United States v. SingletonUnited States v. Singleton
Sonya Singleton was convicted of money laundering and conspiring to distribute cocaine. A panel of this court reversed that conviction on the ground the prosecuting attorney violated
I
The conspiracy forming the basis of Ms. Singleton‘s conviction required her to send and receive drug proceeds by Western Union wires. Her co-conspirator Napoleon Douglas entered into a plea agreement in which he agreed to testify truthfully in return for the government‘s promise not to prosecute him for related offenses, to advise the
Before trial, Ms. Singleton moved to suppress the testimony of Mr. Douglas on the ground the government had violated
II
The question before us is whether
(c) Whoever-
. . . .
(2) directly or indirectly, gives, offers, or promises anything of value to any person, for or because of the testimony under oath or affirmation given or to be given by such person as a witness upon a trial . . . before any court . . . shall be fined under this title or imprisoned for not more than two years, or both.
Ms. Singleton takes the position that when Mr. Douglas testified after receiving the government‘s promise of lenient treatment in exchange for his truthful testimony, he became a “paid ‘occurrence’ witness,” and testimony from those of such ilk is contrary to the fundamental precepts of American justice because the payment of something of value would give the witness a strong motivation to lie. She reasons
In contrast, the United States argues to allow
Viewing the statute on its face, it is apparent the dispute revolves about the word “whoever.” Indeed, the significance of the remaining parts of the statute is not seriously controverted. However, like many words chosen by the legislative branch to convey its intent, this one word evokes more meaning than an innocent first reading of it would portend.
The prosecutor, functioning within the scope of his or her office, is not simply a lawyer advocating the government‘s perspective of the case. Indeed, the prosecutor‘s function is far more significant. Only officers of the Department of Justice or the United States Attorney can represent the United States in the prosecution of a criminal case.
When an assistant United States Attorney (AUSA) enters into a plea agreement with a defendant, that plea agreement is between the United States government and the defendant. When an AUSA uses at trial testimony obtained through a plea agreement or an agreement not to prosecute, he does so as the government. An AUSA who, pursuant to the provisions of the United States Sentencing Guidelines, moves for a downward departure under § 5K1.1, does so as the government.
United States v. Ware, 161 F.3d 414, 1998 WL 830587, *8 (6th Cir. Dec. 3, 1998).
There is even a more fundamental reason for arriving at the same conclusion, however. Although Congress may, by legislative act, add to or redefine the meaning of any word, it did not do so in the passage of
It is a familiar principle that the King is not bound by any act of Parliament unless he be named therein by special and particular words. The most general words that can be devised (for example, any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate) affect not him in the least, if they may tend to restrain or diminish any of his rights and interests. . . . The rule thus settled respecting the British Crown is equally applicable to this government, and it has been applied frequently in the different States, and practically in the Federal courts. It may be considered as settled that so much of the royal prerogatives as belonged to the King in his capacity of parens patriae, or universal trustee, enters as much into our political state as it does into the principles of the British constitution.
Id. at 239 (footnote omitted); see also 8 Matthew Bacon, A New Abridgment of the Law 92 (1869) (“[W]here a statute is general, and thereby (a) any prerogative, right, title, or interest is divested or taken from the king, in such case the king shall not be bound, (b) unless the statute is made by express words to extend to him.“); Henry Campbell Black, The Construction and Interpretation of the Laws 94-97 (2d ed. 1911) (same). The Court revisited the concept in Nardone v. United States, 302 U.S. 379, 383-84 (1937), when it held this canon of construction generally applies when failure to limit the application of a statute would “deprive the sovereign of a recognized or established prerogative title or interest” or “where a reading which would include [the government] would work obvious absurdity.”
The next question, then, is whether applying the statute to the government would deprive the sovereign of a recognized or established prerogative, title, or interest. The answer to that question is, inescapably yes.
