only writ that is expressly mentioned in the Constitution.
Furthermore, and significantly for present purposes, we have already determined that the necessary “clear statement” here—i.e., the signal from Congress that justifies reading a statute as foreclosing access to venerated postconviction review processes—cannot be derived from negative inferences drawn from statutory text. In Ex parte Yerger, for instance, we declared that interpreting a statute to “[r]epea[l] by implication” habeas jurisdiction is “not favored.” 8 Wall., at 105. More recently, we warned (again) that “[i]mplications from statutory text or legislative history are not sufficient to repeal habeas jurisdiction; instead, Congress must articulate specific and unambiguous statutory directives to effect a repeal.” St. Cyr, 533 U. S., at 299 (citing Ex parte Yerger, 8 Wall., at 105). And, again, in Holland, this Court explained that the clear-statement rule
This case would have been easily resolved if we had applied the clear-statement rule at the outset, as we have always done in cases of this nature. Doing so would have appropriately eliminated a reading of
2
In the last few pages of its opinion, the Court makes the unceremonious (but still startling) announcement that the clear-statement rule is inapplicable to today‘s analysis of
First, the majority suggests that the clear-statement rule is not appropriate when interpreting provisions related to
Next, the majority conspicuously downplays the stakes in this case. Not once does its opinion make direct mention of the fact that the claim the majority says
The majority‘s most full-throated defense of its jettisoning of clear-statement principles lies in its attempt to cast statutory innocence claims as not “historically or constitutionally grounded.” Ante, at 24–25. The first and most obvious problem with this effort is that the historical pedigree of a claim is irrelevant for clear-statement purposes. The clear-statement rule is applicable here because the statute being interpreted involves access to the writ of habeas corpus—a significant constitutional value that we would not assume Congress would discard without careful consideration. See Manning 121–122; see also Holland, 560 U. S., at 646–649. And, so triggered, our clear-statement canon of construction is not rendered inapplicable just because the particular type of claim that a prisoner seeks to advance in the context of a habeas or postconviction proceeding (if he is afforded one) might not date back to the founding era. This must be why the majority cites no precedent that splices the clear-statement rule in this fashion.
Looking back to the time of the founding to determine whether the clear-statement rule applies to our interpretation of a statute passed in 1996 also makes no sense. The clear-statement question relates to what Congress intended with respect to the meaning of the statute at the time it was enacted. When Congress introduced
Even if the majority was right with respect to its assumption that founding-era practices bear on whether the clear-statement rule applies here, historical practice plainly undermines its assertion that legal innocence claims are of recent vintage. Supreme Court Justices riding circuit in the early 19th century repeatedly considered the merits of habeas petitions filed by individuals who argued they were being wrongfully incarcerated because the laws that had been invoked to justify their confinement, properly construed, did not reach their conduct.19 Moreover, and importantly,
To the extent the majority‘s assessment of the purportedly nascent nature of statutory innocence claims rests on its view that, at the time of the founding, habeas relief was rarely available when a petition was brought by a convicted individual (as opposed to a pretrial detainee), ante, at 15–19, there are two additional problems. For one thing, even assuming that a detainee-versus-convict scope-of-habeas distinction existed at the dawn of our Nation, Congress has
Second, here again, the majority evaluates the historical pedigree of legal innocence claims based on faulty history. It maintains that, historically, a court could review a habeas petition filed by a convicted individual only for “jurisdictional” errors (which the majority defines narrowly). Ante, at 15–18, 24–25; cf. Edwards v. Vannoy, 593 U. S. ___, ___–___ (2021) (GORSUCH, J., concurring) (slip op., at 2–8). But those who have researched this contention have called it “narrative and myth but not history.” L. Kovarsky, Habeas Myths, Past and Present, 101 Texas L. Rev. Online 57, 79 (2022) (Kovarsky); see also J. Siegel, Habeas, History, and Hermeneutics, 64 Ariz. L. Rev. 505, 524–532 (2022) (Siegel); Brown v. Davenport, 596 U. S. ___, ___–___ (2022) (KAGAN, J., dissenting) (slip op., at 2–8).22
Thus, assuming, arguendo, that the historical grounding of the particular type of claim Jones sought to bring even matters, the majority is mistaken when it contends that a statutory innocence claim (including one brought in a successive petition) is not sufficiently historical to warrant application of our clear-statement rule.
