PERSONNEL ADMINISTRATOR OF MASSACHUSETTS ET AL. v. FEENEY
No. 78-233
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued February 26, 1979—Decided June 5, 1979
442 U.S. 256
Thomas R. Kiley, Assistant Attorney General of Massachusetts, argued the cause for appellants. With him on the brief were Francis X. Bellotti, Attorney General, and Edward F. Vena, Assistant Attorney General.
Richard P. Ward argued the cause for appellee. With him on the brief were Stephen B. Perlman, Eleanor D. Acheson, John H. Mason, and John Reinstein.*
*Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed by Solicitor General McCree, Deputy Solicitor General Easterbrook, and William C. Bryson for the United States; and by John J. Curtin, Jr., for the American Legion.
Samuel J. Rabinove and Phyllis N. Segal filed a brief for the National Organization for Women et al. as amici curiae urging affirmance.
Briefs of amici curiae were filed by Deanne Siemer for the United States
MR. JUSTICE STEWART delivered the opinion of the Court.
This case presents a challenge to the constitutionality of the Massachusetts veterans’ preference statute,
The appellee Helen B. Feeney is not a veteran. She brought this action pursuant to
Upon an appeal taken by the Attorney General of Massachusetts,5 this Court vacated the judgment and remanded the case for further consideration in light of our intervening decision in Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S. 229. Massachusetts v. Feeney, 434 U. S. 884. The Davis case held that a neutral law does not violate the Equal Protection Clause solely because it results in a racially disproportionate impact; instead the disproportionate impact must be traced to a purpose to discriminate on the basis of race. 426 U. S., at 238-244.
Upon remand, the District Court, one judge concurring and one judge again dissenting, concluded that a veterans’ hiring preference is inherently nonneutral because it favors a class from which women have traditionally been excluded, and that
I
A
The Federal Government and virtually all of the States grant some sort of hiring preference to veterans.6 The Massachusetts preference, which is loosely termed an “absolute lifetime” preference, is among the most generous.7 It
Rank on the eligible list and availability for employment are the sole factors that determine which candidates are considered for appointment to an official civil service position. When a public agency has a vacancy, it requisitions a list of “certified eligibles” from the state personnel division. Under formulas prescribed by civil service rules, a small number of candidates from the top of an appropriate list, three if there is only one vacancy, are certified. The appointing agency
B
The appellee has lived in Dracut, Mass., most of her life. She entered the work force in 1948, and for the next 14 years worked at a variety of jobs in the private sector. She first entered the state civil service system in 1963, having competed successfully for a position as Senior Clerk Stenographer in the Massachusetts Civil Defense Agency. There she worked for four years. In 1967, she was promoted to the position of Federal Funds and Personnel Coordinator in the same agency. The agency, and with it her job, was eliminated in 1975.
During her 12-year tenure as a public employee, Ms. Feeney took and passed a number of open competitive civil service examinations. On several she did quite well, receiving in 1971 the second highest score on an examination for a job with the Board of Dental Examiners, and in 1973 the third highest on a test for an Administrative Assistant position with a mental health center. Her high scores, however, did not win her a place on the certified eligible list. Because of the veterans’ preference, she was ranked sixth behind five male veterans on the Dental Examiner list. She was not certified, and a lower scoring veteran was eventually appointed. On the 1973 examination, she was placed in a position on the list behind 12 male veterans, 11 of whom had lower scores. Following the other examinations that she took, her name was similarly ranked below those of veterans who had achieved passing grades.
