United States v. Jorge Sanchez-GarciaUnited States v. Jorge Sanchez-Garcia
LEGAL SERVICE PROVIDERS; IMMIGRANT RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS; DR. S. DEBORAH KANG; ASIAN AMERICANS ADVANCING JUSTICE; HUMAN RIGHTS FIRST; NORTHWEST IMMIGRANT RIGHTS PROJECT; ADVOCATES FOR BASIC LEGAL EQUALITY, INC.; JUSTICE STRATEGIES; LATINOJUSTICE PRLDEF; LEGAL AID JUSTICE CENTER; MASSACHUSETTS LAW REFORM INSTITUTE; NATIONAL IMMIGRATION LAW CENTER; IMMIGRATION SCHOLARS; CENTER FOR IMMIGRATION LAW AND POLICY; AOKI CENTER FOR CRITICAL RACE AND NATION STUDIES; SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER; PROFESSOR ERIC FISH,
Amici Supporting Appellant.
LEGAL SERVICE PROVIDERS; IMMIGRANT RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS; DR. S. DEBORAH KANG; ASIAN AMERICANS ADVANCING JUSTICE; HUMAN RIGHTS FIRST; NORTHWEST IMMIGRANT RIGHTS PROJECT; ADVOCATES FOR BASIC LEGAL EQUALITY, INC.; JUSTICE STRATEGIES; LATINOJUSTICE PRLDEF; LEGAL AID JUSTICE CENTER; MASSACHUSETTS LAW REFORM INSTITUTE; NATIONAL IMMIGRATION LAW CENTER; IMMIGRATION SCHOLARS; CENTER FOR IMMIGRATION LAW AND POLICY; AOKI CENTER FOR CRITICAL RACE AND NATION STUDIES; SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER; PROFESSOR ERIC FISH,
Amici Supporting Appellant.
LEGAL SERVICE PROVIDERS; IMMIGRANT RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS; DR. S. DEBORAH KANG; ASIAN AMERICANS ADVANCING JUSTICE; HUMAN RIGHTS FIRST; NORTHWEST IMMIGRANT RIGHTS PROJECT; ADVOCATES FOR BASIC LEGAL EQUALITY, INC.; JUSTICE STRATEGIES; LATINOJUSTICE PRLDEF; LEGAL AID JUSTICE CENTER; MASSACHUSETTS LAW REFORM INSTITUTE; NATIONAL IMMIGRATION LAW CENTER; IMMIGRATION SCHOLARS; CENTER FOR IMMIGRATION LAW AND POLICY; AOKI CENTER FOR CRITICAL RACE AND NATION STUDIES; SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER; PROFESSOR ERIC FISH,
Amici Supporting Appellant.
LEGAL SERVICE PROVIDERS; IMMIGRANT RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS; DR. S. DEBORAH KANG; ASIAN AMERICANS ADVANCING JUSTICE; HUMAN RIGHTS FIRST; NORTHWEST IMMIGRANT RIGHTS PROJECT; ADVOCATES FOR BASIC LEGAL EQUALITY, INC.; JUSTICE STRATEGIES; LATINOJUSTICE PRLDEF; LEGAL AID JUSTICE CENTER; MASSACHUSETTS LAW REFORM INSTITUTE; NATIONAL IMMIGRATION LAW CENTER; IMMIGRATION SCHOLARS; CENTER FOR IMMIGRATION LAW AND POLICY; AOKI CENTER FOR CRITICAL RACE AND NATION STUDIES; SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER; PROFESSOR ERIC FISH,
Amici Supporting Appellant.
LEGAL SERVICE PROVIDERS; IMMIGRANT RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS; DR. S. DEBORAH KANG; ASIAN AMERICANS ADVANCING JUSTICE; HUMAN RIGHTS FIRST; NORTHWEST IMMIGRANT RIGHTS PROJECT; ADVOCATES FOR BASIC LEGAL EQUALITY, INC.; JUSTICE STRATEGIES; LATINOJUSTICE PRLDEF; LEGAL AID JUSTICE CENTER; MASSACHUSETTS LAW REFORM INSTITUTE; NATIONAL IMMIGRATION LAW CENTER; IMMIGRATION SCHOLARS; CENTER FOR IMMIGRATION LAW AND POLICY; AOKI CENTER FOR CRITICAL RACE AND NATION STUDIES; SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER; PROFESSOR ERIC FISH,
Amici Supporting Appellant.
Argued: September 22, 2023 Decided: April 4, 2024
Before DIAZ, Chief Judge, and AGEE and HARRIS, Circuit Judges.