From the common law, we have drawn a longstanding practice sanctioning the testimony of accomplices against their confederates in exchange for leniency. See Hoffa v. United States, 385 U.S. 293, 310-12 (1966); Lisenba v. California, 314 U.S. 219, 227 (1941); Benson v. United States, 146 U.S. 325, 333-37 (1892); The Whiskey Cases, 99 U.S. 594, 599-600 (1878). Indeed,
[n]o practice is more ingrained in our criminal justice system than the practice of the government calling a witness who is an accessory to the crime for which the defendant is charged and having that witness testify under a plea bargain that promises him a reduced sentence.
United States v. Cervantes-Pacheco, 826 F.2d 310, 315 (5th Cir. 1987); United States v. Juncal, 1998 WL 525800, at *1 (S.D.N.Y. Aug. 20, 1998) (“The concept of affording cooperating accomplices with leniency dates back to the common law in England and has been recognized and approved by the United States Congress, the United States Courts and the United States Sentencing Commission.“).
This ingrained practice of granting lenience in exchange for testimony has created a vested sovereign prerogative in the government. It follows that if the practice can be traced to the common law, it has acquired stature akin to the special privilege of kings. However, in an American criminal prosecution, the granting of lenience is an authority that can only be exercised by the United States through its prosecutor; therefore, any reading of
Moreover, in light of the longstanding practice of leniency for testimony, we must presume if Congress had intended that
Astoria Fed. Sav. & Loan Ass‘n v. Solimino, 501 U.S. 104, 108 (1991) (citations and quotation marks omitted); see also Green v. Bock Laundry Machine Co., 490 U.S. 504, 521-22 (1989). It further follows, therefore, the absence of such language makes patent
The government also points out a number of statutes and rules with which defendant‘s reading of
III
Our conclusion in no way permits an agent of the government to step beyond the limits of his or her office to make an offer to a witness other than one traditionally exercised by the sovereign. A prosecutor who offers something other than a concession normally granted by the government in exchange for testimony is no longer the alter ego
This difficult case has spawned three excellent opinions. Judge Lucero‘s concurrence resolves the case most convincingly for me, and I join that concurrence.
I write briefly to add that this problem may arise again. As the dissent notes, Congress has recently passed legislation, sponsored by Rep. Joe McDade and endorsed by the American Bar Association and the American Corporate Counsel Association,1 that repeals the Thornburgh memorandum. It directs that government attorneys – most of whom are licensed in the state in which they practice – be subject to state ethical rules. Thus, the dissent‘s suggestions as to other tactics that might be employed may deserve close scrutiny.
Further, I note that although I believe the majority is correct on the tradition argument, I do not see the statute as construed by the dissent as patently absurd. I do see that its operation as construed by the dissent would work what might be called a legal absurdity, in that Congress would have criminalized the general practice. I simply do not believe Congressional intent could have been to criminalize the widespread and common practice of government lawyers.
I concur in the judgment that the United States and its agent, an Assistant United States Attorney, did not violate
I cannot join the dissent, however, because
I
It is undisputed that the Assistant United States Attorney‘s offer of leniency to Mr. Douglas was for his testimony. See Maj. Op. at 2; Singleton, 144 F.3d at 1344. Thus, the only issue is whether
A
The majority holds that “whoever” as used in
With regard to the first class, the majority identifies “a longstanding practice sanctioning the testimony of accomplices against their confederates in exchange for leniency” as creating a vested prerogative in the government. Maj. Op. at 9. Nardone, however, limits the class of statutes under which language of general applicability excludes the government. “The rule of exclusion of the sovereign is less stringently applied where the operation of the law is upon the agents or servants of the government rather than on the sovereign itself.” Nardone, 302 U.S. at 383. The majority would transform virtually all federal “officers and agents” relating to law enforcement and prosecution into alter egos of the government, thereby rendering Nardone‘s limitation on the prerogative of the sovereign mere surplusage.3 In effect, the majority would overrule Nardone‘s
With respect to the second class recognized by Nardone, the majority‘s holding itself works an obvious absurdity by implying that a federal prosecutor who bribes a witness to supply false testimony is not subject to the criminal prohibitions of
B
