United States v. Nicolas Carpio-LeonUnited States v. Nicolas Carpio-Leon
Case Information
*1 Before TRAXLER, Chief Judge, and NIEMEYER and MOTZ, Circuit Judges.
Affirmed by published opinion. Judge Niemeyer wrote the opinion, in which Chief Judge Traxler and Judge Motz joined. COUNSEL ARGUED: Douglas Neal Truslow, Columbia, South Caro- lina, for Appellant. Robert Frank Daley, Jr., OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES ATTORNEY, Columbia, South Carolina, for Appellee. ON BRIEF: William N. Nettles, United States *2 Attorney, J.D. Rowell, Assistant United States Attorney, OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES ATTORNEY, Colum- bia, South Carolina, for Appellee.
OPINION
NIEMEYER, Circuit Judge:
After Nicolas Carpio-Leon, a citizen of Mexico, was
indicted for possessing firearms while being "illegally or
unlawfully in the United States," in violation of
Concluding that
I
Following a consensual search of Carpio-Leon’s home on
February 24, 2011, in Orangeburg, South Carolina, Immigra-
*3
tion and Customs Enforcement agents recovered a .22 caliber
Marlin rifle, a 9 mm Hi-Point model C pistol, and ammuni-
tion. Carpio-Leon admitted that he had stored the firearms in
his master bedroom and that he was in the United States ille-
gally. He was thereafter indicted in two counts charging him
with (1) possession of a firearm by an alien "illegally or
unlawfully in the United States," in violation of
Carpio-Leon filed a motion to dismiss Count I on the
ground that
The district court denied Carpio-Leon’s motion, concluding
that " [
After the court denied his motion to dismiss, Carpio-Leon
entered a conditional guilty plea to both counts of the indict-
ment, reserving the right to appeal the issue of
This appeal followed.
II
Carpio-Leon contends that possession of firearms typically
used for self-defense in one’s home is protected by the Sec-
ond Amendment, even when such possession is by an illegal
alien. Recognizing the historical analysis required in constru-
ing the Second Amendment, he argues that the Second
Amendment could not have been intended to exclude illegal
aliens from its scope because "in 1791, attitudes toward immi-
gration were the reverse of today’s attitudes" and "immigrants
—also known as ‘settlers’—were deemed absolutely neces-
sary to the development and survival of the new nation."
Carpio-Leon also argues that "there is no empirical evidence
demonstrating that undocumented workers (in their homes)[,]
the classification into which [he] falls[,] are any more danger-
ous to society than legal aliens or, for that matter, native born
United States citizens." Thus, he asserts,
The government contends that the Second Amendment
does not protect illegal aliens because it "codified a preexist-
ing right [to bear arms] that historically has been enjoyed
[only] by
law-abiding
, responsible citizens, and illegal aliens
are necessarily not law abiding." In any event, it argues that
We have not had occasion to address a Second Amendment
challenge to
As we have previously observed, "[a]ny Second Amend-
ment analysis must now begin with the Supreme Court’s
recent seminal decision in , which held that the Second
Amendment [providing that ‘the right of the people to keep
and bear Arms, shall not be infringed’] codified a ‘
pre-
existing
’ right that allows individuals to keep and bear arms."
United States v. Carter
, 669 F.3d 411, 414 (4th Cir. 2012)
(citing
District of Columbia v. Heller
,
Thus, the Second Amendment does not guarantee the right
to possess for
every purpose
, to possess
every type of weapon
,
to possess at
every place
, or to possess by
every person
.
See
United States v. Chester
, 628 F.3d 673, 676 (4th Cir. 2010)
("Significantly,
Heller
recognized that the right to keep and
bear arms, like other Constitutional rights, is limited in scope
and subject to some regulation");
Carter
, 669 F.3d at 415
(explaining that under
Heller
, "the right to keep and bear arms
depends not only on the purpose for which it is exercised but
also on the relevant characteristics of the person invoking the
right");
Huitron-Guizar
,
To apply , we follow the two-step approach set forth in Chester , asking first
whether the challenged law imposes a burden on conduct falling within the scope of the Second *7 Amendment’s guarantee. This historical inquiry seeks to determine whether the conduct at issue was understood to be within the scope of the right at the time of ratification. If it was not, then the challenged law is valid.
Chester , 628 F.3d at 680 (internal quotation marks and cita- tions omitted). If, however, the regulation is found to burden conduct that falls within the scope of the Second Amend- ment’s protections, "we move to the second step of applying an appropriate form of means-end scrutiny." Id.
Employing this analytical structure here, we start by deter- mining whether the scope of the Second Amendment includes the protection of aliens who are illegally in this country.
Beginning with the text, the Second Amendment provides
that "the right
of the people
to keep and bear Arms shall not
be infringed."
