United States v. ADAMSUnited States v. ADAMS
OPINION AND ORDER
DALE E. HO, United States District Judge:
On February 14, 2025, the Department of Justice (“DOJ”) filed a motion seeking to dismiss without prejudice the Indictment against New York City Mayor Eric Adams, pursuant to
The Court declines, in its limited discretion under
Various groups that have submitted friend-of-the-court briefs urge this Court to go further and deny DOJ’s Motion altogether, arguing that the reasons DOJ has given to justify dismissing this case are unsubstantiated or contrary to the public interest. The Court ultimately declines their invitation to deny the Motion. But it concludes that many of their arguments have merit. DOJ’s first asserted rationale for dismissing this case—that it has been tainted by “appearances of impropriety,” Rule 48(a) Mot. ¶ 5—is unsupported by any objective evidence. Rather, the record before the Court indicates that the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York prosecutors who worked on this case followed all appropriate Justice Department guidelines. There is no evidence—zero—that they had any improper motives. Indeed, DOJ’s memorandum directing dismissal of this case took care to note that it did not “call[] into question the integrity and efforts of the line prosecutors responsible for the case,” or the efforts of the U.S. Attorney leading the office at the time of the memorandum.2 And DOJ’s assertion that this case—which was brought nine months before the 2025 New York City mayoral primary election—somehow amounts to election interference lacks any support in Justice Department guidelines or past
As for the immigration enforcement rationale, to the extent that DOJ suggests that Mayor Adams is unable to assist with immigration enforcement while this case is ongoing, such an assertion is similarly unsubstantiated. Indeed, shortly after DOJ made the decision to seek dismissal of the case—and while the Indictment was still pending—the Mayor announced that he would permit Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to operate at the Rikers Island Jail Complex, an act that appears to be contrary to New York City law. In other words, the record does not show that this case has impaired Mayor Adams in his immigration enforcement efforts. Instead, it shows that after DOJ decided to seek dismissal of his case, the Mayor took at least one new immigration-related action consistent with the preferences of the new administration. Everything here smacks of a bargain: dismissal of the Indictment in exchange for immigration policy concessions.
Taking a step back from the particulars of this case, DOJ’s immigration enforcement rationale is both unprecedented and breathtaking in its sweep. DOJ cites no examples, and the Court is unable to find any, of the government dismissing charges against an elected official because doing so would enable the official to facilitate federal policy goals. And DOJ’s assertion that it has “virtually unreviewable” license to dismiss charges on this basis is disturbing in its breadth, implying that public officials may receive special dispensation if they are compliant with the incumbent administration’s policy priorities. That suggestion is fundamentally incompatible with the basic promise of equal justice under law.
Ultimately, however, there are two reasons why these points do not support outright denial of DOJ’s Motion to Dismiss Mayor Adams’s case. The first is that a court’s principal role in
The second and perhaps more fundamental reason is that a court, if it were so inclined, would have no way to compel the government to prosecute a case in circumstances like those presented here. If an individual prosecutor seeks to dismiss a case for improper reasons, a court can deny the motion and send the matter back to the government, which can then reassign the case to another prosecutor. But where, as here, a court has substantive concerns about the reasons for dismissal offered by the Justice Department itself, the court does not have the same option. A court cannot force the Department of Justice to prosecute a defendant. That is by design. In our constitutional system of separation of powers, a court’s role in a criminal case is to preside over the matter—not to decide whether the defendant should be prosecuted. The Court is not aware of any authority that would empower it to appoint an independent prosecutor outside of the limited context of criminal contempt. Consistent with that understanding, and in light of the particular facts of this case, the Court finds no basis to deny DOJ’s Motion altogether.
Finally, it is important to clarify that the Court’s decision today is not about whether Mayor Adams is innocent or guilty. Mayor Adams, like any person accused of a crime, is presumed innocent until proven guilty. If this case were to proceed to trial, it would be the Government’s burden to prove, beyond a reasonable doubt, each element of the offenses with which he is charged. Because of DOJ’s decision to abandon this case, that trial will not occur. But unlike many (if not most) motions under
The Court’s decision is also not about, and the Court expresses no opinion on, whether the case against Mayor Adams “should” continue based on the kinds of factors that a prosecutor might typically consider in bringing a case—including “the strength of the case, the prosecution’s general deterrence value, the Government’s enforcement priorities, and the case’s relationship to the Government’s overall enforcement plan.” Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598, 607 (1985). Courts are “particularly ill-suited” to weigh such factors, id., and this Court declines to wander into that thicket. In our constitutional system, that decision is left to a political branch of our government, which is ultimately accountable for its actions to the people. Part of this Court’s limited role under
Accordingly, and for the reasons set forth in more detail below, the Government’s motion is GRANTED IN PART AND DENIED IN PART. The Indictment in this case is DISMISSED WITH PREJUDICE.
BACKGROUND
Unless otherwise noted, the facts described below are taken from the parties’ filings, transcripts of proceedings held before the Court, and the Court’s prior decisions in this case.
A. The Investigation and Indictment
The investigation of then–Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams began in the summer of 2021. Oct. 2 Hr’g Tr. at 15:2-3, ECF No. 31; see also Gov’t Opp’n Def.’s Mot. Sanctions (“Gov’t First Sanctions Opp’n”) at 1, ECF No. 38. It concerned travel benefits and campaign contributions that he allegedly received from Turkish nationals. See Indictment (“Ind.”) ¶¶ 1-6,
- One count of conspiracy to commit wire fraud and federal program bribery, and to receive campaign contributions by foreign nationals, in violation of
18 U.S.C. § 371 ; - One count of wire fraud in violation of
18 U.S.C. §§ 1343 and2 ; - Two counts of solicitation of a contribution by a foreign national in violation of
52 U.S.C. §§ 30121 and30109(d)(1)(A) , and18 U.S.C. § 2 ; and - One count of bribery in violation of
18 U.S.C. § 666(a)(1)(B)(2) .
Ind. ¶¶ 50-63. DOJ officials were aware of the investigation and of the timing of the Indictment; consistent with DOJ policy, attorneys at the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York (“USAO-SDNY”) informed DOJ leadership that if the grand jury voted to indict Mayor Adams on September 24, they intended to, among other things, unseal the indictment and hold a press conference announcing the charges. See Gov’t First Sanctions Opp’n at 7.3
B. Initial Proceedings and Motions Practice
1. Initial Conference and Trial Date
On October 2, 2024, Mayor Adams appeared before this Court for an initial conference. During the conference, the Government stated it was “quite likely” that it would file a superseding indictment, later clarifying that that it was “possible” that additional charges would be added and “likely” that “additional defendants w[ould] be charged in connection with this scheme.” Oct. 2 Hr’g Tr. at 4:2-12. The Court acknowledged that “the public and Mayor Adams have an interest
At a subsequent conference on November 1, 2024, the Court again noted the public’s and Mayor Adams’s interests in a speedy trial, particularly “given the election cycle.” Nov. 1 Hr’g Tr. at 55:19-23, ECF No. 57. The Court ultimately set trial for April 21, 2025, explaining that it took into account a variety of factors, including: the likely need for proceedings with respect to classified information, the time it would take Mayor Adams’s counsel to review the “significant” volume of discovery, the trial schedules of other cases involving public officials tried in this District,4 and the parties’ competing proposals. Id. at 60:19-61:21; 62:16-20.
