DELLIGATTI v. UNITED STATES
No. 23-825
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
March 21, 2025
604 U. S. ____ (2025)
THOMAS, J.
CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT. Argued November 12, 2024.
Syllabus
Before trial, Delligatti moved to dismiss his
Held: The knowing or intentional causation of injury or death, whether by act or omission, necessarily involves the “use” of “physical force” against another person within the meaning of
(a) It is impossible to deliberately cause physical harm without the use of physical force under
The logic of Castleman extends to
(b) Castleman‘s logic forecloses Delligatti‘s challenge. Because New York second-degree murder requires proof that the defendant intentionally caused the death of another person, it necessarily involves the use of physical force under
Delligatti contends that an offender can commit New York second-degree murder without being the actual cause of the victim‘s death because the offender can do so through omission of a legal duty. But the test for “actual causality” is whether the victim‘s death “would not have occurred in the absence of—that is, but for—the defendant‘s conduct.” Burrage v. United States, 571 U. S. 204, 211 (internal quotation marks omitted). When a child starves to death after the parents refuse to provide food, the parents’ conduct is no less a cause of death than if the parents had poisoned the child.
Delligatti also argues that an offender who causes harm by omission does not make “use” of physical force “against the person . . . of another.”
Similarly, the phrase “against the person or property of another” in
The ordinary meaning of the term “crime of violence” confirms that Congress meant for the elements clause to cover crimes of omission. Intentional murder is the prototypical “crime of violence,” and it has long been understood to incorporate liability for both act and omission. In 1986, when the elements clause was enacted, at least 33 States generally defined criminally culpable acts to include omission of a legal duty, and leading criminal-law treatises equated act and omission. If the elements clause is to have a reasonable relationship to the term it defines, it must encompass cases where the offender makes use of physical force by deliberate inaction. Pp. 8-13.
83 F. 4th 113, affirmed.
THOMAS, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which ROBERTS, C. J., and ALITO, SOTOMAYOR, KAGAN, KAVANAUGH, and BARRETT, JJ., joined. GORSUCH, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which JACKSON, J., joined.
Opinion of the Court
NOTICE: This opinion is subject to formal revision before publication in the United States Reports. Readers are requested to notify the Reporter of Decisions, Supreme Court of the United States, Washington, D. C. 20543, pio@supremecourt.gov, of any typographical or other formal errors.
JUSTICE THOMAS delivered the opinion of
I
A
This Court applies a “categorical approach” to determine whether an offense falls within the elements clause. United States v. Taylor, 596 U. S. 845, 850 (2022). Under that approach, we do not examine the defendant‘s actual conduct. Instead, we ask whether the offense in question “always” involves the use, attempted use, or threatened use of force. Ibid. If the offense can be committed without the use, attempted use, or threatened use of force, it is not a crime of violence under the elements clause.
B
Salvatore Delligatti is an associate of the Genovese crime family, one of the New York Mafia‘s so-called Five Families. In 2014, a local gas station owner hired Delligatti to kill Joseph Bonelli, a “neighborhood bully” and suspected police informant. United States v. Pastore, 83 F. 4th 113, 117 (CA2 2023). Delligatti recruited several members of a street gang to carry out the job and provided them with a car and a loaded revolver. The gang members drove to Bonelli‘s house while he was out, intending to shoot him when he returned. They abandoned this plan, however, after seeing too many potential witnesses. At Delligatti‘s urging, the gang members returned the following day to try again. But, by this time, the police had discovered the plot and arrested the gang members on their way to carry out the hit.
