HARRY C. STEINMETZ, Pеtitioner, v. CALIFORNIA STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION et al., Respondents.
Sac. No. 6530
In Bank
July 5, 1955
44 Cal.2d 816
Shenk, J., Carter, J., Traynor, J., and Schauer, J., concurred.
Edmund G. Brown, Attorney General, and Richard L. Mayers, Deputy Attorney General, for Respondents.
GIBSON, C. J.—Petitioner was dismissed from his position as an associate professor at San Diego State College because of his refusal, at a hearing before the State Board of Education, to answer two questions as to whether he was or had been a member of the Communist Party, and he seeks a writ of mandate to compel his reinstatement.
The state board acted pursuant to
“(a) Present personal advocacy by the employee of the forceful or violent overthrow of the Government of the United States or of any state.
“(b) Present knowing membership in any organization now advocating the forceful or violent overthrow of the Government of the United States or of any state.
“(c) Past knowing membership at any time since September 10, 1948, in any organization which, to the knowledge оf such employee, during the time of the employee‘s membership advocated the forceful or violent overthrow of the Government of the United States or of any state.
“(d) Questions as to present knowing membership of such employee in the Communist Party or as to past knowing membership in the Communist Party at any time since September 10, 1948.”
The section further provides that “Any employee who fails or refuses to appear or to answer under oath on any ground whatsoever any such questions so propounded shall be guilty of insubordination and guilty of violating this section and shall be suspended and dismissed from his employment in the manner provided by law.”
At the hearing petitioner was examined by William Blair, president of the State Board of Education, as follows:
MR. BLAIR: . . . Are you knowingly a member of the Communist Party?
DR. STEINMETZ: Mr. Chairman. I am sorry, but I find it necessary to refuse to answer this question as I would if you asked me if I were a member of any other party because I do not believe that there is authority in the act under which you are proceeding for asking such a question.
MR. BLAIR: . . . Have you at any time since September 10, 1948, knowingly been a member of the Communist Party?
DR. STEINMETZ: In all good conscience I must give you exactly the same answer now that I gave you a moment ago, sir.
MR. BLAIR: That is, that you decline to answer.
DR. STEINMETZ: Yes, sir.
. .
MR. BLAIR: . . . Do you know whether or not the Communist Party advocates the forceful or violent overthrow of the government of the United States or of any state?
DR. STEINMETZ: Mr. Blair, I have no such knowledge.
MR. BLAIR: Have you at any time since September 10,
DR. STEINMETZ: Mr. Blair. I have in part answered this question when I disclaimed knowledge. I should like further to answer it by saying that I have never in my life, now, in the past, and so long as I would be a state employee, would never belong to an organization that advocated force and violence against the United States, this statе, or any subdivision thereof. I took an oath, the Levering Act oath, and signed it honestly, . . . [Here petitioner recited in substance, the Levering oath,
MR. BLAIR: That was intended to be an answer to the question “Have you at any time since September 10, 1948, to and including today, knowingly been a member of the Communist Party when to your knowledge it advocated the forceful or violent overthrow of the government of the United States or of any state?” What would be your answer directly to that question, Dr. Steinmetz?
DR. STEINMETZ: Mr. Blair, in part I answered that when I disclaimed knowledge, and in further part I have just answered it by reaffirming the Levering Act oath.
MR. BLAIR: I have repeated the question and I would feel obliged to direct you to answer it “yes” or “no” or “I refuse to answer.” After that you may explain your answer, if you have not already explained it.
DR. STEINMETZ: May I say that I have answered a question with regard to membership by saying that I would not answer any question with regard to membership, and that was very straightforward, and I have answered a question with regard to knowledge by disclaiming that I had the knowledge, and I have answered a question with regard to advocacy with an emphatic “No.”
MR. BLAIR: Your “no” applies to what part of the question?
DR. STEINMETZ: To my advocacy, and to my knowledge, and to membership with knowledge.
MR. BLAIR: These questions were all framed in the belief that they could be in all fairness answered “yes” or “no.”
DR. STEINMETZ: You consider a question like that fair, Mr. Blair?
MR. BLAIR: It seems that it simply wishes to inquire
DR. STEINMETZ: Under protest in principle on account of my belief with my attorney that this is a duplicitous question, pressed as I feel I am, I answer it then “no.”
MR. BLAIR: . . . Do you presently advocate the forceful or violent overthrow of the government of the United States or of any state of the United States?