2. Early Motions Practice: Mayor Adams’s First Motion to Dismiss and First Rule 6 Motion
First Motion to Dismiss. On September 30, 2024, Mayor Adams filed a motion to dismiss the bribery count of the Indictment. See Def.’s Mem. Supp. Mot. Dismiss Count V (“Mayor Adams’s First Mot. to Dismiss”), ECF No. 14. His principal argument was that the Government’s theory that he accepted travel benefits in exchange for assistance with the “regulation” of a Turkish consular building (the “Turkish House”) was insufficient to state a charge of bribery under the relevant statute,
First Rule 6 Motion. On October 1, 2024, Mayor Adams filed a motion seeking an evidentiary hearing and sanctions, under
3. Additional Motions Practice: Mayor Adams’s Motion for a Bill of Particulars, The Government’s Rule 23.1 Motion, and Mayor Adams’s Second Rule 6 Motion
Motion for a Bill of Particulars. On December 18, 2024, Mayor Adams filed a Motion for Leave to File a Bill of Particulars. ECF No. 72. He argued that the Indictment “omits critical information about the bribery and campaign finance charges against him.” Def.’s Mem. Supp. Mot. for Bill of Particulars at 1-2, ECF No. 73. In its opposition, the Government argued, among other things, that disclosing additional details at that time would be prejudicial to its ongoing investigation and noted that “law enforcement has continued to identify additional individuals involved in Adams’s conduct, and to uncover additional criminal conduct by Adams.” Gov’t Opp’n Mot. Bill of Particulars at 22, ECF No. 89. The Court ultimately denied Mayor Adams’s request. See Op. & Order, ECF No. 113.
Local Rule 23 Motion. On December 19, 2024, the Government filed a letter motion “request[ing] that the Court direct counsel for the parties to comply with” Local Criminal Rule 23.1 (“Local Rule 23.1”), which, among other things, prohibits lawyers from making extrajudicial statements concerning “[a]ny opinion as to the accused’s guilt or innocence or as to the merits of
Second Rule 6 Motion. On December 24, 2024, Mayor Adams filed a second Rule 6 Motion, making allegations similar to those in his First Rule 6 Motion. See Mem. Supp. Renewed Mot. Evid. Hr’g & Sanctions (“Mayor Adams’s Second Rule 6 Mot.”) at 1, ECF No. 83. After the motion was fully briefed, Mayor Adams filed a letter identifying a new issue: former U.S. Attorney Damian Williams had recently published an op-ed containing statements—most relevantly, that “America’s most vital city is being led with a broken ethical compass”—which Mayor Adams argued were “especially prejudicial,” had “irrevocabl[y]” tainted the jury pool, and violated Local Rule 23.1. Def.’s Jan. 18, 2025 Letter, ECF No. 99. The Government argued in response that, among other things, “Williams did not cause Adams to be investigated. The evidence of Adams’s crimes was uncovered by career law enforcement officers performing their duties, in an investigation that began before Williams took office and [that] continued after he left.” Gov’t Jan. 22, 2025 Letter, ECF No. 102.
In a Memorandum Order dated January 22, 2025, the Court denied Mayor Adams’s Second Rule 6 Motion. See Mem. Order (“Second Rule 6 Order”), ECF No. 103. In so ruling, the Court held that there was no violation of Rule 6, because “[n]either Mr. Williams’s op-ed itself nor the media it incorporates by reference so much as allude[d] to the grand jury proceedings that led to Mayor Adams’s indictment, let alone disclose[d] protected information from those proceedings.” Second Rule 6 Order at 5-6. And regarding Local Rule 23.1, the Court held that Williams’s op-ed did not contain prohibited statements because it primarily referred to New York State, rather than New York City, politics, and because the one statement that plausibly referred to City politics did
C. The Government’s Pending Motion to Dismiss
1. Factual Background
a. January 31 Meeting at the Justice Department and Follow-Up Letters
On January 31, 2025, members of Mayor Adams’s legal team, including Alex Spiro; staff at DOJ, including then-Acting Deputy Attorney General (DAG) Emil Bove; and staff from the USAO-SDNY, including then-U.S. Attorney Danielle Sassoon attended a meeting together. See Def.’s Feb. 18, 2025 Letter at 1-2, ECF No. 130. According to a letter filed on the docket by defense counsel, the meeting was at Acting DAG Bove’s “invitation” to discuss, among other things, “how the case might be affecting Mayor Adams’s ability to do his job and whether there was evidence of politicization.” Id. at 1.5 Defense counsel’s letter to the Court states that, at the end of the meeting, Acting DAG Bove “asked [Mayor Adams’s lawyers] and the S.D.N.Y. lawyers to memorialize [their] respective positions in writing.” Id. at 2.
The USAO-SDNY follow-up letter was not filed on the docket by any parties or amici, and it does not appear to be publicly available otherwise.
b. February 10, 2025 Decisional Memorandum
On February 10, 2025, Acting DAG Bove sent a memorandum (the “February 10 Decisional Memo”) to U.S. Attorney Sassoon directing her to dismiss this case “as soon as is practicable.” Letter from Emil Bove, Acting Deputy Att’y Gen., to Danielle Sassoon, U.S. Att’y,
The February 10 Decisional Memo then stated that the Justice Department “determined that dismissal . . . is necessary for two independent reasons.” Id. at 1. First, it said the “timing of the charges and more recent public actions by the former U.S. Attorney” had “threatened the integrity of the proceedings, including by increasing prejudicial pretrial publicity that risks impacting potential witnesses and the jury pool.” Id. The Memo also stated that “Mayor Adams criticized the prior Administration’s immigration policies before the charges were filed,” and it asserted that former U.S. Attorney Williams’s “public actions created appearances of impropriety that implicate the concerns raised in the Attorney General’s February 5, 2025 memorandum regarding Restoring the Integrity and Credibility of the Department of Justice7 as well as in
Second, the February 10 Decisional Memo stated that the “pending prosecution has unduly restricted Mayor Adams’ ability to devote full attention and resources to the illegal immigration and violent crime that escalated under the policies of the prior Administration.” Id. The Memo noted “the impact of the prosecution on Mayor Adams’ ability to support critical, ongoing federal efforts ‘to protect the American people from the disastrous effects of unlawful mass migration and resettlement,’ as described in Executive Order 14165,” entitled Securing Our Borders.9 Id. It also drew a comparison between DOJ’s decision to dismiss the Adams case and the prior administration’s decision to “release[] violent criminals such as Viktor Bout, the ‘Merchant of Death,’” in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. Id. In a footnote, the Memo referred to a follow-up letter submitted by U.S. Attorney Sassoon after the January 31 meeting, purporting to quote it as acknowledging that “the Government is not offering to exchange dismissal of a criminal case for Adams’s assistance on immigration enforcement.” Id. at 2 n.1. As noted above, this letter has not been filed on ECF and is not otherwise publicly available. The February 10 Decisional Memo
c. Subsequent Letters
The February 10 Decisional Memo triggered a remarkable exchange of letters between USAO-SDNY and DOJ, followed by a sequence of unusual events at DOJ that were reported in news articles that have been submitted as exhibits to various amicus briefs, including one filed by former federal judges. See Amicus Br. of Former Federal Jurists (“Former Federal Jurists Br.”) at 1, ECF No. 150-1.
On February 12, 2025, U.S. Attorney Sassoon sent a nine-page letter to the Attorney General stating that Acting DAG “Bove’s memo . . . raises serious concerns that render the contemplated dismissal inconsistent with [her] ability and duty to prosecute federal crimes without fear or favor and to advance good-faith arguments before the courts.” Letter from Danielle Sassoon, U.S. Att’y, S.D.N.Y., to Pamela Jo Bondi, Att’y Gen. (Feb. 12, 2025) (the “Sassoon Letter”) at 1, ECF No. 150-3.10 U.S. Attorney Sassoon further stated, “I cannot fulfill my obligations, effectively lead my office in carrying out the Department’s priorities, or credibly represent the Government before the courts, if I seek to dismiss the Adams case on this record.” Id. at 1-2.