The government asserts that because the Dictionary Act defines “whoever” in a manner that does not expressly include the federal government, see
II
“It is an elementary tenet of statutory construction that ‘[w]here there is no clear intention otherwise, a specific statute will not be controlled or nullified by a general one.‘” Guidry v. Sheet Metal Workers Nat‘l Pension Fund, 493 U.S. 365, 375 (1990) (quoting Morton v. Mancari, 417 U.S. 535, 550-51 (1974)). Rather, a
A
Congress has developed an extensive and detailed statutory framework authorizing sentence reductions and recommendations, immunity, and other incentives for cooperating witnesses. Federal immunity statutes, for example, which authorize prosecutors to request immunity for cooperating witnesses, see
When granted statutory immunity, the potential witness is given something of value by the government in that his immunized testimony cannot be used to prosecute him. By the same token, the government plainly gains something of value from immunizing the testimony—the testimony itself. See Mandujano, 425 U.S. at 575 (characterizing immunity as “the quid pro quo for securing an answer from the witness“). The immunity statutes give the government leverage with
The Witness Relocation and Protection Act expressly authorizes the Attorney General to provide for the relocation and protection of certain federal witnesses. See
Dispositive in this case is the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, which, as amended, authorizes courts, upon motion of the government, to reduce sentences for individuals who provide “substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another.” See
By allowing prosecutors to reward testimony with sentencing benefits, the statutes must also be read to authorize prosecutors to inform a defendant and potential witness of the possibility of such reward. Barring a prosecutor from
In totality, these various statutes create both a substantive and procedural framework for bargaining between government agents and potential witnesses. They limit the “something of value” that the government may offer, and detail the roles of both the prosecution and the courts in determining sentences, providing immunity, and granting other forms of assistance. The result is a coherent, narrowly defined set of laws that operate in the same field as the more general prohibitions of § 201(c)(2). Under long-established principles of statutory construction, where specific statutes overlap with a general statute, the latter must give way, insofar as it would prohibit that which the narrow statutes would allow.7 It is for this reason that I concur with the majority‘s result.
B
This analysis has several advantages over that of the majority. It provides both a roadmap for the bargaining process and a clearly articulated criminal statute with which to punish straying prosecutors. The majority‘s reading of § 201(c)(2), on the other hand, creates a conceptually messy legal regime for handling the case of the errant United States Attorney “who offers something other than a concession normally granted by the government,” Maj. Op. at 11, such as bribing a witness to provide false testimony.
The majority reasons that this prosecutor can be held liable because he is acting ultra vires, and is therefore “no longer the alter ego of the sovereign and is divested of the protective mantle of the government.” Maj. Op. at 11-12. The majority‘s holding, premised on the government‘s sovereign authority and the common law of exchanges of testimony for leniency, see Maj. Op. at 6, 9-10, is likely to create difficulties for authorities who, in seeking to sanction errant
As an initial observation, since the panel issued its opinion in this case, prosecutors from coast to coast have attempted to portray it as the death knell for the criminal justice system as we know it. These are the same grave forecasts made by prosecutors after the
In holding that § 201(c)(2) simply does not apply to the government, the court does not hold that leniency in exchange for testimony does not constitute “anything of value.” To be sure, the investigation and prosecution of criminal wrongdoing is an important societal function. Yet, largely missing from the debate since the panel opinion was issued is any concern for the other deeply held values that § 201(c) was intended to protect and which, I believe, the panel opinion honored by applying § 201(c) as Congress wrote it. Those concerns center on maintaining the integrity, fairness, and credibility of our system of criminal justice. Criminal judgments are accepted by society at large, and even by individual defendants, only because our system of justice is painstakingly fair. An additional core value honored by the panel opinion is the preservation of the separation of powers carefully articulated in the Constitution between the legislative and judicial branches, and the proper role of the judiciary as the law-interpreting, rather than lawmaking, branch of the federal government.
