UNITED STATES OF AMERICA v. SYLVESTER GAILES
No. 23-5928
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SIXTH CIRCUIT
October 10, 2024
RECOMMENDED FOR PUBLICATION Pursuant to Sixth Circuit I.O.P. 32.1(b) File Name: 24a0231p.06
Argued: September 10, 2024
Decided and Filed: October 10, 2024
Before: MOORE, McKEAGUE, and GRIFFIN, Circuit Judges.
COUNSEL
ARGUED: Unam Peter Oh, OFFICE OF THE FEDERAL PUBLIC DEFENDER, Memphis, Tennessee, for Appellant. Regina Brittenum, UNITED STATES ATTORNEY‘S OFFICE, Memphis, Tennessee, for Appellee. ON BRIEF: Unam Peter Oh, Brian Daniel Mounce, OFFICE OF THE FEDERAL PUBLIC DEFENDER, Memphis, Tennessee, for Appellant. Regina Brittenum, UNITED STATES ATTORNEY‘S OFFICE, Memphis, Tennessee, for Appellee.
OPINION
GRIFFIN, Circuit Judge.
Each year, millions of acts of domestic violence, and over 1,500 deaths from domestic violence, occur in this country.1 While the law has long prohibited felons from possessing firearms, many domestic-violence offenders are convicted of mere misdemeanors. So, in 1996, Congress prohibited domestic-violence misdemeanants from possessing firearms in order “to close a dangerous loophole in the gun control laws,” given that “firearms and domestic strife are a potentially deadly combination.” United States v. Castleman, 572 U.S. 157, 159–60 (2014) (internal quotation marks and brackets omitted). In Stimmel v. Sessions, 879 F.3d 198, 201 (6th Cir. 2018), we previously upheld this proscription,
I.
Gailes is a serial perpetrator of domestic violence. In 2012, he struck his girlfriend in her face with a closed fist. Two years later, he dragged the same woman—with
A few years later, Gailes was involved in an automobile accident. Responding officers found Gailes in possession of two loaded pistols. His three domestic-violence-misdemeanor convictions prohibited him from possessing those guns, so a grand jury indicted him on two counts of possessing firearms in violation of
II.
A facial challenge “is the most difficult challenge to mount successfully[] because it requires a defendant to establish that no set of circumstances exists under which the [challenged statute] would be valid.” United States v. Rahimi, 144 S. Ct. 1889, 1898 (2024) (internal quotation marks omitted). Therefore, if
III.
A.
The Second Amendment provides: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”
Following Heller and McDonald, we, like several of our sister circuits, developed a two-step test that applied “means-end scrutiny” for analyzing laws that might infringe on individuals’ Second Amendment rights. See, e.g., Tyler v. Hillsdale Cnty. Sheriff‘s Dep‘t, 837 F.3d 678, 685 (6th Cir. 2016) (en banc) (collecting cases). We used that test to uphold
But in Bruen, the Supreme Court ruled our means-end-scrutiny framework inconsistent with Heller and McDonald and announced a different two-step test for Second Amendment questions. Under Bruen‘s first step, courts must ask whether “the Second Amendment‘s plain text covers an individual‘s conduct.” 597 U.S. at 24. If so, “the Constitution presumptively protects that conduct.” Id. Then under the second step, the burden shifts to the government to “justify its regulation by demonstrating that it is consistent with the Nation‘s historical tradition of firearm regulation.” Id. For the government to meet its burden, it need not identify a “dead ringer” or “historical twin” to the challenged regulation. Id. at 30 (emphasis omitted). Instead, the challenged regulation must be “relevantly similar” to a historical one. Id. at 28–29 (citation omitted).
Earlier this year, in Rahimi, the Supreme Court applied for the first time Bruen‘s two-step framework. Rahimi also involved a statute targeted at keeping guns out of the hands of domestically violent individuals,
Given Bruen‘s explicit abrogation of our prior means-end-scrutiny framework, we are no longer bound by Stimmel‘s holding that
Thus, we must consider with fresh eyes the constitutionality of
B.
First, we ask whether the Second Amendment‘s plain text covers Gailes‘s possession of firearms following his domestic-violence-misdemeanor convictions. The Second Amendment unquestionably protects Gailes‘s conduct (i.e., possession of pistols, as opposed to an unusually dangerous weapon, for example). But because the Second Amendment protects “the right of the people to keep and bear Arms,” we must also ask whether domestic-violence misdemeanants are included in “the people” who possess that right. See, e.g., Worth v. Jacobson, 108 F.4th 677, 688–92 (8th Cir. 2024).
Rahimi suggests the answer is yes. There, the Court skipped Bruen‘s first step (plain text) and decided the case on the second (history and tradition). Rahimi, 144 S. Ct. at 1898–99. Perhaps it did so because “no one question[ed] that the law Mr. Rahimi challenge[d]“—prohibiting those subject to domestic-violence restraining orders from possessing guns—restricts conduct covered by the Second Amendment‘s text. Id. at 1907 (Gorsuch, J., concurring). But given that courts proceed to Bruen‘s second step only if the Second Amendment covers the conduct at issue, we can deduce that possessing a firearm, even while subject to a domestic-violence restraining order, is protected conduct and that individuals subject to such orders are among “the people” who enjoy this right.