The Sassoon Letter then proceeded to address the rationales for dismissal set forth in the February 10 Decisional Memo. First, with respect to recent conduct by former U.S. Attorney Williams, the Sassoon Letter explained:
The investigation began before Mr. Williams took office, he did not manage the day-to-day investigation, and the charges in this case were recommended or approved by four experienced career prosecutors, the Chiefs of the SDNY Public
Corruption Unit, and career prosecutors at the Public Integrity Section of the Justice Department. Mr. Williams’s decision to ratify their recommendations does not taint the charging decision. And notably, Adams has not brought a vindictive or selective prosecution motion, nor would one be successful.
Id. at 4. Without attempting “to defend Mr. Williams’s motives or conduct,” the Sassoon Letter concluded that “the appropriate chronology of this investigation and the strength of the case [showed that] Mr. Williams’s conduct since leaving government service cannot justify dismissal here.” Id. at 5.
Next, regarding the timing of the Indictment in relation to the 2025 New York City mayoral elections, the Sassoon Letter stated that
the decision to charge [Mayor Adams] in September 2024—nine months before the June 2025 Democratic Mayoral Primary and more than a year before the November 2025 Mayoral Election—complied in every respect with longstanding [Justice] Department policy regarding election year sensitivities and the applicable Justice Manual provisions.
Id. at 4. The Letter noted that “[t]he timing of the charges in this case is . . . consistent with charging timelines of other cases involving elected officials, both in this District and elsewhere.” Id. (citing United States v. Menendez, No. 23 Crim. 490 (S.D.N.Y.) (indictment in September 2023, primary in June 2024) and United States v. Hunter, No. 18 Crim. 3677 (S.D. Cal.) (indictment in August 2018, general election in November)). It further stated: “I am not aware of any instance in which the Department has concluded that an indictment brought this far in advance of an election is improper because it may be pending during an electoral cycle, let alone that a validly returned and factually supported indictment should be dismissed on this basis.” Id. The Letter further noted that “the Justice Manual requires that when investigative steps and charges involving a public official could be seen as affecting an election[,] the prosecuting office must consult with the Public Integrity Section, and, if directed to do so, the Office of the Deputy Attorney General or Attorney General,” and that the USAO-SDNY “followed this requirement.”
The Sassoon Letter further stated that Mayor Adams’s “advocacy” to the DOJ regarding immigration enforcement “should be called out for what it is: an improper offer of immigration enforcement assistance in exchange for dismissal of his case.” Id. at 3. It asserted that, in the January 31 meeting, “Adams’s attorneys repeatedly urged what amounted to a quid pro quo, indicating that Adams would be in a position to assist with the Department’s enforcement priorities only if the indictment were dismissed.” Id. at 3 n.1. It further stated that it would be “a breathtaking and dangerous precedent to reward Adams’s opportunistic and shifting commitments on immigration and other policy matters with dismissal of a criminal indictment.” Id. at 3.
The Sassoon Letter also noted that “a member of [the USAO-SDNY] team who took notes during th[e] meeting” was “admonished” by Acting DAG Bove, who then “directed the collection of those notes at the meeting’s conclusion.” Id. at 3 n.1. The Letter also noted that Sassoon was “baffled by the rushed and superficial process by which this decision was reached, in seeming collaboration with Adams’s counsel and without [her] direct input on the ultimate stated rationales for dismissal.” Id. at 8. It ended with a statement that Sassoon was “prepared to offer [her] resignation” should the Attorney General be “unwilling to meet or to reconsider the directive” to dismiss the case. Id.
On or around February 14, 2025, SDNY AUSA Hagan Scotten—a member of the prosecution team—sent an email to Acting DAG Bove tendering his resignation. In the email, AUSA Scotten stated that DOJ’s first justification for seeking dismissal—regarding purported appearances of impropriety—was “so weak as to be transparently pretextual.” Email from Hagan Scotten, Assistant U.S. Att’y, S.D.N.Y., to Emil Bove, Acting Deputy Att’y Gen. (Feb. 14, 2025), ECF No. 150-8. He then described the second justification—regarding immigration enforcement and national security—as being “worse” because “[n]o system of ordered liberty can allow the Government to use the carrot of dismissing charges, or the stick of threatening to bring them again,
d. Other Events
News articles attached to an amicus brief submitted by former federal judges report various related events concerning Mayor Adams and DOJ at around the same time.
On February 13, three days after the date of DOJ’s Decisional Memo instructing USAO-SDNY to dismiss this case, Mayor Adams announced that he would be “implementing an executive order” that would allow federal immigration officials to operate at Rikers Island, a decision in apparent tension with a 2014 New York City law that “removed ICE from the jail complex.” ECF No. 150-4 at 1-2.11 That day, Mayor Adams met with the administration’s “border czar”; the following day, the two made a joint television appearance, during which the latter stated, “I came to New York City and I wasn’t going to leave with nothing,” adding, “[i]f [Adams] doesn’t come through, I’ll be back in New York City . . . . I’ll be in his office, up his butt saying, ‘Where the hell is the agreement we came to?’” ECF No. 150-5 at 2, 4.12 The Mayor later released a statement after his television appearance, stating, “I want to be crystal clear with New Yorkers: I
Meanwhile at DOJ, on February 13, five attorneys—including the Deputy Assistant Attorney General who oversaw the Public Integrity Section, the acting head of the Public Integrity Section, and three other Public Integrity Section attorneys—resigned. ECF No. 150-2 at 5-6.14 The next day, on February 14, Acting DAG Bove “told the [remaining DOJ] career public integrity prosecutors in a meeting . . . that they had an hour to decide among themselves who would file the motion.” ECF No. 150-9 at 2.15 Ultimately, an attorney in the Public Integrity Section agreed to file the motion. Id.
2. The Government’s Rule 48(a) Motion to Dismiss
On the evening of February 14, 2025, the Government filed a Motion “seeking dismissal without prejudice of the charges in this case, with leave of the Court, pursuant to Rule 48(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure.” Rule 48(a) Motion ¶ 1. The Motion was signed by Acting DAG Bove, Antoinette T. Bacon (Supervisory Official in DOJ’s Criminal Division), and Edward Sullivan (Senior Litigation Counsel in DOJ’s Public Integrity Section), who “replaced AUSAs . . . as counsel of record in this case.” Id. at 3 n.1.
Second, the Motion states that Acting DAG Bove “concluded that continuing these proceedings would interfere with the defendant’s ability to govern in New York City, which poses unacceptable threats to public safety, national security, and related federal immigration initiatives and policies,” implicating Executive Orders 1415917 and 14165.18 Id. ¶ 6. Acting DAG Bove “reached that conclusion after learning, among other things, that as a result of these proceedings, Adams has been denied access to sensitive information that [Bove] believes is necessary for
On the next business day, February 18, 2025, this Court issued an Order instructing the parties to appear for a conference on February 19, 2025. Order at 2, ECF No. 129. The Court informed the parties that they should be “prepared to address, inter alia, the reasons for the Government’s motion, the scope and effect of Mayor Adams’s ‘consent[] in writing,’ . . . and the procedure for resolution of the motion.” Id. The Court further instructed Mayor Adams to “file his ‘consent[] in writing’ on the docket” by 5:00 pm that day. Id. Mayor Adams complied with the Court’s request and filed his written consent, a two-sentence letter signed by his counsel, Mr. Spiro. See Letter from Alex Spiro, Counsel for Mayor Adams, to Emil Bove, Acting Deputy Att’y Gen. (Feb. 14, 2025), ECF No. 131-1.