Before trial, Delligatti moved to dismiss his
On appeal to the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, Delligatti argued that a VICAR offense predicated on New York second-degree murder falls outside
While Delligatti‘s appeal was pending, the Second Circuit rejected his position in a different case. Relying on our decision in Castleman, it held that the “‘knowing or intentional causation of bodily injury necessarily involves the use of physical force,‘” even when the defendant causes harm “by omission.” United States v. Scott, 990 F. 3d 94, 111, 114 (2021) (en banc) (quoting 572 U. S., at 169, and adding emphasis). Applying Scott, the Second Circuit held in Delligatti‘s case that New York attempted second-degree murder—and, by extension, a VICAR offense predicated on it—is a crime of violence because it necessarily involves at least the attempted use of force. 83 F. 4th, at 121-122.1
We granted certiorari to decide whether an individual who knowingly or intentionally causes bodily injury or death by failing to take action uses physical force within the meaning of the elements clause. 602 U. S. ___ (2024).2
II
The Second Circuit correctly held that causing bodily harm by omission requires the use of force. As in Castleman, the “use” of “physical force” in
A
Castleman establishes that under statutes like the one at issue here it is impossible to deliberately cause physical harm without the use of physical force. Although Castleman addressed a different statute, we conclude that its holding extends to
1
First, we found it “impossible to cause bodily injury without applying force” in the sense relevant here. Ibid. (emphasis added).
Second, we held that “the knowing or intentional application of force is a ‘use’ of force” under the provision in question. 572 U. S., at 170 (emphasis added). A person uses force in that sense when he makes force his “instrument,” whether directly or indirectly. Id., at 170-171 (internal quotation marks omitted). So, for example, when a person “sprinkles poison in a victim‘s drink,” he uses force by “employing poison knowingly as a device to cause physical harm,” even though “the act of sprinkling” does not itself involve force. Id., at 171 (alteration and internal quotation marks omitted). Thus, whenever someone knowingly causes physical harm, he uses force within the meaning of
2
The logic of Castleman extends to
In Castleman, Justice Scalia wrote an opinion concurring in the judgment observing that deliberately causing injury necessarily involves the use of both battery-level and violent force. The Castleman majority held that because of
showing of ”violent force—that is, the force capable of causing physical pain or injury to another person.” Id., at 140; see
Justice Scalia‘s view of violent force eventually garnered a majority. In Stokeling v. United States, 586 U. S. 73 (2019), we held that violent force encompasses “the ‘force’ required for common-law robbery,” which is “the quintessential ACCA-predicate crime.” Id., at 80. Common-law robbery requires only the force needed to overcome the victim‘s slightest physical resistance, even if it results in “minimal pain or injury.” Id., at 78, 83-84. Thus, although “‘the merest touching‘” is not violent force, any force that actually causes injury or death is. Id., at 83 (quoting Johnson, 559 U. S., at 139). We therefore concluded in Stokeling that Justice Scalia‘s “understanding of ‘physical force‘” in Castleman was “consistent with our holding.” 586 U. S., at 85.
By pegging “physical force” to robbery, Stokeling makes clear that even the indirect causation of bodily harm requires the use of violent force. This principle was well established when Congress enacted
Delligatti resists extending Castleman‘s logic to
B
Castleman‘s logic forecloses Delligatti‘s challenge. Deliberately causing injury necessarily involves the use of force in the sense relevant here. Under New York law, second-degree murder requires proof that the defendant intentionally “cause[d] the death of another person.”
Delligatti disagrees. He insists that New York second-degree murder falls outside Castleman‘s rule because a person can commit the offense through omission of a legal duty. Steinberg, 79 N. Y. 2d, at 680; supra, at 3. In such cases, Delligatti contends, the law may deem the offender the cause of the victim‘s death through “legal fiction,” but that fiction is not enough to make the person the “actual cause.” Reply Brief 7. That is incorrect. We have explained that the test for “actual causality” is whether the victim‘s death “would not have occurred in the absence of—that is, but for—the defendant‘s conduct.” Burrage v. United States, 571 U. S. 204, 211 (2014) (internal quotation marks omitted). When a young child starves to death after his parents refuse to give him food, that harm would not have occurred but for the parents’ choice. Both in the eyes of the law and as a practical matter, the parents’ conduct is no less a cause of the child‘s death than if the parents had poisoned him.
Unable to escape Castleman‘s reach, Delligatti argues in the alternative that its rule is unsound as applied to omissions. An offender who causes harm by omission, the theory goes, does not make “use” of physical force “against the person . . . of another.”