DR. STEINMETZ: Mr. Blair, as a teacher and a free American, I trust, who distinguishes between incitement and advocacy, I like no question pertaining to advocacy, but I have already answered it “no,” and therefore, of course, answer it the same way now.
MR. BLAIR: . . . Are you knowingly a member of any organization which to your knowledge now advocates the forceful or violent overthrow of the government of the United States or of the government of any state of the United States?
DR. STEINMETZ: No, sir. . . .
MR. BLAIR: Have you at any time since September 10, 1948, knowingly been a member of any organization which to your then knowledge advocated during the time of your membership the forceful or violent overthrow of the government of the United States or of the government of any state of the United States?
DR. STEINMETZ: . . . I should like to answer the last question with a very decided “no.”
The foregoing shows that, although petitioner answered questions asked under subdivisions (a), (b) and (c) of
Petitioner argues that, in effect, he answered the questions as to whether he was knowingly a member of the Com-
It thus was proрer, under the terms of subdivision (d), to question petitioner as to the fact of membership without reference to his knowledge of the character of the organiza-
The statute under which petitioner was dismissed is not rendered invalid by the fact that it requires an employee to answer questions as to his membership in the Communist Party without regard to his knowledge of the nature of the party. Petitioner‘s discharge was not because of membership in a proscribed organization but because of his refusal to answer questions as to whether or not he held membership in the Communist Party. A governmental body may, of course, make reasonable inquiries into matters pertaining to the fitness of its employees. Loyalty on the part of those in public employment is important to orderly and dependable government and is, therefore, relevant to fitness for such employment. (Pockman v. Leonard, 39 Cal.2d 676, 687 [249 P.2d 267].) An employee‘s associates, as well as his conduct, are factors which may be considered by a state agency in determining his loyalty, and information on that subject may properly be elicited from him. (Adler v. Board of Education, 342 U.S. 485, 492-493 [72 S.Ct. 380, 96 L.Ed. 517, 27 A.L.R. 472]; Pockman v. Leonard, 39 Cal.2d 676, 685-687 [249 P.2d 267].)1 In this connection, it has been held that a public employer may constitutionally require its employees to disclose any past or present membership in the Communist Party. (Garner v. Board of Public Works, 341 U.S. 716, 720 [71 S.Ct. 909, 95 L.Ed. 1317].)2
Statutes, such as the one involved here, which compel disclosure of information concerning a public employee‘s
Petitioner‘s refusal to answer was not based upon a claim of privilege against self-incrimination under the Fifth Amendment to the federal Constitution or
We need not determine whether there is any merit in petitioner‘s attack upon another section of the Luckel Act which provides that it shall be sufficient cause for dismissal when a public employee advocates, or is knowingly a member of the Communist Party or of an organization which during the time of his membership he knows advocates, the overthrow of the government by force or violence. (
The writ is denied.
Shenk, J., Edmonds, J., Traynor, J., Schauer, J., and Spence, J., concurred.
CARTER, J.—I dissent.
It is my considered opinion that
In my opinion Dr. Steinmetz was wrongfully discharged and is therefore entitled to be reinstated. This conclusion may be reached by either of two lines of reasoning: (1) That Dr. Steinmetz answered all of the questions asked of him by the board, and therefore did not violate the provisions of
The arguments opposed to the majority decision in this case are like a Roman gladiator‘s trident. The central point is that the statute is an abridgement of the constitutionally guaranteed privilege not to testify against oneself. The two auxiliary points are: (1) That there was no violation of the statute, or (2) that the statute is an arbitrary deprivation of due process, and is, therefore, unconstitutional under the holding in the Wieman, Pockman and Hirschman cases. In reaching its erroneous conclusion the majority has necessarily impaled itself on one or more of these points.
The first contention made by Dr. Steinmetz in his petition for a writ of mandate is that he did not violate
(1) “Are you knowingly a member of the Communist Party?”
(2) “Have you at any time since September 10, 1948, knowingly been a member of the Communist Party?”
Dr. Steinmetz contends that the answer to this question constituted an answer to the two former questions.
It is clear either that the answer to the latter question did constitute an answer to the former questions, and that the majority opinion is incorrect in upholding his discharge; or that the State Board of Education had no authority to ask the two former questions because the statute authorizing those questions is unconstitutional. (Wieman v. Updegraff, supra, 344 U.S. 183; Pockman v. Leonard, supra, 39 Cal.2d 676; Hirschman v. County of Los Angeles, supra, 39 Cal.2d 698.)