At around the same time on February 18, Mayor Adams’s counsel filed a letter on ECF, described above, responding to several motions for leave to file amicus briefs. See Def.’s Feb. 18, 2025 Letter, ECF No. 130. In the letter, Mayor Adams’s counsel denied having engaged in a quid pro quo concerning immigration enforcement, stating, “we never said or suggested to anyone . . . that Mayor Adams would do X in exchange for Y, and no one said or suggested to us that they would do Y in exchange for X.” Id. at 2. The Letter concluded by offering “sworn declarations” to “confirm these points.” Id.19
With respect to the rationales for the
3. Subsequent Orders and Mayor Adams’s Second Motion to Dismiss
After the conference, on February 21, 2025, the Court issued an Order that directed next steps for resolution of the
- The legal standard for leave to dismiss an indictment under
Rule 48(a) ; - Whether, and to what extent, a court may consider materials other than the
Rule 48(a) motion itself; - Under what circumstances, if any, additional procedural steps and/or further inquiry would be appropriate before resolving a
Rule 48(a) motion;
Under what circumstances, if leave is granted, dismissal should be with or without prejudice; - If leave were denied under
Rule 48(a) , what practical consequences would follow . . . ; and - Any other issues the parties or amicus consider relevant to the Court’s resolution of the Government’s motion.
Id. at 3-4. Given “concerns raised by the parties regarding the Mayor’s responsibilities and the burden of continued court appearances,” the Court informed Mayor Adams that, while he “has a right to appear at any future proceedings, he need not do so given the current procedural posture” of his case. Id. at 4 (citing
Later that day, Mayor Adams filed a letter describing “recent out-of-court statements” by the Attorney General and DOJ Chief of Staff Chad Mizelle that Adams says “constitute admissions of a party opponent under the
On February 26, 2025, Mayor Adams filed a motion seeking an “order dismissing the indictment with prejudice.” ECF No. 140 at 1. In support of his motion, Mayor Adams argues that the publication of the Sassoon Letter caused him “extreme prejudice” because, among other things, it “disclosed that Southern District prosecutors were seeking to reindict” him. Def.’s Mem. Supp. Mot. to Dismiss for Prosecutorial Misconduct (“Adams’s Second Mot. to Dismiss”) at 1, 4-5, ECF No. 141. Adams described publication of the Sassoon Letter as “constitut[ing] grave prosecutorial misconduct” warranting dismissal with prejudice. Id. at 1, 8, 15. In response, this
On March 7, 2025, DOJ, Mayor Adams, and Court-appointed amicus Mr. Clement submitted their respective briefs. See ECF Nos. 159, 160, and 162. DOJ also submitted a motion seeking to seal various exhibits appended to its brief. See Letter Mot. to Seal, ECF No. 161. DOJ represented that the exhibits, which consist of communications involving former members of the USAO-SDNY prosecution team, show “troubling conduct at the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York.” DOJ’s Response in Further Supp. of Mot. to Dismiss Pursuant to
On March 11, 2025, the Court issued an Order granting leave to file amicus briefs by various represented individuals and entities23 and denying such motions submitted by pro se individuals. See Order, ECF No. 166. A Scheduling Order issued the same day adjourned oral argument as unnecessary. See Scheduling Order, ECF No. 167.
On March 18, the Court issued an Order granting in part and denying in part DOJ’s Motion to Seal and directing DOJ to file the exhibits to its brief on the public docket with only phone numbers and email addresses redacted. See Order, ECF No. 174. On March 25, DOJ did so. See ECF No. 175.
LEGAL STANDARD
“Few subjects are less adapted to judicial review than the exercise by the Executive of his discretion in deciding when and whether to institute criminal proceedings, or what precise charge shall be made, or whether to dismiss a proceeding once brought.” Newman v. United States, 382 F.2d 479, 480 (D.C. Cir. 1967) (Burger, J.). “Subject to constitutional constraints, such as prohibitions against invidious discrimination or vindictive prosecution,” the decision to bring a prosecution generally rests entirely within the executive’s discretion. United States v. Blaszczak, 56 F.4th 230, 237 (2d Cir. 2022). But “once the [executive] has involved the judiciary by obtaining an indictment or a conviction, its discretion is tempered by the courts’ independent obligations.” Id. at 259 (Sullivan, J., dissenting).
By requiring “leave of court” for dismissals by the government, the
A. Background on Rule 48(a)
The Supreme Court has addressed the contours of
Lower courts before and after Rinaldi have taken care to acknowledge the narrow scope of their discretion under
Rule [48(a)] was not promulgated to shift absolute power from the Executive to the Judicial Branch. Rather, it was intended as a power to check power. The Executive remains the absolute judge of whether a prosecution should be initiated and the first and presumptively the best judge of whether a pending prosecution should be terminated. The exercise of its discretion with respect to the termination of pending prosecutions should not be judicially disturbed unless clearly contrary to manifest public interest. In this way, the essential function of each branch is synchronized to achieve a balance that serves both practical and constitutional values.
Blaszczak, 56 F.4th at 240 (quoting United States v. Smith, 55 F.3d 157, 158-59 (4th Cir. 1995) (in turn quoting Cowan, 524 F.2d at 513)).
B. Rule 48(a)’s Requirements
“Because the Second Circuit has had no opportunity to analyze the scope and discretion afforded by
Ultimately, a court’s inquiry is narrow. Only “[r]arely will the judiciary overrule the Executive Branch’s exercise” of its discretion “to eschew or discontinue prosecutions.” Blaszczak, 56 F.4th at 238. But critically, courts have noted that whether a defendant consents to dismissal is not dispositive. See, e.g., United States v. Hamm, 659 F.2d 624, 629 (5th Cir. 1981) (holding that a court may deny dismissal “even when the defendant consents to the motion to dismiss”).27
1. Procedural Requirements
the Rule contemplates public exposure of the reasons for the abandonment of an indictment, information or complaint in order to prevent abuse of the uncontrolled power of dismissal previously enjoyed by prosecutors. Accordingly, to gain the Court’s favorable discretion, it should be satisfied that the reasons advanced for the proposed dismissal are substantial and the real grounds upon which the application is based.
Greater Blouse, 228 F. Supp. at 486; see also United States v. Rosenberg, 108 F. Supp. 2d 191, 204-05 (S.D.N.Y. 2000) (same). Numerous courts of appeals have adopted similar reasoning. See In re Richards, 213 F.3d 773, 788 (3d Cir. 2000) (acknowledging that “a judge’s discretion under
The reason for requiring the government to state its actual reasons for seeking dismissal is simple: “Since the court must exercise sound judicial discretion in considering a request for dismissal, it must have sufficient factual information supporting the recommendation.” 3B Charles Alan Wright & Arthur R. Miller, Federal Practice and Procedure § 802 (4th ed. June 2024 update). Put another way, a district court abuses its discretion if it does not articulate its reasons for granting or denying leave, and it cannot discharge its duties properly unless the underlying motion accurately states the government’s reasons for dismissal. See Derr, 726 F.2d at 619 (“If the record contains no reasons or facts explaining the trial court’s decision, the trial court’s decision
Consistent with the procedural requirements of
2. Substantive Requirements
With respect to
But lower courts have disagreed about the extent to which considerations of “bad faith” or the “public interest” can also inform the decision whether to grant leave under
- The Fourth, Fifth, and the Eighth Circuits have treated prosecutorial bad faith and the public interest as two sides of the same coin. See, e.g., Smith, 55 F.3d at 159 (stating that “[a] motion that is not motivated by bad faith is not clearly contrary to manifest public interest, and it must be granted,” and that “[t]he disservice to the public interest must be found, if at all, in the motive of the prosecutor”); United States v. Bernard, 42 F.4th 905, 909 (8th Cir. 2022) (“For a dismissal to be ‘clearly contrary to manifest public interest,’ the prosecutor must have had an illegitimate motive rising to the level of bad faith.”); Hamm, 659 F.2d at 629-631 (explaining that “the trial judge must look to the motivation of the prosecutor at the time of the decision to dismiss” and that “[a]s long as it is not apparent that the prosecutor was motivated by considerations clearly contrary to the public interest, his motion must be granted”).