Heller does not make clear, however, whether illegal aliens can ever be part of the political community and therefore be included in the class of persons labeled "the people." Heller does frequently connect arms-bearing and "citizenship." For example, its analysis of the phrase "right of the people" ends by concluding, "We start therefore with a strong presumption that the Second Amendment right is exercised individually and belongs to all Americans ." , 554 U.S. at 581 *8 (emphasis added); see also id. at 595, 625, 635 (connecting citizenship and the right to bear arms). We should be cautious, however, in assuming that the Court defined "the people" as excluding illegal aliens because the Court used Verdugo- Urquidez to explain the meaning of "the people." In Verdugo- Urquidez , the Court noted that its assumption in I.N.S. v. Lopez-Mendoza , 468 U.S. 1032 (1984), that the Fourth Amendment applies to illegal aliens is not "dispositive of how the Court would rule on a Fourth Amendment claim by illegal aliens in the United States if such a claim were squarely before [it]." Verdugo-Urquidez , 494 U.S. at 272. Though Verdugo-Urquidez certainly did not rule out the possibility that illegal aliens have only limited Fourth Amendment rights, it did not rule on whether illegal aliens were part of "the peo- ple." Id. at 272–73. The Supreme Court’s precedent is there- fore not clear on whether "the people" includes illegal aliens.
Here, we need not limit our analysis to the scope of the term "the people" and thereby become enmeshed in the ques- tion of whether "the people" includes illegal aliens or whether the term has the same scope in each of its constitutional uses.* *Were we to limit our analysis to the scope of the term "the people," we would also have to recognize that groups like women, Native Ameri- cans, and blacks may not have been part of the political community at the time of the founding but are today within the class that we refer to as "the people." In this same vein, it was understood that Catholics could be dis- armed in England prior to the founding, but again today they are within the class that we refer to as "the people." The Heller Court accepted this analytical approach when it determined what today may be classified as "arms." It stated:
Some have made the argument, bordering on the frivolous, that
only those arms in existence in the 18th century are protected by
the Second Amendment. We do not interpret constitutional rights
that way. Just as the First Amendment protects modern forms of
communications, e.g.,
Reno v. American Civil Liberties Union
,
*9 This is because Heller concludes, through a distinct analysis, that the core right historically protected by the Second Amendment is the right of self-defense by "‘ law-abiding , responsible citizens.’" Carter , 669 F.3d at 416 (emphasis added) (quoting Heller , 554 U.S. at 635); see also United States v. Moore , 666 F.3d 313, 319 (4th Cir. 2012) (holding that a defendant with prior felony and violent crime convic- tions "simply does not fall within the category of citizens to which the Heller court ascribed the Second Amendment pro- tection of ‘the right of law-abiding responsible citizens to use arms in defense of hearth and home’" (quoting Heller , 554 U.S. at 635)); United States v. Masciandaro , 638 F.3d 458, 470 (4th Cir. 2011) (identifying the "fundamental," core right of the Second Amendment as self-defense in the home by a law-abiding citizen) (emphasis added), cert. denied , 132 S. Ct. 756 (2011).
The
Heller
Court reached the Second Amendment’s con-
nection to law-abiding citizens through a historical analysis,
independent of its discussion about who constitutes "the peo-
ple."
See Heller
, 554 U.S. at 579-81. The Court read
United
States v. Miller
,
Even though the Court stressed that the core right of the Second Amendment protects law-abiding members of the political community, it did not face a law prohibiting firearms possession by a particular class of persons. Nonetheless, we can employ the historical analysis it prescribed to apply its observations to this case, see Chester , 628 F.3d at 680, and thus to reach the conclusion that we do—that illegal aliens do not belong to the class of law-abiding members of the politi- cal community to whom the Second Amendment gives pro- tection.
"[M]ost scholars of the Second Amendment agree that the
right to bear arms was tied to the concept of a virtuous citi-
zenry and that, accordingly, the government could disarm
‘unvirtuous citizens.’"
United States v. Yancey
,
Colonial governments often barred "potential subversives" from owning firearms. Joyce Lee Malcolm, To Keep and Bear Arms: The Origins of an Anglo-American Right 140-41 (1994) (detailing colonial laws preventing "suspect popula- tions" from owning firearms). In several colonial states, refusal to swear allegiance to the state or the country war- ranted disarmament. Saul Cornell & Nathan DeDino, A Well *11 Regulated Right: The Early American Origins of Gun Con- trol , 73 Fordham L. Rev. 487, 506 (2004) ("During the Amer- ican Revolution, several states passed laws providing for the confiscation of weapons owned by persons refusing to swear an oath of allegiance to the state or the United States"); see also Saul Cornell, " Don’t Know Much About History": The Current Crisis in Second Amendment Scholarship , 29 N. Ky. L. Rev. 657, 671 (2002) (describing the right to bear arms in colonial Pennsylvania as a "civic right, one that was limited to those members of the polity who were deemed capable of exercising it in a virtuous manner"). Similarly, after Shays’ Rebellion, to obtain a pardon for taking up arms against the state, Massachusetts required swearing allegiance to the state and giving up firearms for three years. Cornell & DeDino, supra , at 507–08.