The controversy centers around the meaning of the word “knowingly” as used in the statute and as used in the questions asked of Dr. Steinmetz. The majority opinion states that the word “knowingly,” as used in the questions which Dr. Steinmetz purportedly refused to answer, “. . . did not refer to knowledge of the aims of the party but merely to whether he knew that he was a member. . . .”
Dr. Steinmetz contends that the word “knowingly” referred to knowledge of the pernicious nature of the Communist Party, and that he did, finally, answer (in the negative) the question as to membership in the party with knowledge of its nature.
In Wieman v. Updegraff, supra, 344 U.S. 183, the Supreme Court of the United States, by a unanimous decision, held that the due process clause of the Constitution of the United States was violated by inquiries as to the membership of state employees in certain organizations, unless such inquiries referred to membership with knowledge of the activities and purposes of the organizations to which the employees belonged. Classification of innocent membership with knowing membership was held to be arbitrary, unreasonable and unconstitutional.
Conversely, the United States Supreme Court has held (though not unanimously) that inquiry as to membership of an employee in the Communist Party, or in named subversive organizations, is permissible where expressly or assumedly the inquiry is as to membership with knowledge of the nature
In ruling on the constitutionality of California‘s Levering Act loyalty oath (
In Hirschman v. County of Los Angeles, supra, 39 Cal.2d 698, this court held that county employees could be required to disclose membership only in those organizations “which they knew advocated overthrow of the government by force, or which to their knowledge had been held by a court to advocate such action.”
The Wieman, Gerende, Garner, Adler, Pockman and Hirschman cases were all decided and published before the passage by the California Legislature of the Luckel Act (in which is included
If the word “knowing” as used in the statute and in the questions asked of Dr. Steinmetz, and as construed by the majority opinion in this case, meant only “with knowledge that he was a member,” then (1) the statute is clearly unconstitutional (Wieman v. Updegraff, supra, 344 U.S. 183;
The majority opinion concedes that knowledge of the character of the organization is essential in statutes “. . . which provide for discharge or disqualification because of membership or refusal to take an oath denying membership.” Unlike the majority, I can find no substantial distinсtion between those statutes and the statute here considered. For refusal under oath to deny membership, the victim must be discharged under the terms of
My position on the right of the state to inquire into the private affairs of its citizens was made clear by my dissenting opinions in Pockman v. Leonard, supra, 39 Cal.2d 676; Hirschman v. County of Los Angeles, supra, 39 Cal.2d 698; Tolman v. Underhill, 39 Cal.2d 708 [249 P.2d 280]; Bowen v. County of Los Angeles, 39 Cal.2d 714 [249 P.2d 285]; and Fraser v. University of California, 39 Cal.2d 717 [249 P.2d 283]. I did not, at that time, believe that those cases were properly decided. I still believe that they are wrong. But right or wrong, those cases at least recognized a limit beyond which governmental inquiry into a citizen‘s associations and beliefs would be unreasonable. I believe that the limit set by that line of cases encroached on basic constitutional rights of the citizenry. The majority opinion in this case disregards even that limit, and broadens the trespass into constitutionally protected territory.
In the adoption of this stаtute, as well as the loyalty oath statute, I have no doubt as to the good intentions of the Legislature, “. . . and I do not consider it the function of the judicial branch of the government to pass upon the wisdom of such proposals. The question before the courts is whether the enactments contravene some provision of the fundamental law—the Constitution. This is true even though a very grave question of public policy may be involved. It is for the Legislature and not the courts to declare the public policy of the state, providing such declaration is not in conflict with the Constitution.” (Emphasis added; Pockman v. Leonard,
In the arguments before this court counsel for Dr. Steinmetz did not emphasize the privilege against self-incrimination. I believe, however, that the Fifth Amendment argument is implicit in this case. Even though Dr. Steinmetz‘s answers would not have been directly incriminating, he was entitled to rely on the protection of the Fifth Amendment, and its California counterpart, “. . . to avoid a trap for perjury set by those with sufficient influence to have him summoned. . . .” That he did invoke that privilege at the hearing, is clearly shown in the portion of his testimony which is quoted later in this opinion.