On the other side of the ledger is my concern for the institutional role of Article III courts. Much of this case has been about policy. I accept the government‘s position that accomplices can provide important information and interpreting § 201(c) to include prosecutors might require some changes to elicit testimony of some witnesses. While it would be up to the Department of Justice to devise ways of compliance, the government is not precluded from offering leniency in exchange for information and assistance short of actual testimony at trial. Likewise, the government could prosecute accomplices first, then compel their testimony by subpoena against co-conspirators.3 Finally, the
I. “Whoever” Means Whoever
The government argues that construing the word “whoever” to include the government is semantically anomalous because “whoever” connotes a being. As a textual and contextual matter, this is wrong. Textually, “whoever” clearly connotes more than a being and in fact denotes inanimate entities. The Dictionary Act,
The court suggests that the prosecutor and the sovereign are inseparable, and therefore the word “whoever” cannot apply because the United States cannot be prosecuted for providing leniency in exchange for testimony. First and foremost, “the law in this social order is not self-executing--the necessary instrument is the lawyer.” Matter of Doe, 801 F. Supp. 478, 479 (D.N.M. 1992). To suggest that government attorneys performing prosecutorial functions are beyond scrutiny because of who they represent is anomalous because it merges attorney and client. No one would suggest that an accused
Recently, Congress enacted a statute that explicitly subjects government attorneys, including federal prosecutors, to State laws and rules governing attorneys. See Omnibus Appropriations Act, Pub. L. No. 105-277, tit. VIII, § 801, 112 Stat. 2681, , (1998) (to be codified at
Beyond the government‘s sui generis definition of “whoever,” the government‘s argument rests upon the predicate that the government has the sovereign authority to prosecute criminal conduct, and applying § 201(c) to the government would impermissibly curtail that prerogative. However, applying § 201(c) to the government does not affect the
Thus, the anti-gratuity statute leaves unfettered the sovereign‘s established prerogative to charge; it merely places a restriction on one method of gathering admissible evidence, here testimony, for or against an accused. A federal prosecutor is not above the law and is not free to prove a case by any process he or she wants. See Matter of Doe, 801 F. Supp. at 484-87; In re Howes, 940 P.2d 159, 164-65 (N.M. 1997). Once the government falls into the crucible of the trial, the government, like the defendant, must
II. Section 201(c)(2) in Relation to Other Statutes
Contrary to the government‘s contentions, the defendant‘s reading of § 201(c)(2) can be reconciled with
First, the statutory language we do have in § 201(c)(2) is a better guide to legislative intent than the silence about leniency in exchange for testimony contained in these other enactments. Second, it would be pure speculation to assume that Congress intended to endorse existing practice. As noted in the panel opinion, nowhere in
Likewise, the defendant‘s reading of § 201(c)(2) can be harmonized with
Finally, the defendant‘s reading of § 201(c)(2) does not conflict with the Witness Relocation and Protection Act,
III. Tradition
If a reward be promised to a person for giving his evidence before he gives it, this, if proved disables his testimony.
And so for my own part I have always thought, that if a person have a promise of a pardon if he give evidence against one of his own confederates, this disables his testimony, if it be proved upon him.9
II Sir Matthew Hale, The History of Pleas of the Crown 280 (Sollom Emlyn ed. 1736) (footnote omitted). A narrow focus on this practice, however, ignores two other equally compelling traditions: the common law prohibition against paying fact witnesses, and the fundamental policy of ensuring a level playing field between the government and defendant in a criminal case.
Under the common law in most jurisdictions, “it is improper to pay an occurrence witness any fee for testifying.” Model Rules of Professional Conduct Rule 3.4 cmt. [3]; cf. 2 Wigmore, Evidence in Trials at Common Law § 520 (Chadbourn rev. 1979) (noting that conviction of suppression of testimony by bribery, a crime of infamy, has been adjudged to render individual incompetent to testify). “Fair competition in the adversary system is secured by prohibitions against destruction or concealment of evidence, improperly influencing witnesses, obstructive tactics in discovery procedure, and the like.”