- The Tenth Circuit and some district courts, including in this District, have spoken of the public interest in terms that go beyond the motive of the prosecutor. See, e.g., United States v. Carrigan, 778 F.2d 1454, 1463 (10th Cir. 1985) (“Rule 48(a) . . . permits courts faced with dismissal motions to consider the public interest in the fair administration of criminal justice and the need to preserve the integrity of the courts.”); Rosenberg, 108 F. Supp. 2d at 206 (considering “the motivations of the prosecutor, the effects of dismissal, including whether the dismissal is with or without prejudice, on the defendant, and the public interest, more generally, when evaluating the nolle”); United States v. Flynn, 507 F. Supp. 3d 116, 129-30 (D.D.C. 2020) (holding that, “consistent with our system of checks and balances, courts are tasked with making their own determination on whether dismissal would be in the ‘public interest’” (quoting Rinaldi, 434 U.S. at 29 n.15)).
For his part, Mayor Adams argues that courts are not authorized to consider the public interest in adjudicating a
Whatever the precise relevance of the “public interest” to a court’s inquiry under
Ultimately, the Court does not in this Opinion attempt to define the boundaries of permissible inquiry into the public interest, which, as explained below, is unnecessary to the Court’s decision given the unique facts of this case.
D. Remedies for a Substantively Deficient Motion under Rule 48
We now come to the question of what remedies a court has at its disposal if the government’s motion to dismiss is found wanting. Where a substantively deficient
But it is a different story when the executive branch has decided, at the highest levels of DOJ, to abandon a prosecution. Although courts have discretion to deny dismissal altogether, they are “nevertheless constitutionally powerless to compel the government to proceed.” Cowan, 524 F.2d at 511. “If a
Should the motion be denied, what next? The Attorney General is the head of the Department of Justice, a part of the Executive branch of the Government. Even were leave of Court to the dismissal of the indictment denied, the Attorney General would still have the right to adhere to the Department’s view that the indictment cannot be supported by proof upon a trial of the merits, and accordingly, in the exercise of his discretion, decline to move the case for trial. The Court in that circumstance would be without power to issue a mandamus or other order to compel prosecution of the indictment, since such a direction would invade the traditional separation of powers doctrine. And if the indictment continues to remain in status quo, each defendant would be in a position to move for dismissal of the indictment under
Rule 48(b) .
That precise scenario played out in Nederlandsche, the one case in this District in which a court denied a
The possibility of such an impasse is a product of design. In our system of separation of powers, the role of the judiciary is to “say what the law is,” Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137, 178 (1803), not to “take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed,”
This is why, “[e]ven if a federal judge could properly deny . . . a motion to dismiss a criminal charge, it would not follow that he could appoint a prosecutor.” In re United States, 345 F.3d at 454. Although various amici argue that a court can appoint a special prosecutor upon
Thus, while a court could, in theory, deny a
F. Dismissal With or Without Prejudice
Notwithstanding the significant limitations on a court’s authority to deny a
The Second Circuit has thus far declined to “rule out discretionary dismissals with prejudice” in similar contexts. Hilbert v. Dooling, 476 F.2d 355, 361 (2d Cir. 1973); see also id. at 363 (Friendly, C.J., dissenting) (stressing “the district judge’s discretion” under
In exercising their discretion to dismiss with prejudice under
Thus, while bad faith is a relevant consideration, most courts do not require a finding of bad faith to grant dismissal with prejudice. See, e.g., Rosenberg, 108 F. Supp. 2d at 206 (reviewing
Converting a dismissal without prejudice to one with prejudice does not raise the same separation-of-powers concerns as outright denial of a
DISCUSSION
DOJ seeks “dismissal without prejudice of the charges in this case.” Rule 48(a) Mot. ¶ 1 (emphasis added). The effect of such a dismissal would not be akin to that of a presidential pardon, which, once accepted, “releases the wrongdoer from punishment and restores the offender’s civil rights without qualification.” Flynn, 507 F. Supp. 3d at 136. Instead, DOJ seeks to terminate the prosecution at this time, but it has confirmed that if its Motion were granted, Mayor Adams could be reindicted on the same charges in the future, with no clear limits on the grounds or timeline for reindictment. See Feb 19. Conf. Tr. at 12:14-23 (confirming that the only substantive limits would be “impermissible considerations, protect[ed] classes, things like that,” and the only time limits would relate to “statute of limitations” and “speedy trial obligations” without specifying those limits). And the Government has not committed to halting any additional investigative steps with respect to Mayor Adams. See id. at 14:8-11. Instead, DOJ has represented that it, “in its discretion,
The Court begins its discussion with the Government’s Motion itself, and concludes that the reasons articulated in it, when assessed in light of the purposes of
I. The Government’s Request for Dismissal Without Prejudice
The Court has considered the parties’ submissions in light of the purposes of
Courts have generally agreed “that the primary purpose of [
As articulated in the
DOJ’s second rationale for dismissal—that the prosecution, by interfering with the Mayor’s ability to govern the City, threatens various federal priorities, including “federal immigration initiatives and policies,” Rule 48(a) Mot. ¶ 6—similarly points in favor of dismissal with prejudice. Dismissal without prejudice based on this rationale inevitably creates the appearance that the Mayor may be beholden to the federal government, which holds the prospect of reindictment over him should he fail to adequately effectuate the administration’s goals. Thus,
To be clear, “the question is not whether the government was acting in bad faith.” Madzarac, 678 F. Supp. 3d at 46. It is the “effect [that dismissal without prejudice] has on the defendant.” Id. (emphasis added). And here, the effect of dismissal without prejudice is unavoidable: “the prospect of re-indictment could create the appearance, if not the reality, that the actions of a public official are being driven by concerns about staying in the good graces of the federal executive, rather than the best interests of his constituents.” Clement Br. at 2. The lack of clarity around any timeline or criteria for reassessment only heightens this concern, leaving Mayor Adams and the broader public in the dark as to what conditions might trigger renewal of the investigation or indictment. Under these circumstances, “[i]f the government’s motion were granted,” the Mayor would be prejudiced by having “to wait in a state of uncertainty and under public obloquy for an indefinite period of time,” Poindexter, 719 F. Supp. at 12. While that is in some sense true for any defendant whose indictment is dismissed without prejudice, the unique combination of factors here—including this Defendant’s status as a local elected official and DOJ’s asserted rationale for seeking dismissal on federal public policy grounds—raises unique concerns. “In the view of this Court, such a process would not be fair to the defendant. The Court
For their part, the parties offer no good reason why dismissal should be without prejudice. To be sure, Mayor Adams consents to it, see Adams Br. at 22, and as Rinaldi notes, concerns about prosecutorial harassment typically arise “when the Government moves to dismiss an indictment over the defendant’s objection,” 434 U.S. at 29 n.15. But even where a defendant consents to dismissal under
Moreover, although Mayor Adams consents to DOJ’s Motion, he has separately moved for dismissal with prejudice on other grounds. See Adams’s Second Mot. to Dismiss at 1. And throughout his brief, he argues that the Court has the power to grant dismissal with prejudice. See, e.g., Adams Br. at 22 (stating that “Mayor Adams has knowingly agreed to a voluntary dismissal without prejudice . . . subject to the Court’s power to condition dismissal on its being with
Nor does DOJ meaningfully oppose such a resolution. In response to the Court’s direction to address “[u]nder what circumstances, if leave is granted, dismissal should be with or without prejudice,” Feb. 21 Order at 1, DOJ offered no reason for dismissal without prejudice other than that it is the “default.” DOJ Br. at 17. The Court has been offered no reason to think that the rationales offered by the Motion, or the purposes of
In sum, the Court concludes that if dismissal is to be granted, dismissal with prejudice best comports with DOJ’s asserted rationales for dismissal and is necessary to vindicate
II. Whether the Motion Should Be Denied Altogether
Having determined, based on the parties’ own submissions, that dismissal of this case should only be with prejudice, the Court now turns to the arguments raised by various amici that dismissal should be denied altogether. Several amici argue that, notwithstanding the presumption of good faith and the courts’ narrow discretion in reviewing a
One preliminary matter: It is unclear precisely what materials the Court may consider in resolving a
It is inconsistent for the parties to ask this Court to consider materials they have submitted that are extraneous to the
It is therefore clear that a court need not confine its review under
The Court now proceeds to an analysis of each rationale put forth by DOJ in support of dismissal. First, applying a presumption of good faith, the Court addresses
A. The Appearances of Impropriety Rationale
As noted, DOJ’s first rationale in its
At the outset, the Court notes that this rationale, as articulated in the
The appearance of impropriety—even absent any evidence of improper motives—can be a valid concern. “[J]ustice must satisfy the appearance of justice, and a prosecutor with conflicting loyalties presents the appearance of precisely the opposite.” Young, 481 U.S. at 811-12. But while a prosecutor should be disinterested, “prosecutors may not necessarily be held to as stringent a standard of disinterest as judges.” Id. at 807. To that end, the Supreme Court has observed that courts “may require a stronger showing for a prosecutor than a judge in order to conclude that a conflict of interest exists,” id. at 810-11, and the Second Circuit has noted that “[t]rue disinterest on the issue of . . . a defendant’s guilt is the domain of the judge and the jury—not the prosecutor,” Wright v. United States, 732 F.2d 1048, 1056 (2d Cir. 1984) (Friendly, J.).
