United States v. Barrera-VasquezUnited States v. Barrera-Vasquez
MEMORANDUM OPINION
This matter comes before the Court on Defendant Herson Barrera-Vasquez‘s motion to dismiss the indictment against him. (ECF No. 14.) Barrera-Vasquez contends that
Barrera-Vasquez requests an evidentiary hearing to present additional evidence and argument. (ECF No. 22, at 2.) Having reviewed and considered the briefings and exhibits filed by the parties, the Court finds that the parties have adequately presented their legal and factual contentions to the Court.2 Whether reviewed under the rational basis test or the more demanding Arlington Heights framework,
I. BACKGROUND
In August 2014, the government removed Barrera-Vasquez to El Salvador following his conviction for an aggravated felony. (ECF No. 1.) According to the indictment, Barrera-Vasquez eventually unlawfully returned to this country, the authorities caught him, and a grand jury charged him with reentry by a removed alien in violation of
Congress initially criminalized unauthorized reentry following removal in the Undesirable Aliens Act of 1929 (the “UAA“). In 1952, Congress enacted
[a]ny alien who . . . has been arrested and deported or excluded and deported, and thereafter . . . enters, attempts to enter, or is at any time found in, the United States . . . shall be guilty of a felony, and upon conviction thereof, be punished by imprisonment of not more than two years, or by a fine . . . or both.
INA, Pub. L. No. 82-414, § 276, 66 Stat. 163, 229 (1952). Since then, Congress has reauthorized and amended the illegal reentry
II. DISCUSSION
Barrera-Vasquez presents four main arguments. First, he asserts that the Court must evaluate his equal protection challenge under the heightened standard of Arlington Heights instead of the “rational basis review” typical in immigration cases. (ECF No. 14, at 3–5; see also ECF No. 22, at 3–6.) Under Arlington Heights, a statute adopted with discriminatory intent (and discriminatory effect) violates equal protection. Second, he argues that, because Congress criminalized illegal reentry in the UAA for discriminatory reasons, the law‘s current codification under
A. Standard of Review
The parties offer two distinct analytical tools to review the constitutionality of
A great deal of authority supports the government‘s position that the Court should apply rational basis review. The Supreme Court has “firmly and repeatedly endorsed the proposition that Congress may make rules as to aliens that would be unacceptable if applied to citizens.” Demore v. Kim, 538 U.S. 510, 522 (2003). Accordingly, courts typically apply rational basis review when considering the constitutionality of immigration laws. See Midi v. Holder, 566 F.3d 132, 137 (4th Cir. 2009) (“Although courts usually subject national-origin classifications to strict scrutiny, when such classifications involve unadmitted aliens in the immigration context, we subject them only to rational basis review.“); Appiah v. U.S. Immigr. & Nat‘y Serv., 202 F.3d 704, 710 (4th Cir. 2000) (finding strict scrutiny inapplicable to a stop-time rule challenge because “Congress can favor some nationalities over others in immigration law“); see also United States v. Carpio-Leon, 701 F.3d 974, 982 (4th Cir. 2012) (applying rational basis review to illegal alien‘s Fifth Amendment challenge to a law criminalizing possession of firearms because “no fundamental constitutional right [was] at stake“).
The government argues that the Court should apply “ordinary rational basis” review in this context because the plenary power doctrine mandates extreme judicial deference to Congress regarding matters of immigration and naturalization. (ECF No. 19, at 8); see Ping v. United States, 130 U.S. 581, 603 (1889) (holding that the political branches of the federal government have plenary power to determine immigration law and policy as an attribute of state sovereignty).
Indeed, many district courts around the country have applied rational basis review to challenges like Barrera-Vasquez‘s.12
Barrera-Vasquez, in contrast, asks the Court to find the statute unconstitutional under Arlington Heights. Arlington Heights forbids the application of a statue adopted with discriminatory intent which disproportionately affects racial or ethnic groups of people. Barrera-Vasquez faces a steep hill to persuade the Court to apply Arlington Heights, because that case requires proof that the legislature adopted the law with invidious intent.