C
The veterans’ hiring preference in Massachusetts, as in other jurisdictions, has traditionally been justified as a measure designed to reward veterans for the sacrifice of military service, to ease the transition from military to civilian life, to encourage patriotic service, and to attract loyal and well-disciplined people to civil service occupations.12 See, e. g., Hutcheson v. Director of Civil Service, 361 Mass. 480, 281 N. E. 2d 53 (1972). The Massachusetts law dates back to 1884, when the State, as part of its first civil service legislation, gave a statutory preference to civil service applicants who were Civil War veterans if their qualifications were equal to those of nonveterans. 1884 Mass. Acts, ch. 320, § 14 (sixth). This tie-breaking provision blossomed into a truly absolute preference in 1895, when the State enacted its first general veterans’ preference law and exempted veterans from all merit selection requirements. 1895 Mass. Acts, ch. 501, § 2. In response to a challenge brought by a male nonveteran, this statute was declared violative of state constitutional provisions guaranteeing that government should be
The current veterans’ preference law has its origins in an 1896 statute, enacted to meet the state constitutional standards enunciated in Brown v. Russell. That statute limited the absolute preference to veterans who were otherwise qualified.13 A closely divided Supreme Judicial Court, in an advisory opinion issued the same year, concluded that the preference embodied in such a statute would be valid. Opinion of the Justices, 166 Mass. 589, 44 N. E. 625 (1896). In 1919, when the preference was extended to cover the veterans of World War I, the formula was further limited to provide for a priority in eligibility, in contrast to an absolute preference in hiring.14 See Corliss v. Civil Service Comm‘rs, 242 Mass. 61, 136 N. E. 356 (1922). In Mayor of Lynn v. Commissioner of Civil Service, 269 Mass. 410, 414, 169 N. E. 502, 503-504 (1929), the Supreme Judicial Court, adhering to the views expressed in its 1896 advisory opinion, sustained this statute against a state constitutional challenge.
Since 1919, the preference has been repeatedly amended to cover persons who served in subsequent wars, declared or
D
The first Massachusetts veterans’ preference statute defined the term “veterans” in gender-neutral language. See
When the first general veterans’ preference statute was adopted in 1896, there were no women veterans.18 The statute, however, covered only Civil War veterans. Most of them were beyond middle age, and relatively few were actively competing for public employment.19 Thus, the impact of
Notwithstanding the apparent attempts by Massachusetts to include as many military women as possible within the scope of the preference, the statute today benefits an overwhelmingly male class. This is attributable in some measure to the variety of federal statutes, regulations, and policies that have restricted the number of women who could enlist in the United States Armed Forces,21 and largely to the simple
When this litigation was commenced, then, over 98% of the veterans in Massachusetts were male; only 1.8% were female. And over one-quarter of the Massachusetts population were veterans. During the decade between 1963 and 1973 when the appellee was actively participating in the State‘s merit selection system, 47,005 new permanent appointments were made in the classified official service. Forty-three percent of those hired were women, and 57% were men. Of the women appointed, 1.8% were veterans, while 54% of the men had veteran status. A large unspecified percentage of the female appointees were serving in lower paying positions for which males traditionally had not applied.22
At the outset of this litigation appellants conceded that for “many of the permanent positions for which males and females have competed” the veterans’ preference has “resulted in a substantially greater proportion of female eligibles than male eligibles” not being certified for consideration. The impact of the veterans’ preference law upon the public employment opportunities of women has thus been severe. This impact lies at the heart of the appellee‘s federal constitutional claim.
II
The sole question for decision on this appeal is whether Massachusetts, in granting an absolute lifetime preference to veterans, has discriminated against women in violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
A
The equal protection guarantee of the Fourteenth Amendment does not take from the States all power of classification. Massachusetts Bd. of Retirement v. Murgia, 427 U. S. 307, 314. Most laws classify, and many affect certain groups
Certain classifications, however, in themselves supply a reason to infer antipathy. Race is the paradigm. A racial classification, regardless of purported motivation, is presumptively invalid and can be upheld only upon an extraordinary justification. Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U. S. 483; McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U. S. 184. This rule applies as well to a classification that is ostensibly neutral but is an obvious pretext for racial discrimination. Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356; Guinn v. United States, 238 U. S. 347; cf. Lane v. Wilson, 307 U. S. 268; Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U. S. 339. But, as was made clear in Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S. 229, and Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev. Corp., 429 U. S. 252, even if a neutral law has a disproportionately adverse effect upon a racial minority, it is unconstitutional under the Equal Protection Clause only if that impact can be traced to a discriminatory purpose.