It is perfectly natural to say that a person makes “use” of something by deliberate
Similarly, we reject the argument that the phrase “against another” excludes crimes of omission. At most, that phrase requires that another person be “the conscious object” of the force the offender uses. Borden v. United States, 593 U. S. 420, 430 (2021) (plurality opinion). Put differently, the language “against another” specifies the required object of the force (another person, rather than, say, an animal), and possibly also the mens rea with which the object must be targeted (knowingly or intentionally, rather than negligently or recklessly). Id., at 430-434.5 Whenever an offender deliberately causes bodily harm by omission, he necessarily makes another person the conscious object of physical force. In the bleach example, the mother‘s refusal
to take away the bleach is not an accident, but rather a deliberate effort to make the child suffer the bleach‘s poisonous effects. The mother thus uses force against her child. It would be passing strange to say the mother used force to cause the child‘s death, but did not use force against anyone.
Context also confirms that crimes of omission fall within the elements clause. The elements clause is a definition of the term “crime of violence.”
Intentional murder is the prototypical “crime of violence,” and it has long been understood to incorporate liability for both act and omission. At the time of the elements clause‘s enactment, it was widely accepted that one could commit murder by refusing to perform a legal duty, like feeding one‘s child. See, e.g., Lackey v. State, 246 Ga. 331, 331-332, 336, 271 S. E. 2d 478, 480-481, 483 (1980); State v. Nicholson, 585 P. 2d 60, 61-63 (Utah 1978) (per curiam); People v. Burden, 72 Cal. App. 3d 603, 616-619, 140 Cal. Rptr. 282, 289-291 (1977); Biddle v. Commonwealth, 206 Va. 14, 20-21, 141 S. E. 2d 710, 714-715 (1965); State v. Shephard, 255 Iowa 1218, 1232-1235, 124 N. W. 2d 712, 720-722 (1963); 1 LaFave & Scott §3.3, at 282-283. As the Government notes, this view had deep roots in the common law. See Cruzan v. Director, Mo. Dept. of Health, 497 U. S. 261, 297 (1990) (Scalia, J., concurring) (collecting authorities); Commonwealth v. Hall, 322 Mass. 523, 527-528, 78 N. E. 2d 644, 647 (1948) (same); 1 W. Hawkins, Pleas of the Crown §8, p. 79 (1716); Brief for United States 23-26.
Moreover, murder was not the only violent crime that States recognized could arise from omission. Knowingly causing nonlethal injury to one‘s child by neglect, for example, could amount to common-law battery. See, e.g., People v. Bernard, 149 Ill. App. 3d 684, 693-695, 500 N. E. 2d 1074, 1079-1080 (1986); State v. Walden, 306 N. C. 466, 476, 293 S. E. 2d 780, 786-787 (1982); 1 LaFave & Scott §3.3(e), at 294. In 1986, at least 33 States had statutes generally defining criminally culpable acts to include omission of a legal duty. See Brief for United States 27-28, n. 3. Leading criminal-law treatises similarly equated act and omission. 1 LaFave & Scott §3.3, at 282-283; 1 Wharton §25, at 116-120 (1978); see also ALI, Model Penal Code §1.13(7), p. 209 (1985) (“acted” “includes, where relevant, ‘omitted to act‘“).
Thus, we cannot adopt Delligatti‘s interpretation without excluding traditional and widely accepted definitions of murder and other prototypical violent crimes from the elements clause‘s reach. If the elements clause is to have a reasonable relationship to the term it defines, it must encompass cases where the offender makes use of physical force by deliberate inaction. To the extent any doubt remains that Congress meant for the elements clause to cover crimes of omission, the ordinary meaning of “crime of violence” resolves it.