The Court will examine
1. Rational Basis
Under rational basis review, the Court must “determine whether [
2. Arlington Heights
Framing his argument under Arlington Heights, Barrera-Vasquez says that Congress designed
[I]t is because legislators and administrators are properly concerned with balancing numerous competing considerations that courts refrain from reviewing the merits of their decisions, absent a showing of arbitrariness or irrationality. But . . . [w]hen there is a proof that a discriminatory purpose has been a motivating factor in the decision, this judicial deference is no longer justified.
Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 265–66.
A disproportionate effect on Latinx immigrants will not carry the day. Indeed, in Arlington Heights the Court observed that “official action will not be held unconstitutional solely because it results in a racially disproportionate impact. . . Proof of racially discriminatory intent or purpose is required to show a violation of the Equal Protection Clause.” Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 264-65 (citing Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976)). “Determining whether invidious
In Arlington Heights, the Court set forth a non exhaustive list of factors to consider in making this sensitive inquiry. These include: “[t]he historical background of the [challenged] decision“; “[t]he specific sequence of events leading up to the challenged decision“; “[d]epartures from normal procedural sequence“; the legislative history of the decision; and of course, the disproportionate “impact of the official action—whether it bears more heavily on one race than another.” McCrory, 831 F.3d at 220–21 (quoting Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 266–67) (alterations in original). If a law‘s challenger produces evidence that a discriminatory purpose motivated a law‘s passage, then the burden shifts to the government to prove that the legislature would have passed the law “even had the impermissible purpose not been considered.” Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 270 n.21.
i. The Continuing Effect of the Undesirable Aliens Act of 1929
Barrera-Vasquez first argues that “[a] close examination of the political context underlying the criminalization of illegal reentry in 1929 reveals . . . that racism and eugenics . . . were the primary factor” motivating the passage of UAA. (ECF No. 14, at 5 (emphasis in original).) In support, he provides a significant summary of the law‘s political and legislative history. Barrera-Vasquez also points to the Department of Justice‘s concession in Carrillo-Lopez that “the 1929 reentry law was motivated by racial animus.” (Id.)
“Inquiries into congressional motives or purposes are a hazardous matter.” United States v. O‘Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 383 (1986). Nevertheless, under Arlington Heights, the Court may appropriately consider the historical background of
Barrera-Vasquez contends, however, that two recent Supreme Court cases give new life to old discriminatory intent. For this argument, he relies on Ramos v. Louisiana, 140 S. Ct. 1390 (2020), and Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue, 140 S. Ct. 2246 (2020). Ramos and Espinoza, however, do not stand for the propositions Barrera-Vasquez says they do.
In Ramos, a criminal defendant was convicted by ten members of a twelve-person Louisiana jury, and the court sentenced him to life in prison without the possibility of parole. On appeal, Ramos argued that the Sixth Amendment right to a jury trial requires unanimous verdicts. The Supreme Court agreed.
Ramos bears little, if any, resemblance to the case before the Court. First, Ramos was not an equal protection challenge, and the Court never mentioned Arlington Heights. In Ramos, the Court said that “Louisiana . . . frankly acknowledged that race was a motivating factor in the adoption of [its] . . . nonunanimity rule[].” 140 S. Ct. at 1394. But the Court held that “a jurisdiction adopting a nonunanimous jury rule even for benign reasons would still violate the Sixth Amendment.” Id. at 1401 n.44 (emphasis added). And the Court has long held that it is “plainly competent for congress to declare the act of an alien in remaining unlawfully within the United States to be an offense punishable by fine or imprisonment.” Wong v. United States, 163 U.S. 228, 235 (1896).
Espinoza also does not support Barrera-Vasquez‘s position. In Espinoza, the Court reversed a Montana Supreme Court decision striking down a state scholarship program that excluded students attending religiously affiliated private schools. Id. at 2263. The Court based its decision on the Free Exercise clause and did not address whether the state constitutional provision violated the Equal Protection Clause. Id. at n.5.