Here, to substantiate its assertion of “appearances of impropriety,” DOJ’s
First, Williams’s op-ed and website do not establish the kind of conflict of interest that courts have held could give rise to an appearance of impropriety by a prosecutor, such as a financial stake in the case, a prior representation, or a past acrimonious relationship with the defendant. See Wright, 732 F.2d at 1055-56; cf. Azzone v. United States, 341 F.2d 417 (8th Cir. 1965), cert. denied, 381 U.S. 943 (1965) (application for writ of error coram nobis denied where defendant alleged, among other things, that his indictment had been motivated by U.S. Attorney’s political ambitions). And as the Government noted in a letter to the Court, “Williams did not cause Adams
The Court previously credited the Government’s arguments in this regard. See Second Rule 6 Order. It reviewed the Williams materials carefully, and it concluded that “the majority of statements in the op-ed that Mayor Adams claims are problematic concern New York State rather than New York City politics”—meaning that they had nothing to do whatsoever with the Mayor. Id. at 6 n.5. The Court noted that one sentence in Williams’s op-ed could plausibly be read to refer to Mayor Adams—that “America’s most vital city is being led with a broken ethical compass”—but determined that it did not run afoul of
Second, there is no support for the notion that timing of the Indictment—approximately nine months before the 2025 New York City mayoral primary election—creates a risk of election interference. A section of the DOJ’s Justice Manual provides that “[f]ederal prosecutors and agents may never select the timing of any action . . . for the purpose of affecting any election, or for the purpose of giving an advantage or disadvantage to any candidate or political party.” U.S. Dep’t of Just., Just. Manual § 9-85.500 (Actions that May Have an Impact on an Election) (2022) (emphases added).46 That prohibition on improper purposes is inapposite here: As noted, neither the
While some other Justice Department sources have described an unwritten norm that, regardless of purpose, prosecutions should not be brought against candidates for office within sixty days of an election due to the risk of affecting the election,47 this case was brought in September 2024, approximately nine months before the June 2025 New York City mayoral primary. In their briefs, neither DOJ nor the Mayor cites any authority—no guideline, rule, or case—suggesting that it is improper to indict a candidate for office nine months before an election. It is also difficult to imagine how such a rule could work in practice without effectively gutting public corruption laws. For example, congressional elections occur every two years in November, and primary elections are typically held at least six months beforehand. In New York, state assemblymembers are similarly elected every two years, see
In fact, the timing of this case in relation to the 2025 New York City mayoral election appears unexceptional. Other prosecutions of elected officials have taken place on similar or even shorter timeframes. For example, New Jersey Senator Robert Menendez was indicted in this District in September 2023, approximately nine months before the June 2024 New Jersey primary elections. See United States v. Menendez, No. 23 Crim. 490 (S.D.N.Y.); see also United States v. Hunter, No. 18 Crim. 3677 (S.D. Cal.) (indictment of Representative Duncan Hunter in August 2018, approximately three months before November general election). The Court has been unable to locate any cases where a prosecution was deemed inappropriate because it was brought approximately nine months before an election. And here, mindful of the election calendar, the parties and the Court attempted to select a trial schedule that would balance the need for time for the parties to prepare while also ensuring resolution of this matter before the June 2025 primary. The Court ultimately adopted a compromise, in which trial would have commenced on April 21. See Nov. 1 Hr’g Tr. at 62:16-20.
Finally, the parties raise related issues in their briefs that do not appear in DOJ’s
For his part, Mayor Adams returns to the assertion that he was indicted in retaliation for “publicly br[eaking] with the Biden Administration on the contentious issue of immigration enforcement” in “April 2023.” Adams Br. at 1.50 But he cites no evidence supporting this
Ultimately, DOJ does not point to any objective criteria that would suggest an appearance of impropriety here. To be sure, “appearances,” in their colloquial sense, are often in the eye of the beholder. But the phrase “appearance of impropriety” is generally understood as a term of art with an objective standard. See People v. Adams, 987 N.E.2d 272, 275 (N.Y. 2013) (“[A]n appearance of impropriety may arise when the record provides an objective basis to question whether the prosecutor is exercising pretrial prosecutorial discretion in an evenhanded manner, based on the merits of the case or other legitimate prosecutorial concerns.”); cf. United States v. Bayless, 201 F.3d 116, 126-27 (2d Cir. 2000) (explaining, in the context of a judicial recusal motion, that “the existence of the appearance of impropriety” is determined “not by considering what a straw poll of the only partly informed man-in-the-street would show[,] but by examining the record facts and the law, and then deciding whether a reasonable person knowing and
The absence of any substantiation for this rationale matters, because the justifications for dismissal put forth by the government must be “substantial.” Greater Blouse, 228 F. Supp. at 486. While the government’s decision to dismiss a prosecution is entitled to a presumption of good faith under
B. The Immigration Enforcement Rationale
The second rationale in DOJ’s
Turning to the immigration enforcement rationale itself, certain amici argue that this rationale is unsubstantiated, noting that Mayor Adams himself has “publicly argued that the indictment has not interfered with his official mayoral duties.” Common Cause Br. at 4. That said, the Motion does point to one specific way in which Mayor Adams has purportedly been hampered, noting that “as a result of these proceedings, Adams has been denied access to sensitive information that the Acting [DAG] believes is necessary for Adams to govern and to help protect the City.”
The same appears to be true with respect to other examples offered by the parties of purported impediments to the Mayor’s ability to govern, such as “his [in]ability to serve on a joint taskforce on firearms alongside agents from the Southern District of New York.” Adams Br. at 20. To the extent these issues concern cooperation or coordination with federal authorities, the parties offer no explanation as to how they are any different from the issuance of a security clearance. That is, if the executive branch can simply restore Mayor Adams’s security clearance, it is unclear why it cannot also enable him to participate in a “joint taskforce on firearms,” or otherwise facilitate his coordination with federal officials about matters of public safety, national security, and immigration.