The Fifth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States provides in part that “No person . . . shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; . . .” This amendment was adopted in 1791. In California, at the present time, our Constitution provides (
The proper application of these constitutional provisions to a modern legislative enactment can best be understood by viewing them in the background of their historical development. Beginning in about the year 1236 A.D. in England, there were ecclesiastical courts which took upon themselves much of the burden of settling various disputes. It was the practice of these courts to submit persons called before them to an “oath ex officio.” If the persons summoned to appear did not do so, they were excommunicated; if they did appear
This, then, was the background in brief, which led our forefathers to the firm conviction that no man should be compelled to testify against himself.
If one is asked questions about something, the logical way of looking at his refusal to answer is that he surely must know something about it or else why would he refuse to answer? In other words, it is said that the refusal to answer gives rise to an inference of guilt of something. But the only thing which is sure is that the witness has refused to answer. There are no less than three inferences which may be drawn from such a refusal to testify: (1) That the witness is guilty; (2) that he knows something, or some fact, which might tend to incriminate him; and (3) that he refused to answer because he feels that the inquisitor has no right, or business, to ask him such questions. If we go back to the common law as it finally developed, we find that standing mute, in legal effect, pleads not guilty. How can standing
The privilege against self-incrimination has been characterized by Judge Cardozo (Matter of Doyle, 257 N.Y. 244 [177 N.E. 489, 87 A.L.R. 418]) as “a barrier interposed between the individual and the power of the government, a barrier interposed by the sovereign people of the State” which “neither legislators nor judges are free to overleap. . . .” In the light of this definition, let us consider the inquiry authorized by the California Legislature in
The section applies to all public employees. It imposes on each such employee the duty to appear and answer under oath certain questions which may be asked of him when subpoenaed by the governmental agency by which he is employed or by a committee of the Congress of the United States or of the Legislature of California, or by any subcommittee thereof. If he refuses to answer under oath on any ground whatsoever any questions of the specified group, he shall be suspended and dismissed from his employment. On the other hand, if he does answer, and his answers indicate that he is a Communist or a member of other proscribed groups, he is subject to dismissal.
A public employee, who is a loyal American citizen, called before such a committee and asked questions pertaining to his membership, past or present, in the Communist Party or in any organization which to his knowledge advocates or advocated during his membership the violent overthrow of the government, might refuse to answer such questions for any one of several reasons: He might have, in the past, joined many different organizations, and has since fоund that such
Since the statute requires the dismissal of any public employee who refuses to answer the stated questions, on any ground whatsoever, it is too clear to require further discussion that this statute is a legislative attempt to circumvent the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States and
Unhappily, there is a tendency on the part of many unthinking members of the public to believe that a witness who invokes a constitutional ground in refusing to testify is disloyal, or is guilty of some misdoing which the investigators were trying to uncover. “There can be no dispute about the consequences visited upon a person excluded from public employment on disloyalty grоunds. In the view of the community, the stain is a deep one; indeed, it has become a badge of infamy. Especially is this so in time of cold war and hot emotions when ‘each man begins to eye his neighbor as a possible enemy.’ . . . To thus inhibit individual freedom of movement is to stifle the flow of democratic expression and controversy at one of its chief sources. . . .” (Wieman v. Updegraff, supra, 344 U.S. 183, 190.) I believe that two statements made under oath by Dr. Steinmetz at the same hearing where he purportedly refused to answer two of the questions of the investigating board should help those who read this opinion to determine whether Dr. Steinmetz is or is not a loyal American, and why he at first refused to answer the disputed questions.
Dr. Steinmetz first stated under oath: “. . . I should like publicly to reaffirm that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of the State of California against all enemies, foreign and domestic; and that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the Con-
Later in the hearing, Dr. Steinmetz explained his reason for at first not answering the questions asked by the board, in these words: “I should like . . . to say that with regard to this whole business I wish to disclaim any intent at insubordination. I really deny the constitutionality of the act upon which you are depending because it seems to me to threaten my citizenship in a manner in which none of us can or should be subordinate to each other. The legislation that you have invoked is permissive and not mandatory. You have singled me out for reasons known only to yourselves as if you were exercising a bill of attainder.
“I have been a loyal employee of California since 1930. . . .
“In commenting on your authority I am . . . indebted . . . to certain political science professors at the University of California who taught a course in the United States Constitution that bеcame required by the State Legislature of all pedagogical trainees upon the demand, I believe it was, of the American Legion in 1923. Perhaps I have an unfair advantage in this approach to the problem.