Adoption of Barrera-Vasquez‘s argument would freeze the INA‘s illegal reentry provision in time and bind it forever to its 1929 predecessor, no matter how much time may pass or how many times Congress alters or reaffirms it, absent substantial change or “debate or discussion of the invidious racism that motivated the [UAA].” Carrillo-Lopez, 555 F. Supp. 3d at 1020. The Court believes such a result runs contrary to well-established precedent. See, e.g., Abbott v. Perez, 38 S. Ct. 2305, 2324–25 (2018) (quoting Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55, 74 (1980)). Accordingly, it respectfully declines to follow Carrillo-Lopez to find that the 1929 statute taints the current law.
ii. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952
Finally, Barrera-Vasquez alleges that a discriminatory purpose also motivated Congress to pass
Barrera-Vasquez argues that the 1952 Congress knew of the law‘s “disparate impact” because it “heard from the prosecutors and enforcers of [the] law.” (Id. at 18.) But just as evidence of a disparate impact itself is not enough to doom a law, evidence that legislators knew of the UAA‘s effects is insufficient to tar the motivations of the 82nd Congress. Barrera-Vasquez‘s argument is void of “contemporary statements by members of the decision[-]making body” and leaves this Court to the guesswork of divining their intentions. Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 268.
Barrera-Vasquez also contends that the only change to the law‘s language came at the behest of Deputy Attorney General Peyton Ford, who requested Congress amend the the law “to make being ‘found in’ the United States a crime so as to make prosecution possible” when the Immigration and Naturalization Service could not “establish the place of reentry.” (ECF No. 14, at 18.) He argues that Ford‘s documented use of an anti-Mexican slur is evidence that Congress adopted both his proposed verbiage and his alleged bias when expanding the law. The government disputes the accuracy of Barrera-Vasquez‘s recitation and asserts that the “[found in] clause was already present in the bill [Ford] received for review.” (ECF No. 19, at 38.) Yet, even if the Court accepts Barrera-Vasquez‘s version of events, it can assign them little weight. For “what motivates one legislator to [speak] about a statute is not necessarily what motivates scores of others to enact it,” and Ford was not even a legislator. O‘Brien, 391 U.S. at 384; see also Machic-Xiap, 552 F. Supp. 3d at 1076 (“Because Ford was not a member of Congress, however, his use of the epithet is limited evidence of Congress‘s purpose in enacting
Barrera-Vasquez paints a vivid portrait of how discrimination manifested throughout the years between 1929 and 1952. But these events, while not entirely without relevance, shed little light on the motivations of the congressmen who passed
Lastly, Barrera-Vasquez argues that
Barrera Vasquez has not offered adequate proof that a discriminatory purpose motivated Congress to pass
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Even if Barrera-Vasquez adequately showed that discrimination was one factor motivating Congress‘s passage of
First, the government points to the Senate Report from the Committee on Immigration outlining the purpose of the UAA.
[T]here is no provision of law under which a penalty, other than repeated deportation, can be imposed on aliens who have been expelled from the United States and who reenter the country unlawfully. It frequently happens that aliens of the criminal and other classes who are deported under the general immigration law reenter the country unlawfully. As a matter of fact, in some instances such aliens have been deported four or five times, only to return as soon as possible to the United States in an unlawful manner . . . It is believed that such a statute would be of material aid in enforcing our immigration laws.
(ECF No. 19-13, at 2.)
Next the government points to evidence that although the 82nd Congress did see marked debate around the national origin provisions of the INA,
Finally, the government notes that,
Congress has [repeatedly] increased
§ 1326‘s deterrent value while simultaneously eschewing forms of racial discrimination. For example, in the Immigration Act of 1990, Congress amended [§] 1326 to authorize greater fines . . . [and i]n the same Act, Congress more than doubled the[] then-existing cap on immigration, granted Temporary Protected Status to citizens of El Salvadorfleeing that country‘s civil war, and created a diversity visa program to increase the number of visas provided to countries that were underrepresented.
(Id. at 40.) Based on the record before the Court, it concludes that the government has provided sufficient evidence that Congress would have passed
III. CONCLUSION
For the reasons set forth above, Barrera-Vasquez‘s claim fails even under Arlington Heights. Accordingly, the Court will deny his motion.
The Court will issue an appropriate Order.
Let the Clerk send a copy of this Memorandum Opinion to all counsel of record.
Date: 28 July 2022
Richmond, VA
/s/
John A. Gibney, Jr.
Senior United States District Judge