Affirmed by published opinion. Judge Harris wrote the majority opinion, in which Chief Judge Diaz and Judge Agee joined.
ARGUED: Mireille P. Clough, OFFICE OF THE FEDERAL PUBLIC DEFENDER, Winston-Salem, North Carolina, for Appellants. Margaret McCall Reece, OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES ATTORNEY, Greensboro, North Carolina, for Appellee. ON BRIEF: Louis C. Allen, Federal Public Defender, Eric D. Placke, First Assistant Federal Public Defender, OFFICE OF THE FEDERAL PUBLIC DEFENDER, Greensboro, North Carolina, for Appellants. Sandra J. Hairston, United States Attorney, OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES ATTORNEY, Greensboro, North Carolina, for Appellee. Khaled Alrabe, Ann Garcia, NATIONAL IMMIGRATION PROJECT OF THE NATIONAL LAWYERS GUILD, Washington, D.C.; Charles Roth, NATIONAL IMMIGRANT JUSTICE CENTER, Chicago, Illinois, for Amici Legal Service Providers and Immigrant Rights Organizations. Michele Akemi McKenzie, MCKENZIE SCOTT PC, San Diego, California, for Amici Asian Americans Advancing Justice, Human Rights First, and Northwest Immigrant Rights Project. Philip L. Torrey, Crimmigration Clinic, HARVARD LAW SCHOOL, Cambridge, Massachusetts, for Amicus Dr. S. Deborah Kang. Lourdes Rosado, Andrew Case, LATINOJUSTICE PRLDEF, New York, New York; Max S. Wolson, Washington, D.C., Nicholas David Espiritu, NATIONAL IMMIGRATION LAW CENTER, Los Angeles, California, for Amici Advocates for Basic Legal Equality, Justice Strategies, Latino Justice PRLDEF, Legal Aid Justice Center, Massachusetts Law Reform Institute, and National Immigration Law Center. Amanda Valerio, Washington, D.C., Alexia D. Korberg, Melina Meneguin Layerenza, Patrick McCusker, PAUL, WEISS, RIFKIND, WHARTON & GARRISON LLP, New York, New York, for Amici Immigration Scholars. Yaman Salahi, EDELSON PC,
PAMELA HARRIS, Circuit Judge:
The defendants in this case are six non-citizens indicted for illegally reentering the United States following their prior removal, in violation of
Like virtually every other court to consider such a claim, the district court rejected the defendants’ argument, finding that they had not carried their burden of showing that racial discrimination was a motive for enacting
I.
A.
For context, we begin with the illegal-reentry provision under which the defendants were indicted. Under
Section 1326 was enacted in 1952 as part of the Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA” or “1952 Act“), a “full and complete” overhaul of the nation‘s immigration laws. See United States v. Carrillo-Lopez, 68 F.4th 1133, 1143, 1146-47 (9th Cir. 2023) (quoting S. REP. NO. 81-1515, at 803 (1950) (“Senate Report“)). Much of the debate over the INA focused on the national-origin quota system, which opponents viewed as “discriminatory in the treatment of certain nationalities of Europe.” Id. at 1144 (quoting Senate Report at 448).1 As passed by Congress, the INA maintained but revised the quota system, adjusting its formulas and adding preferences for family reunification and non-citizens with specified skills. Id. at 1145. It also sought to ensure that the new immigration system would be free of racial discrimination, in part by eliminating bars to naturalization based on race. Id.; see J.A. 927 (defendants’ expert explaining that the INA “removed racial restrictions on naturalization and immigration” and “allowed Asian immigrants . . . to naturalize for the first time“).
The 1952 Act also included the illegal reentry provision at issue here, now codified at
This new illegal reentry provision was never addressed during the extensive congressional debate over the 1952 Act, and it was barely mentioned in the Act‘s legislative history. Carrillo-Lopez, 68 F.4th at 1145-46. Nor did President Truman mention
Since its enactment in 1952,
B.
We turn now to the proceedings in this case. Each of the six defendants was charged in a one-count indictment with illegal reentry under
On the defendants’ motion and with the government‘s consent, the district court consolidated the six cases for an evidentiary hearing. The defendants’ expert witness testified as to the history behind both the INA and the 1929 Act that was one of § 1326‘s predecessors. The defendants also presented the transcript of testimony from the evidentiary hearing before the district court in Carrillo-Lopez, and legislative materials related to the statutes in question. The main thrust of the defendants’ argument was that the 1929 Act‘s illegal reentry provision was based on racial animus, and that this animus carried forward to the INA‘s enactment of substantially the same provision. J.A. 902-10, 931-32 (defendants’
The district court disagreed, and in an oral ruling after the hearing, it denied the defendants’ motions to dismiss their indictments. J.A. 1041-44. The court first noted a threshold question as to whether the defendants’ racial bias claim should be reviewed under Arlington Heights, as the defendants proposed, or under the rational basis standard generally applied to immigration laws, as the government argued. J.A. 1042. That dispute did not need to be resolved, the court concluded, because even under the less deferential Arlington Heights standard, the defendants could not meet their burden of showing that
The court considered the “entire historical context” of
After their motions to dismiss were denied, the defendants pled guilty to violating
II.