Delligatti insists that his position—that murder is not a crime of violence—is not as outlandish as it sounds. Congress, he tells us, expected crimes like his to fall within the now-defunct residual clause. See
C
The dissent‘s arguments fare no better than Delligatti‘s. The dissent asserts that the use of physical force requires “a violent or extreme physical act” rather than “mere touching or pre-existing natural forces.” Post, at 4 (opinion of GORSUCH, J.). In other words, disagreeing with Justice Scalia, the dissent maintains that many ways of causing bodily harm indirectly, such as deceiving the victim or slipping poison into his drink, do not involve the use of violent force. Post, at 4-5, n. 1; see Castleman, 572 U. S., at 175, n. 1 (opinion of Scalia, J.). This view runs headlong into Stokeling‘s holding that violent force encompasses “the ‘force’ required for common-law robbery.” 586 U. S., at 80. Common-law robbery is a crime that may be committed indirectly, supra, at 8, such as by slipping a sedative into the victim‘s coffee, Dreas, 153 Cal. App. 3d, at 627. Thus, no violent or
The dissent suggests that, in any event, criminal statutes do not cover omissions absent express language to that effect. Post, at 6-7. No such clear-statement rule exists. Many crimes “may be committed either by affirmative action or by failure to act” even though they are not “specifically so defined.” 1 LaFave & Scott §3.3, at 282; see supra, at 11-12. New York‘s second-degree murder statute is a prime example. It prohibits intentionally “caus[ing] the death of another person” without explicitly mentioning omissions.
Nor do any of our precedents establish that, in the context of the elements clause, it is impossible to “use” force by omission. Contra, post, at 9-10. In Bailey v. United States, 516 U. S. 137 (1995), this Court explained that the word “use” means “‘[t]o convert to one‘s service,’ ‘to employ,’ ‘to avail oneself of,’ and ‘to carry out a purpose or action by means of.‘” Id., at 145. Thus, the “mere possession of a firearm” during a crime does not amount to a “use” of the firearm under
Finally, the dissent takes issue with our reliance on the ordinary meaning of “crime of violence,” branding it an impermissible “resort to unexpressed legislative intentions.” Post, at 14. To the contrary, we engage in the standard task of reading a statutory definition in light of the conventional meaning of the term it defines. “Since on this side of the looking-glass an entirely artificial definition is rare, the meaning of the definition is almost always closely related to the ordinary meaning of the word being defined.” A. Scalia & B. Garner, Reading Law 228 (2012). Thus, when the meaning of the elements clause “is not clear,” the ordinary meaning of the term “crime of violence” is one of “the most important” factors we can consider. Ibid.
*
*
*
The knowing or intentional causation of injury or death, whether by act or omission, necessarily involves the use of physical force against another person. The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit is affirmed.
It is so ordered.
JUSTICE GORSUCH, with whom JUSTICE JACKSON joins, dissenting.
Imagine a lifeguard perched on his chair at the beach who spots a swimmer struggling
I
A
As I see it, the Court reaches the wrong destination because it takes a wrong turn at the start. Our cases are replete with reminders that, when faced with a question of statutory interpretation, the text is where we must begin (and often end). Today, however, the Court whistles past the terms Congress gave us in
Today, the Court reworks that definition at the government‘s request. Now, the Court says, a “crime of violence” includes “the knowing or intentional causation of bodily injury . . . by omission.” Ante, at 4. Under that approach, the government admits, even our lifeguard, whose offense stems from inaction, is guilty of a “crime of violence.” Tr. of Oral Arg. 51. The only trouble is, nothing like the rule the government proposes and the Court adopts appears anywhere in
To appreciate how unlikely the Court‘s new rule is, just walk through the statute‘s key definitional terms, beginning with the word “use.” When Congress adopted the current version of
through mere “inacti[on],” “inert[ia],” or “nonactiv[ity].” Bailey, 516 U. S., at 148–149.
What must a person actively employ to commit a crime of violence? The statute tells us: “physical force.”