“Mr. Blair, it appears in the legislation that you and the Board are applying to me that Mr. Luckel and Mr. Dilworth have sought to provide that every public employee in California may be required individually or collectively to drop his work and appear at the summons of his superior . . . regardless of existing legal limitations on the responsibility of the superior and the duties of the employee, and to ask the
“Now, ladies and gentlemen, I believe that no legislation is valid that incorporates such a transparent attempt to circumvent the Constitution. Behavior allowed by the U. S. Constitution cannot be declared illegal by a state on the grounds that it is insubordinate, particularly when the behavior is admittedly irrelevant to the duties of a subordinate. . . .
“. . . I have been summoned to interrogation of a judicial type because I am a public educator but not for anything that I have done as either an educator or a public employee. Indeed, there being no charge against me the situation is utterly paradoxical, so it should not be taking advantage if I were to demand or attempt an explanation. However, since you find none necessary I find it sufficient at the moment simply to point out this fact. . . . I am sure that all of you members believe in a government of law and not of men, and a government with a clear separation of powers as provided by the Constitution, and I am sure you have probably sworn an oath necessitating such convictions. You must then recognize that the assumption or assignment of judicial powers by or to a legislative committee, or executive agency, or policy commission such as yours is unconstitutional and, if I may add, I think in my opinion subversive to the Bill of Rights.
“The California Legislature has mistakenly authorized you to ask questions that are accusing in effect especially when directed to an individual; questions permitting of but one answer such as usually characterized police state questions; questions that as in my case are totally unnecessary if they are legal because their proper answer is already known so
“I am really questioning not your authority so much as the authority of the Legislature. Not from the standpoint of distrust in our institutions but obviously with a profound trust in our judiciary and electorate. My viewpoint is less radical than very conservative as befits the descendant of the American Revolution fully acquainted with our national traditions, I hope, and very proud of them. The present is the only part of history for which the individual may be responsible and I feel a profound responsibility for the precedent that I must set in the situation in which you have placed me. I believe that freedom from the political inquisition demeaning public confession and patronizing absolution is necessary for general education, a free press, an instructive and inspiring literature in art, and every other manifestation of culture in America. In these days of vaunted political regard for freedom in the Western World I contend that property rights as well as civil rights are jeopardized by its sacrifice. If I can be arbitrarily summoned for public humiliation and told by the act under which you are proceeding that I cannot use the Bill of Rights to avoid jeopardy from political enemies then no man is safe from those in temporary power, indeed then no secret will be safe and political power may cease to be temporary and become totalitarian. No self-respecting citizen can find satisfaction in work for any employer, public or private, who can hold him under constant threat for political dissent. Public employment ceases to be either right or privilege or duty an obligation under such circumstances. . . . [I]t is really the vicious permissiveness of the law that threatens. And I oppose that in principle and shall continue to oppose it if it is necessary until the Supreme Court passes upon it. . . .”
One must be indeed naive if he cannot see the parallel between the situation of Dr. Steinmetz before this investigating board, and the witness called before the еcclesiastical court or Star Chamber in England in the 15th, 16th or 17th centuries. The very evils which prompted an early Congress to add to our Constitution the protection of the Bill of
Other arguments which are raised by Dr. Steinmetz in his petition, and which I believe are meritorious, are (1) that the Luckel Act (
In the recent case of Daniman v. Board of Higher Education of New York (reported at 306 N.Y. 532 [119 N.E.2d 373]), the New York Court of Appeals held constitutional a New York City Charter section which in some respects is very similar to the statute being considered in this case. The New York City Charter section (903) directed dismissal of any city employee who should refuse to testify in any authorized hearing or inquiry concerning city affairs or officiаl conduct of officers or employees of the city. Appellant Slochower, a college professor, was dismissed under the authority of this charter section when he refused to state, when asked by a Senate investigating committee, whether he had been a member of the Communist Party. A majority of the highest court of the State of New York in that case, just like the majority of this court in this case, saw no infringement of the public employee‘s constitutional rights in the charter provision or in its application. In the Slochower case the Supreme Court of the United States has noted probable jurisdiction. I am confident that the Supreme Court of the United States will reverse the state court decision in the Slochower case. I feel even more strongly that the Supreme Court of the United States should reverse the erroneous decision of the majority of this court in the present case.
In summary, I dissent from the holding of thе majority here because I believe (1) that
I am of the opinion that the requested writ of mandate should issue, and that Dr. Steinmetz should be reinstated to his former position.