The only question before us is whether the defendants have shown that
Claims just like this have been considered and rejected by dozens of courts around the country. Virtually without exception, all have found that regardless of the origins of the 1929 Act, it cannot be shown that
We review de novo the defendants’ challenge to the constitutionality of a criminal statute. See United States v. Roof, 10 F.4th 314, 391 n.51 (4th Cir. 2021) (per curiam). We review the district court‘s factual findings – including its findings as to whether
A.
1.
The standard that generally governs an equal protection claim like the defendants’ is well established. See Carrillo-Lopez, 68 F.4th at 1139-41 (explaining background equal protection principles). As all agree, § 1326‘s illegal reentry provision is racially neutral on its face. But even a facially neutral law may violate equal protection principles if racial discrimination “was a substantial or motivating factor” behind its enactment. N.C. State Conf. of the NAACP v. Raymond, 981 F.3d 295, 303 (4th Cir. 2020) (internal quotation marks omitted). The burden of proof is on the defendants to show that
Evidence that
All that evidence must be considered in light of the “presumption of good faith” afforded Congress‘s 1952 enactment of
2.
The government argues at the outset that this Arlington Heights standard does not apply to immigration laws like
We agree with the district court, see J.A. 1042, and our sister circuits, see Carrillo-Lopez, 68 F.4th at 1141-42; Barcenas-Rumualdo, 53 F.4th at 864-65, that the correct standard of review for this challenge is not entirely clear. On the one hand, as the government reminds us, the Supreme Court has recognized that “Congress‘s broad authority over admission and exclusion” of non-citizens “warrants limited judicial interference.” Barcenas-Rumualdo, 53 F.4th at 864 & n.12 (citing Demore v. Kim, 538 U.S. 510, 522 (2003)). And “without precise explanation,” Carrillo-Lopez, 68 F.4th at 1142, the Supreme Court has applied rational basis scrutiny even to allegations of invidious discrimination in immigration law, see Trump v. Hawaii, 585 U.S. 667, 702-04 (2018); id. at 741 (“[W]ithout explanation or precedential support, [the majority] limits its review . . . to rational-basis scrutiny.“) (Sotomayor, J., dissenting).
On the other hand, as the defendants argue,
In the end, like the other courts of appeals to weigh in, we find we need not resolve this issue. The defendants do not contend that they can prevail under rational basis review. And as we conclude below, they also cannot prevail under the Arlington Heights standard. So we can leave for another day a definitive resolution of the standard of review question and proceed to an analysis under the familiar Arlington Heights framework. See Carrillo-Lopez, 68 F.4th at 1142 (doing the same); Barcenas-Rumualdo, 53 F.4th at 865 (same); Wence, 2023 WL 5739844, at *3 (same).
B.
Under Arlington Heights, as outlined above, the defendants bear the burden of showing, based on the factors set out by the Supreme Court, that racial bias against Mexican and Central American immigrants was “a motivating factor” for Congress when it enacted
1.
Ordinarily, we would start under Arlington Heights with the historical background of the enactment in question – here, the enactment of
The defendants’ evidence about the 1929 Act “paints a vivid picture of [a] troubling history.” See Barcenas-Rumualdo, 53 F.4th at 866; accord, e.g., United States v. Machic-Xiap, 552 F. Supp. 3d 1055, 1066-68 (D. Or. 2021) (making detailed findings of racial bias behind 1929 Act). Like the district court, we will assume that the 1929 Act rests at least in part on “underlying racist motivations.” J.A. 1042. But we also agree with the district court – and the other three courts of appeals to consider the question – that the ugly origin of the 1929 Act is not enough to overcome the presumption that 1952‘s Congress enacted
First, to the extent the defendants argue that the motivations for the 1929 Act may automatically be imputed to the 1952 Congress – at least without some “repudiation” by that Congress – we must disagree. That position is foreclosed by the Supreme Court‘s decision in Abbott, clarifying that a finding of past discrimination does not by itself overcome the presumption of good faith, and that a future legislature has no “duty to purge its predecessor‘s allegedly discriminatory intent.” 585 U.S. at 605-06; see also Raymond, 981 F.3d at 303-05 (applying Abbott to reject similar argument). As the Ninth Circuit explained in Carrillo-Lopez, the defendants’ near-singular reliance on the 1929 Act is fundamentally at odds with Abbott: The Supreme Court has “rejected the argument that a new enactment can be deemed to be tainted by the discriminatory intent motivating a prior act unless legislators expressly disavow the prior act‘s racism.” 68 F.4th at 1151; see also Barcenas-Rumualdo, 53 F.4th at 866 (explaining that the 1952 Act, not the 1929 Act, is “our point of reference“).