B
The cases of Washington v. Davis, supra, and Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev. Corp., supra, recognize that when a neutral law has a disparate impact upon a group that has historically been the victim of discrimination, an unconstitutional purpose may still be at work. But those cases signaled no departure from the settled rule that the Fourteenth Amendment guarantees equal laws, not equal results. Davis upheld a job-related employment test that white people passed in proportionately greater numbers than Negroes, for there had been no showing that racial discrimination entered into the establishment or formulation of the test. Arlington Heights upheld a zoning board decision that tended to perpetuate racially segregated housing patterns,
When a statute gender-neutral on its face is challenged on the ground that its effects upon women are disproportionably adverse, a twofold inquiry is thus appropriate. The first question is whether the statutory classification is indeed neutral in the sense that it is not gender based. If the classification itself, covert or overt, is not based upon gender, the second question is whether the adverse effect reflects invidious gender-based discrimination. See Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev. Corp., supra. In this second inquiry, impact provides an “important starting point,” 429 U. S., at 266, but purposeful discrimination is “the condition that offends the Constitution.” Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U. S. 1, 16.
It is against this background of precedent that we consider the merits of the case before us.
III
A
The question whether
If the impact of this statute could not be plausibly explained on a neutral ground, impact itself would signal that the real classification made by the law was in fact not neutral. See Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S., at 242; Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev. Corp., supra, at 266. But there can be but one answer to the question whether this veteran preference excludes significant numbers of women from preferred state jobs because they are women or because they are nonveterans. Apart from the facts that the definition of “veterans” in the statute has always been neutral as to gender and that Massachusetts has consistently defined veteran status in a way that has been inclusive of women who have served in the military, this is not a law that can plausibly be explained only as a gender-based classification. Indeed, it is not a law that can rationally be explained on that ground. Veteran status is not uniquely male. Although few women benefit from the preference, the nonveteran class is not substantially all female. To the contrary, significant numbers of nonveterans are men, and all nonveterans—male as well as female—are placed at a disadvantage. Too many men are affected by
Moreover, as the District Court implicitly found, the purposes of the statute provide the surest explanation for its impact. Just as there are cases in which impact alone can unmask an invidious classification, cf. Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, there are others, in which—notwithstanding impact—the legitimate noninvidious purposes of a law cannot be missed. This is one. The distinction made by
B
The dispositive question, then, is whether the appellee has shown that a gender-based discriminatory purpose has, at least in some measure, shaped the Massachusetts veterans’ preference legislation. As did the District Court, she points to two basic factors which in her view distinguish
1
The contention that this veterans’ preference is “inherently nonneutral” or “gender-biased” presumes that the State, by favoring veterans, intentionally incorporated into its public employment policies the panoply of sex-based and assertedly discriminatory federal laws that have prevented all but a handful of women from becoming veterans. There are two serious difficulties with this argument. First, it is wholly at odds with the District Court‘s central finding that Massachusetts has not offered a preference to veterans for the purpose of discriminating against women. Second, it cannot be reconciled with the assumption made by both the appellee and the District Court that a more limited hiring preference for veterans could be sustained. Taken together, these difficulties are fatal.
To the extent that the status of veteran is one that few
To be sure, this case is unusual in that it involves a law that by design is not neutral. The law overtly prefers veterans as such. As opposed to the written test at issue in Davis, it does not purport to define a job-related characteristic. To the contrary, it confers upon a specifically described group—perceived to be particularly deserving—a competitive headstart. But the District Court found, and the appellee has not disputed, that this legislative choice was legitimate. The basic distinction between veterans and nonveterans, having been found not gender-based, and the goals of the
2
The appellee‘s ultimate argument rests upon the presumption, common to the criminal and civil law, that a person intends the natural and foreseeable consequences of his voluntary actions. Her position was well stated in the concurring opinion in the District Court:
“Conceding . . . that the goal here was to benefit the veteran, there is no reason to absolve the legislature from awareness that the means chosen to achieve this goal would freeze women out of all those state jobs actively sought by men. To be sure, the legislature did not wish to harm women. But the cutting-off of women‘s opportunities was an inevitable concomitant of the chosen scheme—as inevitable as the proposition that if tails is up, heads must be down. Where a law‘s consequences are that inevitable, can they meaningfully be described as unintended?” 451 F. Supp., at 151.