The “physical act” must also be a violent one. Again, consider Johnson. Because
Finally, the statute requires the use of force “against the person or property of another.” Again addressing
Putting these pieces together reveals the implausibility of the Court‘s new rule. To commit a “crime of violence,” an individual must (1) actively (not just through inertia) employ (2) a violent or extreme physical act (not a mere touching or pre-existing natural forces) (3) knowingly or intentionally to harm another person or his property. An individual who, as the Court puts it, “causes bodily injury by omission” does not begin to meet these criteria. Ante, at 4. Someone like our lifeguard may knowingly or intentionally cause another‘s death by refusing to fulfill his legal duty to act. Maliciously, he may choose to allow natural forces to take their toll. But by remaining in his chair, he does not actively employ even the merest touching, let alone violent physical force. Of course, crimes of omission like our lifeguard‘s are serious ones that can invite serious punishments under various state and federal laws. But
B
Not only does the Court fail to grapple with the statutory text, it breezes past the next best evidence of statutory meaning: context. As it turns out, several pieces of contextual evidence, all unmentioned by the Court, weigh against the notion that a
First, consider how informed readers understood the phrase in 1981. When Congress first considered defining “crime of violence” to require the “use of physical force against the person or property of another,” legislators recognized that those terms would not reach omissions. S. Rep. No. 97-307, p. 591 (1981). A Senate report explained that the “operator of a dam [who] refuse[d] to open the floodgates during a flood, thereby placing the residents of an upstream area in jeopardy of their lives” would not commit a “crime of violence” since “he did not . . . use physical force.” Ibid. Of course, “legislative history is not the law” and should not be confused for it. Epic Systems Corp. v. Lewis, 584 U. S. 497, 523 (2018). But the report supplies at least some evidence that ordinary speakers at the time of
Second, analyzing “how particular combinations of words are used in a vast database of English prose” can shed light on how ordinary people understand statutory terms. See Facebook, Inc. v. Duguid, 592 U. S. 395, 412 (2021) (ALITO, J., concurring in judgment). Just such a database—the Corpus of Contemporary American English—contains “forty-seven non-specialist instances of ‘use of physical force.‘” United States v. Scott, 990 F. 3d 94, 129, n. 8 (CA2 2021) (en banc) (Menashi, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment). Of those references, “all refer to physical contact; none plausibly refer to ‘deriv[ing] service from’ a preexisting physical force.” Ibid. Thus the phrase “prototypically refers to assertive physical contact—‘punches, kicks, slaps[,] and body slams.‘” Id., at 129.
Third, any other interpretation introduces redundancy into the statutory scheme.
Finally, a look to the broader federal criminal code reinforces what the statutory text suggests. Congress has exhibited no difficulty addressing omission crimes elsewhere, mentioning them explicitly in dozens of provisions up and down the U. S. Code. E.g.,
C
Where does (or should) all this leave us? To determine whether a state offense qualifies as a crime of violence under the elements clause, a court must assess whether the offense “has as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force” against another.
Now apply the elements clause‘s test to the New York statute at issue before us. That law makes it a crime intentionally “to cause the death of another.”
II
The Court chafes at this conclusion. It emphasizes that Mr. Delligatti committed no mere crime of omission but instead plotted to use active force against his victim. Ante, at 2–4. On that much, there is no room for dispute. But neither is
Ultimately, the Court acknowledges as much. For New York‘s offense to qualify as a “crime of violence,” the Court concedes, it must find some way to explain how committing that offense by omission requires the government to prove, as an element, the “use . . . of physical force.” Ante, at 4, 8. To get there, the Court appeals to precedent, ante, at 5–10, and implicit congressional purposes, ante, at 10–11. But, unsurprisingly, our precedents do not require us to ignore the statute‘s terms. And no amount of conjecture about implicit congressional purposes can substitute for statutory text.
Start with the Court‘s argument from precedent. The Court asks us to believe that its hands are tied by United States v. Castleman, 572 U. S. 157 (2014), and Stokeling v. United States, 586 U. S. 73 (2019). Those two cases, the Court insists, require us to conclude that knowingly or intentionally causing bodily injury by omission always “requires the use of force.” Ante, at 4. So, as the Court tells it, even if the statute‘s terms might suggest a different result, respect for stare decisis compels the conclusion that New York‘s statute satisfies the elements clause. Ibid.