This does not mean, to be sure, that the origins of the 1929 Act – which, again, we assume are tainted by racial animus – are irrelevant to the Arlington Heights analysis. See Abbott, 585 U.S. at 607. Instead, as we recently explained in Raymond, a prior legislature‘s discriminatory intent is appropriately considered as part of the Arlington Heights “historical background” factor. 981 F.3d at 305.4 But under the circumstances here, we agree with the district court that the intent behind the 1929 Act is of limited probative
Perhaps most important, there is the substantial chronological gap between the legislative act directly at issue – 1952‘s enactment of
turnover of its personnel in the intervening years.” Id. at 1150 (quoting Brnovich v. Democratic Nat‘l Comm., 141 S. Ct. 2321, 2349 n.22 (2021)). Historical evidence so far removed in time can shed only limited light on the motivations of a very different Congress in 1952. See Barrera-Vasquez, 617 F. Supp. 3d at 408 (“The Court . . . [is] unpersuaded . . . that the [1929 Act‘s] history explains why the 82nd Congress passed
The defendants attempt to bridge the lengthy gap between 1929 and 1952 by claiming that the 1952 Congress simply “recodified” or “reenacted” the 1929 Act. Although it is not fully spelled out by the defendants, the theory seems to be that a plain reenactment of an existing statute carries forward prior racial animus in a way that reenactment with substantive changes would not. See Carrillo-Lopez, 555 F. Supp. 3d at 1017-19 (adopting argument). Whatever the merits of this theory – which appears to rest on a one-sentence caveat from the Supreme Court‘s Abbott opinion, see 585 U.S. at 604 (“Nor is this a case in which a law originally enacted with discriminatory intent is later reenacted by a different legislature.“) – it has no application here, because
The INA, of course, was not a “reenactment of the 1929 Act, but rather a broad reformulation of the nation‘s immigration laws.” Carrillo-Lopez, 68 F.4th at 1151 (internal quotation marks omitted). And even if we narrow our focus to
Finally, as the Fifth Circuit emphasized, the clock does not stop in 1952. See Barcenas-Rumualdo, 53 F.4th at 866. Congress has amended
2.
Although the defendants rely principally on the 1929 Act to show an impermissible purpose behind
Neither the sequence of events leading up to the INA‘s passage nor the INA‘s legislative history provide any direct evidence of discriminatory intent behind
The defendants thus turn, once again, to a different law, this one enacted a few months before the INA: an anti-harboring law targeting those involved in transporting and otherwise facilitating the entry of non-citizens into the United States without authorization, see Act of Mar. 20, 1952, Pub. L. No. 82-283, 66 Stat. 26 (1952), colloquially referred to as the “Wetback Bill.” That is indeed a noxious formulation, especially by modern lights. But like the other courts of appeals to consider this evidence, we think the fact that “individual lawmakers dubbed a bill something derogatory” – even deeply so – does not significantly bear on the motivations of the entire Congress in enacting a different law. See Barcenas-Rumualdo, 53 F.4th at 867; see also Carrillo-Lopez, 68 F.4th at 1149 n.13 (“[I]ndividual lawmakers’ name for a separate bill is not sufficient evidence to meet [the defendant‘s] burden of showing that Congress acted with racial animus when it enacted
Finally, the defendants rely on expert testimony that
And because there is an obvious explanation for this disparate impact, it does little, if anything, to suggest a racially discriminatory motive. Disparate impact evidence is relevant not for its own sake, but because a “clear pattern, unexplainable on grounds other than race,” may give rise to an inference of discriminatory intent. Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 266 (emphasis added); see also Personnel Adm‘r. of Mass. v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256, 275 (1979) (same). But here, the “clear geographic reason for disproportionate impact on Mexicans and other Central and South Americans undermines any inference of discriminatory motive.” Carrillo-Lopez, 68 F.4th at 1153.
All told, we agree with the district court and the other courts to have considered this question. The 1929 Act notwithstanding, Congress‘s 1952 passage of
III.
For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the district court is affirmed.
AFFIRMED