Congress has expressed its desire that government attorneys comply with state and local federal court rules governing the practice of law. See
[W]e must understand ethical standards are not merely a guide for the lawyer‘s conduct, but are an integral part of the administration of justice. Recognizing a Government lawyer‘s role as a shepherd of justice, we must
not forget that the authority of the Government lawyer does not arise from any right of the Government, but from power entrusted to the Government. When a Government lawyer, with enormous resources at his or her disposal, abuses this power and ignores ethical standards, he or she not only undermines the public trust, but inflicts damage beyond calculation to our system of justice. This alone compels the responsible and ethical exercise of power.
Matter of Doe, 801 F. Supp. at 479-80.
Constitutional law manifests another vital legal tradition which the government‘s position undercuts—the policy of ensuring a level playing field between the government and defendant in a criminal case. The Supreme Court long ago recognized that impartiality in criminal cases requires that “[b]etween [the accused] and the state the scales are to be evenly held.” Hayes v. Missouri, 120 U.S. 68, 70 (1887). Such a policy dates back to the Bill of Rights, which was “designed to level the playing field between the defendant and the state,” Susan Bandes, Empathy, Narrative, and Victim Impact Statements, 63 U. Chi. L. Rev. 361, 402 (1996), and indeed the policy has animated landmark constitutional decisions, see, e.g., Brady v. Maryland, 373 U.S. 83, 87 (1963) (stating that “[s]ociety wins not only when the guilty are convicted but when criminals trials are fair“); Miranda, 384 U.S. at 460 (stating that privilege against self-incrimination is required, inter alia, “[t]o maintain a fair state-individual balance“) (citation and internal quotations omitted). Simply put, ours is an adversarial legal system, and implicit in this system, which pits the government against the defendant in a court of law, is the notion of
Remaining faithful to the important common law prohibition against paying fact witnesses and the fundamental policy of ensuring a level playing field between the government and defendant requires applying § 201(c)(2) to the government as its plain language suggests.
For the above reasons, I respectfully dissent. A more detailed explanation of my position has been set forth in the original panel opinion in this case. See United States v. Singleton, 144 F.3d 1343 (10th Cir. 1998).
Notes
The dissent‘s observation that both statutes employ the word “whoever” misses our point. “Whoever” includes the prosecutor in § 1622 because subornation of perjury is not an official governmental function. For purposes of this concurrence, “United States Attorney” should be read to include Assistant United States Attorneys. Like § 201(c)(2), the subornation of perjury statute applies to “[w]hoever,” and makes no exception for federal prosecutors.
Such a practice protects every legitimate prosecutorial concern expressed in this case by the government and refutes its contention that the criminal justice system would be crippled if it could not offer leniency to a defendant in exchange for testimony.
Although the remedy of exclusion of evidence based upon a statutory violation arguably constitutes a non-constitutional rule of criminal procedure, see Amicus NACDL Br. at 15-19, such a rule also would not appear to come within Teague or its exceptions to finality. Although the concerns of comity are not present when a federal court reviews federal convictions, the concern with finality apparent in Teague is no less important. Cf.
Upon motion of the Government, the court shall have the authority to impose a sentence below a level established by statute as minimum sentence so as to reflect a defendant‘s substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another person who has committed an offense. Such sentence shall be imposed in accordance with the guidelines and policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission pursuant to section 994 of title 28, United States Code.
The Commission shall assure that the guidelines reflect the general appropriateness of imposing a lower sentence than would otherwise be imposed, including a sentence that is lower than that established by statute as minimum sentence, to take into account a defendant‘s substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another person who has committed an offense.
The court, on motion of the Government . . . , may reduce a sentence to reflect a defendant‘s subsequent, substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another person who has committed an offense, in accordance with the guidelines and policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission pursuant to section 994 of title 28, United States Code.
Upon motion of the government stating that the defendant has provided substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another person who has committed an offense, the court may depart from the guidelines.
(a) The appropriate reduction shall be determined by the court for reasons stated that may include, but are not limited to, consideration of the following:
(2) the truthfulness, completeness, and reliability of any information or testimony provided by the defendant.