* * *
If the majority had applied the clear-statement rule, as it should have, to determine whether
III
Finally, I believe that the canon of constitutional avoidance also does important work to guide—and constrain—the Court‘s interpretation of
First, the Eighth Amendment. There is a nonfrivolous argument that the Constitution‘s protection against “cruel and unusual punishment” prohibits the incarceration of innocent individuals. See In re Davis, 557 U. S. 952, 953 (2009) (Stevens, J., concurring) (citing Triestman v. United States, 124 F. 3d 361, 377–380 (CA2 1997)); see also Herrera v. Collins, 506 U. S. 390, 432, n. 2 (1993) (Blackmun, J., dissenting) (“It . . . may violate the Eighth Amendment to imprison someone who is actually innocent“); Robinson v. California, 370 U. S. 660, 667 (1962). This is not to say that the Eighth Amendment creates a “freestanding entitlement to a second or successive round of postconviction review.” Ante, at 20. But here Jones seeks a single meaningful opportunity to have a federal court consider his claim of legal innocence.
IV
I conclude with an observation. Today‘s ruling follows a recent series of troubling AEDPA interpretations.26 All of these opinions have now collectively managed to transform a statute that Congress designed to provide for a rational and orderly process of federal postconviction judicial review into an aimless and chaotic exercise in futility. The route to obtaining collateral relief is presently replete with imagined artificial barriers, arbitrary dead ends, and traps for the unwary. And today‘s turn makes the journey palpably absurd: It begins with the Supreme Court‘s (rare) announcement that a certain claim for release exists and is retroactively available to incarcerated individuals on collat-
It is quite clear that the Court‘s rulings in this area of the law reflect a general ethos that convicted prisoners should not be permitted to file
Given Congress‘s silence on this matter, in my view, there is simply no justification for drawing a negative inference that Congress meant for
In other words, as I see it, the negative inference that the majority draws today rests on nothing—and certainly nothing that actually derives from Congress‘s intent. Nothing in the text of
Ultimately, of course, this all begs the question of how (and whether) Congress will respond to the Court‘s systematic neutering of the balanced postconviction processes that the Legislature has established. It seems to me that today‘s opinion—which unjustifiably closes off all avenues for certain defendants to secure meaningful consideration of their innocence claims—creates an opening for Congress to step in and fix this problem.
Notes
Ignoring this authority, Justice Jackson‘s dissent cites a handful of inapposite cases to suggest that 19th-century American courts would have treated claims such as Jones’ as cognizable in habeas. See post, at 31–32, n. 19, 34, 36–37, n. 25. Grant v. United States, 58 F. 694 (CA9 1893), was a case on a writ of error, not habeas corpus. Ex parte D‘Olivera, 7 F. Cas. 853 (No. 3,967) (CC Mass. 1813), was another justice-of-the-peace case. Ex parte Randolph, 20 F. Cas. 242, 254 (No. 11,558) (CC Va. 1833), involved detention unsupported by any “judgment” or “judicial process” whatsoever. United States v. Bainbridge, 24 F. Cas. 946 (No. 14,497) (CC Mass. 1816), involved a collateral attack on a sentence imposed by a naval court martial; Justice Story‘s opinion turned on the validity of the petitioner‘s contract of enlistment, which, in turn, went to the court martial‘s jurisdiction. Id., at 949–952; see also Ex parte Watkins, 3 Pet 193, 209 (1830); Wise v. Withers, 3 Cranch 331, 337 (1806). Ex parte Bollman, 4 Cranch 75 (1807), relieved two alleged traitors from pretrial orders of commitment on the ground that there was “not sufficient evidence . . . to justify [their] commitment on the charge of treason.” Id., at 135. Matter of Corryell, 22 Cal. 178 (1863), granted relief from a pretrial order of commitment after holding that the acts of which the petitioner stood accused did not constitute the charged crime. Id., at 180, 183. (Incidentally, this use of habeas was not free from controversy. See, e.g., In re Hacker, 73 F. 464, 465–469 (SD Cal. 1896); “In re Kearney,” The Writ of Habeas Corpus—Its Uses and Abuses, 5 Pac. Coast L. J. 549, 565–570 (1880).) Finally, In re Wahll, 42 F. 822 (D. Minn. 1890), considered but rejected a similar argument for ordering pretrial release. Id., at 824–826. In sum, like Jones’ pre-founding English cases, the dissent‘s 19th-century American cases include no example in which a prisoner under sentence of a court of general criminal jurisdiction was permitted to relitigate the elements of his offense on habeas corpus.
It appears that, in enacting restrictions on successive petitions, Congress was primarily worried about successive petitions filed by state prisoners on death row, because a petition could delay the execution of a death sentence. See Stevenson, 77 N. Y. U. L. Rev., at 723–730. Indeed, the law is called the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act. That concern does not apply to a situation like Jones‘s, since he is not serving a death sentence, and nothing about a successive petition delays the execution of his sentence of imprisonment.