Notice, though, what‘s missing from the Court‘s account of precedent. While training its attention on Castleman and Stokeling, the Court neglects so many other relevant cases, relegating them to little more than an afterthought. Ante, at 13–14. Where is Bailey, and its holding that the term “use” in
Even examined in isolation, the two decisions the Court plucks out of the stack cannot begin to do the work the Court seeks to impress upon them. Take Castleman first. It involved
Nothing in Castleman compels the conclusion that omission crimes involve “the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force” sufficient to implicate
To the extent Castleman has anything to say about our case, it does more to hurt than to help the Court‘s cause. To reach its holding that common-law battery informs the degree of physical force required by
With nothing in the Castleman majority opinion to help it, the Court eventually turns to Justice Scalia‘s solo concurrence. Ante, at 6–7. There, he rejected the majority‘s suggestion that a slight touching qualifies as the “use of physical force” even under
That syllogism is of no use to the Court here. Justice Scalia may have claimed that a defendant whose actions cause bodily injury necessarily uses violent physical force. Ibid. But he did not claim that a defendant whose failure to act causes bodily injury also necessarily uses violent physical force. Quite the opposite. “[N]onphysical conduct” like “acts of omission,” Justice Scalia said, cannot “possibly be relevant to the meaning of a statute requiring ‘physical force.‘” Id., at 181 (emphasis deleted; some internal quotation marks omitted). By rejecting the notion that omissions resulting in bodily injury can give rise to liability under statutes like the one before us, Justice Scalia stuck to his view in Johnson that the phrase “use . . . of physical force” captures only “‘a category of violent, active crimes.‘” 559 U. S., at 140 (quoting Leocal, 543 U. S., at 11; emphasis added). And it is a view directly at odds with the Court‘s decision today.
Finding Castleman a dry hole, the Court prospects Stokeling. Ante, at 7–8. But the Court does so only briefly, and understandably so. Stokeling held that the phrase “physical force” in
III
Unable to ground its decision in precedent, the Court retreats, at the tail end of
A
For one thing, there can be little doubt about what the argument is: a resort to unexpressed legislative intentions. Congress, the Court insists, could not possibly have used the phrase “crime of violence” in
We have no business entertaining an argument like that. In
The Court offers no persuasive answer to any of this. To be sure, the Court protests that it merely seeks to give voice to the “conventional meaning” of the phrase “crime of violence.” Ante, at 14. But the Court‘s focus on that phrase in isolation, followed by an insistence that it must capture common-law cause-and-result crimes like murder and battery—all without any serious attention to the express definition Congress gave us or so much contextual evidence about its meaning—leaves little room for doubt that purpose, not text, is in the driver‘s seat today.
In saying that much, I do not mean to suggest courts may never look to the common law to inform statutory text. Sometimes, courts properly consider the common law when interpreting a term of art Congress has adapted from that “old soil.” See, e.g., Sekhar v. United States, 570 U. S. 729, 733 (2013). And, yes, we may sometimes resort to the common law when a statute leaves a gap (say, by failing to supply a burden of proof or the requisite mens rea). See, e.g., Morissette v. United States, 342 U. S. 246, 262 (1952).
The trouble is, we have nothing like that here. Before us is an express statutory
The same holds true here. By looking to the common law today, the Court produces a serious misfit. At common law, an omission could give rise to liability for a cause-and-result crime only if the defendant had a well-defined legal duty to act (think of a doctor‘s duty to his patient, or a father‘s duty to his child). See 1 LaFave & Scott §3.3, at 283. Yet the Court‘s reading of
Along the way, the Court hands us another misfit, too, this one having to do with our own precedents. In Johnson, the government asked the Court to read the phrase “physical force” in a statute addressing “violent felon[ies]” to reach mere touchings consistent with the common law of battery. See 559 U. S., at 140. Here, the government goes a step further, asking us to read the phrase “physical force” in a statute addressing “felony” “crimes of violence” to embrace common-law cause-and-result crimes (including battery) where not even a mere touching is required. How the Court might reject the first request and indulge the second poses quite the puzzle. If there is some way to reconcile today‘s decision with Johnson, the Court never explains what it might be.
B
Not only do we have no business guessing about unexpressed legislative intentions. Even were we to play that game, the Court‘s intuition that Congress must have wanted
Consider a little more closely the concern the Court asks us to ascribe to Congress. The Court cannot really suppose that Congress wanted us to ensure that cause-and-result crimes committed by omission qualify as “crimes of violence” under
Really, the Court‘s argument must rest on a different assumption. It must rest on a view that Congress implicitly wanted
But even if Congress implicitly wanted
Equally, Congress might have had another idea in mind. Maybe Congress did not mean for
That possibility seems all the more likely because
Nor would recognizing that
*
In the end, the Court‘s decision today comes up short on every count. It neglects