This rhetorical question implies that a negative answer is obvious, but it is not. The decision to grant a preference to veterans was of course “intentional.” So, necessarily, did an adverse impact upon nonveterans follow from that decision. And it cannot seriously be argued that the Legislature of Massachusetts could have been unaware that most veterans are men. It would thus be disingenuous to say that the adverse consequences of this legislation for women were unintended, in the sense that they were not volitional or in the
To the contrary, the statutory history shows that the benefit of the preference was consistently offered to “any person” who was a veteran. That benefit has been extended to women under a very broad statutory definition of the term veteran.26 The preference formula itself, which is the focal
IV
Veterans’ hiring preferences represent an awkward—and, many argue, unfair—exception to the widely shared view that merit and merit alone should prevail in the employment policies of government. After a war, such laws have been enacted virtually without opposition. During peacetime, they inevitably have come to be viewed in many quarters as undemocratic and unwise.28 Absolute and permanent preferences, as the troubled history of this law demonstrates, have always been subject to the objection that they give the vet-
The judgment is reversed, and the case is remanded for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
MR. JUSTICE STEVENS, with whom MR. JUSTICE WHITE joins, concurring.
While I concur in the Court‘s opinion, I confess that I am not at all sure that there is any difference between the two questions posed ante, at 274. If a classification is not overtly based on gender, I am inclined to believe the question whether it is covertly gender based is the same as the question whether its adverse effects reflect invidious gender-based discrimination. However the question is phrased, for me the answer is largely provided by the fact that the number of males disadvantaged by Massachusetts’ veterans’ preference (1,867,000) is sufficiently large—and sufficiently close to the number of disadvantaged females (2,954,000)—to refute the claim that the rule was intended to benefit males as a class over females as a class.
MR. JUSTICE MARSHALL, with whom MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN joins, dissenting.
Although acknowledging that in some circumstances, discriminatory intent may be inferred from the inevitable or foreseeable impact of a statute, ante, at 279 n. 25, the Court concludes that no such intent has been established here. I cannot agree. In my judgment, Massachusetts’ choice of an absolute veterans’ preference system evinces purposeful
I
The District Court found that the “prime objective” of the Massachusetts veterans’ preference statute,
That a legislature seeks to advantage one group does not, as a matter of logic or of common sense, exclude the possibility that it also intends to disadvantage another. Individuals in general and lawmakers in particular frequently act for a variety of reasons. As this Court recognized in Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev. Corp., 429 U. S. 252, 265 (1977), “[r]arely can it be said that a legislature or administrative body operating under a broad mandate made a decision motivated solely by a single concern.” Absent an omniscience not commonly attributed to the judiciary, it will often be impossible to ascertain the sole or even dominant purpose of a given statute. See McGinnis v. Royster, 410 U. S. 263, 276-277 (1973); Ely, Legislative and Administrative Motivation in Constitutional Law, 79 Yale L. J. 1205, 1214 (1970). Thus, the critical constitutional inquiry is not whether an illicit consideration was the primary or but-for cause of a decision, but rather whether it had an appreciable role in shaping a given legislative enactment. Where there is
Moreover, since reliable evidence of subjective intentions is seldom obtainable, resort to inference based on objective factors is generally unavoidable. See Beer v. United States, 425 U. S. 130, 148-149, n. 4 (1976) (MARSHALL, J., dissenting); cf. Palmer v. Thompson, 403 U. S. 217, 224-225 (1971); United States v. O‘Brien, 391 U. S. 367, 383-384 (1968). To discern the purposes underlying facially neutral policies, this Court has therefore considered the degree, inevitability, and foreseeability of any disproportionate impact as well as the alternatives reasonably available. See Monroe v. Board of Commissioners, 391 U. S. 450, 459 (1968); Goss v. Board of Education, 373 U. S. 683, 688-689 (1963); Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U. S. 339 (1960); Griffin v. Illinois, 351 U. S. 12, 17 n. 11 (1956). Cf. Albemarle Paper Co. v. Moody, 422 U. S. 405, 425 (1975).