Given the absence of evidence that the Indictment has impeded the Mayor’s past or current efforts related to immigration, various amici, citing the Sassoon Letter, describe the immigration enforcement rationale not as an effort to remove barriers to the Mayor’s existing work but instead as a bargain to extract future policy concessions. See Former Federal Jurists Br. at 10 (arguing that DOJ’s “request for dismissal so that Adams can carry out the administration’s immigration efforts[] reflect[s] a quid pro quo“); Common Cause Br. at 2 (stating “there is overwhelming evidence from DOJ’s own internal documents showing that the dismissal of the Adams indictment is not in the public interest and is part of a corrupt quid pro quo“).
For their part, DOJ and Mayor Adams vehemently deny any quid pro quo. See Adams Br. at 22; DOJ Br. at 10. During a conference before the Court, Mayor Adams was unequivocal that the two-sentence written consent to dismissal without prejudice signed by his counsel was the sum total of his agreement with DOJ, that no one made any other promise to him, and that no one threatened him to induce his consent to dismissal without prejudice. See Feb. 19 Conf. Tr. at 20:17-21:8. Mayor Adams’s counsel explain it this way: “Ms. Sassoon . . . appears to have simply mischaracterized defense counsel’s explanation that the charges were in fact impeding Mayor
The dispute here, however, seems to be more about how to interpret the facts than what the facts are. In a February 3, 2025 letter to DOJ (which they filed on the docket without prompting from the Court), Mayor Adams’s counsel asserted that the Mayor’s “independent abilities to exercise his powers have also been complicated by his indictment.” See Letter from Adams’s Counsel to DOJ. Specifically, they noted that
[the Mayor’s] powers allow him to take actions such as preventing the Office of the Corporation Counsel from litigating challenges to immigration enforcement, preventing appointed city employees from taking public stances against enforcement efforts, reopening the ICE office on Rikers Island, and directing the NYPD to supply manpower to assist federal immigration agents.
Id. Mayor Adams’s counsel did not explain how the Mayor’s exercise of these powers had been “complicated” by this case. Instead, they provided a list of discrete policy options that the Mayor could choose to exercise. And then, three days after DOJ issued the February 10 Decisional Memo directing SDNY to move to dismiss the Indictment (and one day before the
The parties deny that Mayor Adams’s Rikers Island decision—which appears to be contrary to
But the Court finds that additional factual investigation—even if permissible—is unnecessary at this time. Whether anyone expressly incanted the precise words that they “would do X in exchange for Y” is not dispositive. As the Second Circuit has explained, “[a]n explicit quid pro quo . . . need not be expressly stated but may be inferred from the official’s and the payor’s words and actions.” United States v. Benjamin, 95 F.4th 60, 67 (2d Cir. 2024), cert. denied,
The Court need not and does not make any conclusive findings as to whether there was an explicit bargain here.55 It is sufficient to note that the facts, as put into the record by Mayor Adams’s legal team, do not support the notion that continuing this case will impede the Mayor’s ongoing immigration enforcement efforts—they instead suggest that dismissal of the case will facilitate future efforts by the Mayor, in alignment with the administration’s policy preferences.
C. The Strength of the Case
In its brief, DOJ raises “another reason that the Motion is in the public interest“—one that was not raised in the
The
As a threshold procedural matter, a post hoc rationale not stated in the motion itself cannot be a basis for granting it. See Greater Blouse, 228 F. Supp. at 486-87; cf. Dep’t of Homeland Sec. v. Regents of the Univ. of Cal., 140 S. Ct. 1891, 1909 (2020) (holding that, under arbitrary and capricious review in the administrative law context, “[t]he basic rule here is clear: An agency must defend its actions based on the reasons it gave when it acted,” not on “impermissible post hoc rationalizations . . . not properly before [the court]“); Sec. & Exch. Comm’n v. Chenery Corp., 318 U.S. 80, 93-94 (1943) (noting that the government’s “action must be measured by what [it] did, not by what it might have done“). As noted, the requirement that the government state its reasons for dismissal is necessary for the Court to exercise its discretion under
Even though a judge’s discretion under Rule 48(a) is severely cabined, the rule may serve an important interest as an information- and accountability-producing vehicle. A judge who hears a Rule 48(a) motion has independent responsibilities that may bear on his or her decision on the requested dismissal. In other words, there are independent rights, interests,
and duties that a court may protect . . . through using Rule 48(a) as a “sunshine” provision that exposes the reasons for prosecutorial decisions.
In re Richards, 213 F.3d 773, 788 (3d Cir. 2000).
None of this is meant to suggest that it would be wholly impermissible for the government to have, in addition to valid reasons that are expressly stated, other unstated reasons for dropping a prosecution. But if the reasons actually articulated in a
D. Application of Rule 48(a) to the Full Record before the Court
In sum, the Court is left with one rationale that is unsubstantiated and appears pretextual (the “appearances of impropriety” rationale), and one that is unprecedented and possibly a quid pro quo arrangement (the immigration enforcement rationale). The Court now turns to whether these rationales form a sufficient basis to grant dismissal, starting with
Plainly, a pretextual rationale cannot satisfy the Government’s obligation to set forth the “real grounds upon which the application is based,” Greater Blouse, 228 F. Supp. at 486. If it were faced with a motion based solely on a pretextual rationale, a court would be well within its discretion to deny the motion and require the government to come forward with its actual reasons for seeking dismissal. Indeed, it seems that a court—which must set forth the basis for a decision to grant leave—could not properly exercise its discretion otherwise. See Derr, 726 F.2d at 619 (concluding that “the trial court at the very least must know the prosecutor’s reasons for seeking to dismiss the indictment“).
Here, however, DOJ has put forward at least one rationale that seems to be a real purpose of the
The Court therefore turns next to
That leaves the “bad faith” and “public interest” prongs of
But the disservice to the public interest in this case goes beyond DOJ‘s reliance on a pretextual rationale. If it is true that DOJ sought to extract a public official’s cooperation with the administration’s agenda in exchange for dropping a prosecution, that would be “clearly contrary to the public interest,” Cowan, 524 F.2d at 513, and a grave betrayal of the public trust, because it would violate norms against using prosecutorial power for political ends. See, e.g., Criminal Justice Standards for the Prosecution Function, Standard 3-1.6(a) (Am. Bar. Ass’n 2017) (“A prosecutor should not use other improper considerations, such as partisan or political or personal considerations, in exercising prosecutorial discretion.“).
Threatening federal indictment to compel compliance with federal regulatory objectives by a state or local official also raises significant federalism concerns. It is well established that “the Federal Government may not compel the States to implement, by legislation or executive action, federal regulatory programs.” Printz v. United States, 521 U.S. 898, 925 (1997). Although this prohibition has typically been applied to acts of Congress, the principles that underpin it—namely, federalism and political accountability—would similarly preclude an attempt by the federal executive branch to coerce a state or local official into implementing federal policy objectives.58
See U.S. Dep’t of Just., Just. Manual § 9-16.110 (2020) (cautioning that “[p]lea bargains with defendants who are elected public officers can present issues of federalism . . . when they require the public officer defendant to take action that affects his or her tenure in office“). Here, the fact that, after DOJ made the decision to seek dismissal of his case, Mayor Adams decided to issue an executive order in alignment with current “federal immigration initiatives and policies,”
And even if there were no quid pro quo, the breadth of DOJ’s immigration enforcement rationale here is stunning. As DOJ acknowledges, the invocation of this rationale in the context of a public corruption prosecution is without precedent. See Feb. 19 Conf. Tr. at 31:13-20 (responding, “I’m not aware of a case where it’s a public official at issue,” when asked whether “this rationale has been invoked in a decision to dismiss an indictment or to cease a prosecution in some way where the defendant is a public official with important responsibilities with respect to public safety, immigration, or national security, or the like“). The Court is similarly unaware of a single instance in which the Government dismissed a public official’s indictment because his position implicated matters of public safety, national security, or immigration.