Also, several early proposals for the Bill of Rights demon- strate the understanding that the core protection of the Second Amendment belongs to law-abiding citizens. Delegates asked the Massachusetts Ratifying Convention to recommend bar- ring Congress from "prevent[ing] the people of the United States, who are peaceable citizens, from keeping their own arms." 2 Bernard Schwartz, The Bill of Rights: A Documen- tary History 681 (Leon Friedman et al. eds., 1971). The New Hampshire convention similarly proposed that "Congress shall never disarm any Citizen unless such as are or have been in Actual Rebellion." Id. at 761.
Finally, the prefounding English right to bear arms supports this limitation of Second Amendment rights. Cf . , 554 U.S. at 592–93 (analyzing the English law prior to the found- ing to interpret the operative clause of the Second Amend- ment). In England, the right to bear arms allowed the government to disarm those it considered disloyal or danger- ous. See Patrick J. Charles, " Arms for Their Defense"?: An Historical, Legal, and Textual Analysis of the English Right to Have Arms and Whether the Second Amendment Should Be *12 Incorporated in McDonald v. City of Chicago , 57 Clev. St. L. Rev. 351, 376, 382-83 (2009); Malcolm, supra , at 123.
Carpio-Leon’s historical evidence does not controvert the historical evidence supporting the notion that the government could disarm individuals who are not law-abiding members of the political community. Carpio-Leon argues that the histori- cal "attitudes toward immigration were the reverse of today’s attitudes" and that "[c]onsidering the country’s need for immi- grants to settle frontier areas[,] . . . denying immigrants the right to defend themselves and their families would have been unthinkable." While this observation may be true, it does not suggest that individuals who were not considered to be part of the political community and who did not follow the communi- ty’s rules were guaranteed the right to bear arms.
In reaching our conclusion that illegal aliens do not belong
to the class of law-abiding members of the political commu-
nity to whom the protection of the Second Amendment is
given, we do not hold that any person committing any crime
automatically loses the protection of the Second Amendment.
The Court’s holding that defines the core right to bear
arms by law-abiding, responsible citizens does not preclude
some future determination that persons who commit some
offenses might nonetheless remain in the protected class of
"law-abiding, responsible" persons. We only hold here that
illegal aliens
do not fall in the class of persons who are classi-
fied as law-abiding members of the political community for
the purpose of defining the Second Amendment’s scope.
See
Portillo-Munoz
, 643 F.3d at 440 (concluding that illegal
aliens are not protected by the Second Amendment because
"[i]llegal aliens are not ‘law-abiding, responsible citizens’");
Moore
,
*13
And we readily confirm our limited holding as to illegal
aliens by their particular relationship to the United States.
Defining aliens as illegal emanates from "the power to expel
or exclude aliens [which is] a fundamental
sovereign attribute
exercised by the Government’s political departments [that is]
largely immune from judicial control."
Shaughnessy v. United
States ex rel. Mezei
, 345 U.S. 206, 210 (1953) (emphasis
added). Thus, the crime of illegal entry inherently carries this
additional aspect that leaves an illegal alien’s status substan-
tially unprotected by the Constitution in many respects.
See,
e.g.
,
Zadvydas v. Davis
,
And because the regulation of aliens’ entry into the United
States draws on the exercise of national sovereignty, "the
responsibility for regulating the relationship between the
United States and our alien visitors has been committed to the
political branches of the Federal Government."
Mathews v.
Diaz
,
Thus, when Congress regulates illegal aliens by prohibiting
them from possessing firearms,
see
For the reasons given, we hold that the Second Amendment right to bear arms does not extend to illegal aliens, and there- fore, without the need of proceeding to the second step of Chester , we conclude that Carpio-Leon’s constitutional chal- lenge under the Second Amendment must fail.
III
Carpio-Leon also contends that
The government contends that
There is no disputing that illegal aliens are "persons" pro-
tected by the Fifth Amendment.
See Mathews
,
Carpio-Leon cannot show that there is no rational relation-
ship between prohibiting illegal aliens from bearing firearms
and the legitimate government goal of public safety. To the
contrary, courts have identified numerous legitimate reasons
why it would be dangerous to permit illegal aliens to arm
themselves. For instance, illegal aliens are "harder to trace
and more likely to assume a false identity[,] [o]r Congress
may have concluded that those who show a willingness to
defy our law are candidates for further misfeasance or at least
a group that ought not be armed when authorities seek them."
Huitron-Guizar
,
The Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968
itself advances a rational basis for
(1) a burden on commerce or threat affecting the free flow of commerce,
(2) a threat to the safety of the President of the United States and Vice President of the United States,
* * *
(4) a threat to the continued and effective operation of the Government of the United States and of the government of each State guaranteed by article IV of the Constitution.
Pub. L. No. 90-351, § 1201, 82 Stat. 236.
Carpio-Leon cites empirical studies that, he contends, show
that undocumented workers are no more dangerous to society
than are native born United States citizens. But the usefulness
of such studies are at best limited and certainly do not focus
on the class of
illegal
aliens, which is the basis for
Accordingly, we conclude that
The judgment of the district court is AFFIRMED .