In the instant case, the impact of the Massachusetts statute on women is undisputed. Any veteran with a passing grade on the civil service exam must be placed ahead of a non-veteran, regardless of their respective scores. The District Court found that, as a practical matter, this preference supplants test results as the determinant of upper level civil service appointments. 415 F. Supp., at 488-489. Because less than 2% of the women in Massachusetts are veterans, the absolute-preference formula has rendered desirable state civil service employment an almost exclusively male prerogative. 451 F. Supp., at 151 (Campbell, J., concurring).
As the District Court recognized, this consequence follows foreseeably, indeed inexorably, from the long history of policies severely limiting women‘s participation in the military.1
Clearly, that burden was not sustained here. The legislative history of the statute reflects the Commonwealth‘s patent appreciation of the impact the preference system would have on women, and an equally evident desire to mitigate that impact only with respect to certain traditionally female occupations. Until 1971, the statute and implementing civil serv-
Thus, for over 70 years, the Commonwealth has maintained, as an integral part of its veterans’ preference system, an exemption relegating female civil service applicants to occupations traditionally filled by women. Such a statutory scheme both reflects and perpetuates precisely the kind of archaic assumptions about women‘s roles which we have previously held invalid. See Orr v. Orr, 440 U. S. 268 (1979); Califano v. Goldfarb, 430 U. S. 199, 210-211 (1977); Stanton v. Stanton, 421 U. S. 7, 14 (1975); Weinberger v. Wiesenfeld, 420 U. S. 636, 645 (1975). Particularly when viewed against the range of less discriminatory alternatives available to assist veterans,2 Massachusetts’ choice of a formula that so severely restricts public employment opportunities for women cannot reasonably be thought gender-neutral. Cf. Albemarle Paper Co. v. Moody, supra, at 425. The Court‘s conclusion to the contrary—that “nothing in the record” evinces a “collateral goal of keeping women in a stereotypic and predefined place in the
II
To survive challenge under the
With respect to the first interest, facilitating veterans’ transition to civilian status, the statute is plainly overinclusive. Cf. Trimble v. Gordon, 430 U. S. 762, 770-772 (1977); Jimenez v. Weinberger, 417 U. S. 628, 637 (1974). By conferring a permanent preference, the legislation allows veterans to invoke their advantage repeatedly, without regard to their date of discharge. As the record demonstrates, a substantial
Nor is the Commonwealth‘s second asserted interest, encouraging military service, a plausible justification for this legislative scheme. In its original and subsequent re-enactments, the statute extended benefits retroactively to veterans who had served during a prior specified period. See ante, at 265-267. If the Commonwealth‘s “actual purpose” is to induce enlistment, this legislative design is hardly well suited to that end. See Califano v. Webster, supra, at 317; Weinberger v. Wiesenfeld, supra, at 648. For I am unwilling to assume what appellants made no effort to prove, that the possibility of obtaining an ex post facto civil service preference significantly influenced the enlistment decisions of Massachusetts residents. Moreover, even if such influence could be presumed, the statute is still grossly overinclusive in that it bestows benefits on men drafted as well as those who volunteered.
Finally, the Commonwealth‘s third interest, rewarding veterans, does not “adequately justify the salient features” of this preference system. Craig v. Boren, supra, at 202-203. See Orr v. Orr, supra, at 281. Where a particular statutory scheme visits substantial hardship on a class long subject to discrimination, the legislation cannot be sustained unless “‘carefully tuned to alternative considerations.‘” Trimble v. Gordon, supra, at 772. See Caban v. Mohammed, 441 U. S. 380, 392-393, n. 13 (1979); Mathews v. Lucas, 427 U. S. 495 (1976). Here, there are a wide variety of less discriminatory means by which Massachusetts could effect its compensatory purposes. For example, a point preference system, such as that maintained by many States and the Federal Government,
In its present unqualified form, the veterans’ preference statute precludes all but a small fraction of Massachusetts women from obtaining any civil service position also of interest to men. See 451 F. Supp., at 151 (Campbell, J., concurring). Given the range of alternatives available, this degree of preference is not constitutionally permissible.
I would affirm the judgment of the court below.