In arguing that executive policy priorities are sometimes cited in support of dismissal determinations, DOJ cites, as an example, the prior administration’s release of Viktor Bout in exchange for Russia’s release of a well-known American athlete. See DOJ Br. at 7 (citing United States v. Bout, No. 08 Crim. 365 (S.D.N.Y. Nov. 29, 2022). This comparison is confusing. First, it is odd that DOJ would analogize its decision to dismiss Mayor Adams’s indictment—which it vehemently denies is a quid pro quo—to a prisoner exchange that was explicitly a quid pro quo. Moreover, it is inapt to compare an exchange negotiated between two sovereign nations, neither of which is beholden to the laws of the other, to the Government’s decision to dismiss the indictment of an elected public official who is subject to local, state, and federal laws.
The unprecedented nature of DOJ’s rationale is particularly concerning given its view that its decision is “virtually unreviewable” because it “invocates concerns about executive power that go right to the core of Article II of the Constitution.” Feb. 19 Conf. Tr. at 23:20-24. If that is correct, DOJ’s position has rather broad implications, to put it mildly. For instance, DOJ endorsed the view that the government can apply this rationale to virtually any public official with immigration-related responsibilities—ranging from a local police commissioner to the governor of a border state—and determine that they are essentially immune from criminal liability. See id. at 32:22-34:8.
And despite denying that this case involves a quid pro quo with Mayor Adams, DOJ argues that there would be nothing wrong with the executive branch explicitly conditioning dismissal of charges against a public official in exchange for his support of the administration’s policy agenda. See id. at 49:5-7 (arguing that, “even if there was a quid pro quo,” it would not affect the validity of the Government’s
DOJ’s arguments trigger concerns regarding political favoritism in prosecutorial decision-making, which
Ultimately, however, the Court would be overreaching if it attempted to force this prosecution to continue. As noted above, a court is not situated—either in terms of institutional competence, or as a matter of its proper role in our constitutional system—to make an assessment as to whether a prosecution “should” continue. A court’s role is to preside over cases, not to determine if a case should be prosecuted. If an individual line prosecutor agreed to dismiss a case
Thus, whatever teeth the public interest inquiry might have under
Here, however, the Court concludes that no such further inquiry is necessary. While some questions remain for those seeking a complete picture of how the decision to dismiss unfolded (e.g., what exactly was said at the January 31 meeting between SDNY, DOJ, and Adams’s counsel, and what USAO-SDNY said in its follow-up letter to DOJ), the record already makes clear that a least one of the rationales the Department has advanced is in fact a “real” basis for the Motion: DOJ has determined that dismissing this case will advance “federal immigration initiatives and policies.”
The discussion above, however, illustrates yet another reason why dismissal with prejudice is the most appropriate outcome here. ”
CONCLUSION
DOJ’s position on this Motion is essentially as follows: the Court should dismiss this prosecution because (1) it is tainted with impropriety; (2) it is detrimental to national security and immigration enforcement; and (3) it was a weak case to begin with—but the Court should also allow DOJ to bring the prosecution back at any time, for essentially any reason.
For the reasons stated above, the Court cannot and will not authorize such a result. There may or may not be good reasons to drop this prosecution. But the reasons articulated by DOJ, if taken at face value, are inconsistent with a decision to leave the charges in the Indictment hanging like the proverbial Sword of Damocles over the Mayor. If dismissal is to be granted, such dismissal should be with prejudice in order to vindicate the purposes of
Some will undoubtedly find today’s decision unsatisfying, wondering why, if DOJ’s ostensible reasons for dropping this case are so troubling, the Court does not simply deny the Motion to Dismiss altogether. But, as explained above, the Court cannot order DOJ to continue the prosecution, and it is aware of no authority (outside of the criminal contempt context) that would empower it, as some have urged, to appoint an independent prosecutor. Therefore, any decision by this Court to deny the Government’s Motion to Dismiss would be futile at best, because DOJ could—and, by all indications, unequivocally would—simply refuse to prosecute the case, inevitably resulting in a dismissal after seventy days for violating the Mayor’s right to a speedy trial. That route would simply postpone finality in this case to a date uncomfortably close to the June 24 mayoral primary. The public interest would not be served by such an outcome.
To be clear, the Court again emphasizes that it does not express any opinion as to the merits of the case or whether the prosecution of Mayor Adams “should” move forward. The Court notes only that it has no authority to require that it continue, and that the remedy for what some amici characterize as an abuse of power cannot be for the Court to arrogate to itself more power than it may properly wield in our system of government. It is precisely in the most difficult cases that it is most critical to adhere to constitutional principles. That includes recognizing the limits of this Court’s constitutional authority consistent with the separation of powers.
Ultimately, because the decision to discontinue a prosecution belongs primarily to a political branch of government, it is the public’s judgment, and not this Court’s, that truly matters. The Court can play only a limited role under
[T]he public has a generalized interest in the processes through which prosecutors make decisions about whom to prosecute that a court can serve by inquiring into the reasons for a requested dismissal. While this interest cannot rise to the substantive ability to compel a prosecution to proceed, it does argue in favor of allowing a court to force prosecutors to publicly reveal their reasons for not proceeding before granting a requested dismissal.
Bringing these decisions into the open may, in turn, lead to attempts by the public to influence these decisions through democratic channels.
In re Richards, 213 F.3d at 789 (citation omitted).
In sum, for the reasons above, DOJ’s Motion, ECF No. 122, is GRANTED to the extent that the Indictment is dismissed. But it is DENIED as to the request that dismissal be “without prejudice.” Accordingly, it is hereby ORDERED that the Indictment against Eric Adams, ECF No. 2, is DISMISSED WITH PREJUDICE. The Clerk of Court is respectfully directed to terminate ECF No. 122 and to close this case.
SO ORDERED.
Dated: April 2, 2025
New York, New York
DALE E. HO
United States District Judge
Notes
United States v. Washington, 390 F. Supp. 842, 843 (S.D. Fla. 1975), aff’d sub nom. In re Washington, 531 F.2d 1297 (5th Cir. 1976), aff’d on reh’g, 544 F.2d 203 (5th Cir. 1976), cert. granted, judgment vacated sub nom. Rinaldi, 434 U.S. 22 (1977).At the hearing on the motion to dismiss the indictments, the government reported that the policy statement is not contained in either the United States Code or in the Federal Register, but rather is found in the United States Attorney’s Manual. The Manual is only available to government attorneys, and the court and defense counsel do not have access to its contents. The government also stated at the hearing that at no time during the first trial, which ended in a mistrial, or during the second trial, which resulted in the conviction of these defendants, was the policy, or its violation, ever brought to the court’s attention. In fact, the court specifically inquired of the special trial attorney sent to Miami from Washington by the Department of Justice to try this case, why the government was insisting on a federal trial of these defendants. Government’s trial counsel advised the court that the Department of Justice was adamant in their decision that the federal trial proceed because there was grave concern that the state convictions would be reversed on appeal. The Department of Justice trial attorney, at a special conference called for the purpose of discussing the offer of at least one defendant to plead guilty, stated that the Department’s position was that it could not agree to any plea involving concurrent confinement, and he had been instructed to proceed with the trial. Under those circumstances, it is clear the Department of Justice was completely aware of the proceedings in the Southern District of Florida.