Regardless, our post-Rahimi caselaw confirms this reading. Felons, we have held, are a part of “the people” covered by the Second Amendment. Williams, 113 F.4th at 649–50; United States v. Goins, — F.4th —, 2024 WL 4441462, at *2 n.3 (6th Cir. 2024) (following Williams); see also United States v. Gore, — F.4th —, 2024 WL 4441472, at *4 (6th Cir. 2024) (holding that individuals under indictment for a felony are a part of “the people“). This conclusion is due to Heller‘s direction that “‘the people’ unambiguously refers to all members of the political community, not an unspecified subset.” Williams, 113 F.4th at 649 (quoting Heller, 554 U.S. at 580). Thus, the Second Amendment‘s protections belong presumptively to “all Americans,” regardless of whether they have been convicted of a felony. Id. (quoting Heller, 554 U.S. at 581).
If people subject to a domestic-violence restraining order and felons are among “the people” protected by the Second Amendment, so are domestic-violence misdemeanants like Gailes. Indeed, the government conceded at oral argument that Gailes is a member of “the people” and therefore prevails under Bruen‘s first step. Accordingly, domestic-violence misdemeanants are still “members of the political community” despite their convictions, see id., and thus, the Second Amendment presumptively protects their right to possess firearms, see Bruen, 597 U.S. at 17. “[T]heir status,” however, “may justify limitations” on their individual right to bear arms. Gore, 2024 WL 4441472, at *4 (citation and emphasis omitted). Given that
C.
We next ask whether the government has demonstrated that
1.
Domestic-violence convictions generally involve some sort of physical force. See, e.g.,
When the presence of a gun accompanies the use of physical force, the likelihood that abuse turns to homicide greatly increases. See Castleman, 572 U.S. at 159–60; see also Rahimi, 144 S. Ct. at 1906 (Sotomayor, J., concurring) (“[O]ver 70 people [are] shot and killed by an intimate partner each month in the United States.“). And domestic abusers with firearms are dangerous not only to their direct victims, but also to accompanying loved ones, bystanders, and responding law enforcement officers. Rahimi, 144 S. Ct. at 1906 (Sotomayor, J., concurring); see also Stimmel, 879 F.3d at 210 (“[A]pproximately 10% of non-accidental law enforcement officer fatalities in the line of duty [in 2016] occurred while the officers were responding to domestic disturbance calls.“). It is no surprise then that Congress sought to deprive people with domestic-violence convictions from possessing firearms. Following the rationales of Rahimi and Williams, we conclude that there is historical support for doing so.
2.
Rahimi held that people subject to a domestic-violence restraining order may be categorically disarmed without violating the Second Amendment. In ruling that
protect husbands who abused their spouses than offer some measure of accountability it is no surprise that that generation did not have an equivalent to
Extending Rahimi‘s historical analysis and logic, we recently held in Williams that convicted felons may be categorically disarmed under
Taken together, Rahimi and Williams evince that our history and tradition of firearm regulation support
3.
Gailes resists, arguing that “the government has not uncovered what would be the best evidence of a historical tradition supporting
Nor do Gailes‘s attempts to distinguish Rahimi persuade. True, Rahimi considered
Gailes further emphasizes that Rahimi upheld the disarmament of individuals who presently pose a threat of physical violence, not individuals who previously posed such a threat. But someone who posed a risk in the past does not mean they no longer do so. Scholars agree that—and as Gailes himself demonstrates—the recidivism rate for domestic-violence offenders is high. See, e.g., Martin Rettenberger & Reinhard Eher, Actuarial Risk Assessment in Sexually Motivated Intimate-Partner Violence, 37 L. & Hum. Behav. 75, 77 (2013); Brendan Horan, Comment, The Ball is in Whose Court? Rhode Island‘s Need for an Integrated Domestic Violence Court, 26 Rogers Williams U. L. Rev. 738, 750 (2021); Viet Nguyen & Mia Bird, Tailoring Domestic Violence Programs to Reduce Recidivism, Pub. Pol‘y Inst. of Cal. (June 12, 2018), https://www.ppic.org/blog/tailoring-domestic-violence-programs-to-reduce-recidivism/ [https://perma.cc/MRT7-C2MF]; see also Stimmel, 879 F.3d at 208–09 (discussing recidivism
data); United States v. Skoien, 614 F.3d 638, 644 (7th Cir. 2010) (en banc) (“[T]he recidivism rate [for domestic-violence offenders] is high, implying that there are substantial benefits in keeping the most deadly weapons out of the hands of domestic abusers.“). Moreover, (again, as shown by Gailes‘s conduct), “[d]omestic violence often escalates in severity over time, and the presence of a firearm increases the likelihood that it will escalate to homicide.” Castleman, 572 U.S. at 160 (internal citations omitted).
The fact that the Rahimi Court addressed
Finally, Gailes contends that some predicate convictions for
IV.
While the “why and how” behind our regulation of firearms may have evolved, our Nation has always taken measures to prevent violence by people with firearms who pose a clear threat to others. See id. The Second Amendment demands only that
And, as chronicled in Rahimi and Williams, our history “confirm[s] what common sense suggests“: people who were previously convicted of a domestic-violence misdemeanor fall squarely within the category of people who pose a clear threat to the physical safety of others. See Rahimi, 144 S. Ct. at 1901. We therefore hold that
For these reasons, we affirm the judgment of the district court and the denial of Gailes‘s motion to dismiss the indictment.
