United States v. ArizonaUnited States v. Arizona
Lead Opinion
Opinion by Judge PAEZ; Concurrence by Judge NOONAN; Partial Concurrence and Partial Dissent by Judge BEA.
OPINION
In April 2010, in response to a serious problem of unauthorized immigration along the Arizona-Mexico border, the State of Arizona enacted its own immigration law enforcement policy. Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act, as amended by H.B. 2162 (“S.B. 1070”), “make[s] attrition through enforcement the public policy of all state and local government agencies in Arizona.” S.B. 1070 § 1. The provisions of S.B. 1070 are distinct from federal immigration laws. To achieve this policy of attrition, S.B.
Before Arizona’s new immigration law went into effect, the United States sued the State of Arizona in federal district court alleging that S.B. 1070 violated the Supremacy Clause on the grounds that it was preempted by the Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA”), and that it violated the Commerce Clause. Along with its complaint, the United States filed a motion for injunctive relief seeking to enjoin implementation of S.B. 1070 in its entirety until a final decision is made about its constitutionality. Although the United States requested that the law be enjoined in its entirety, it specifically argued facial challenges to only six select provisions of the law. United States v. Arizona,
The district court granted the United States’ motion for a preliminary injunction in part, enjoining enforcement of S.B. 1070 Sections 2(B), 3, 5(C), and 6, on the basis that federal law likely preempts these provisions. Id. at 1008. Arizona appealed the grant of injunctive relief, arguing that these four sections are not likely preempted; the United States did not cross-appeal the partial denial of injunctive relief. Thus, the United States’ likelihood of success on its federal preemption argument against these four sections is the central issue this appeal presents.
We have jurisdiction to review the district court’s order under
Standard of Review
We review the district court’s grant of a preliminary injunction for abuse of discretion. Sw. Voter Registration Educ. Project v. Shelley,
Discussion
I. General Preemption Principles
The federal preemption doctrine stems from the Supremacy Clause,
[M]ust be guided by two cornerstones of [the Supreme Court’s] pre-emption ju*345 risprudence. First, the purpose of Congress is the ultimate touchstone in every pre-emption case.... Second, [i]n all preemption cases, and particularly in those in which Congress has legislated ... in a field which the States have traditionally occupied, ... [courts] start with the assumption that the historic police powers of the Statеs were not to be superseded by the Federal Act unless that was the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.
Wyeth v. Levine,
Even if Congress has not explicitly provided for preemption in a given statute, the Supreme Court “ha[s] found that state law must yield to a congressional Act in at least two circumstances.” Crosby,
We recently applied the facial challenge standard from United States v. Salerno,
Thus, under Salerno, “the challenger must establish that no set of circumstances exists under which the Act
II. Section 2(B)
S.B. 1070 Section 2(B) provides, in the first sentence, that when officers have reasonable suspicion that someone they have lawfully stopped, detained, or arrested is an unauthorized immigrant, they “shall” make “a reasonable attempt ... when practicable, to determine the immigration status” of the person.
A. Interpretation of Section 2(B)
To review the district court’s preliminary injunction of Section 2(B), we must first determine how the Section’s sentences relate to each other. Arizona argues that Section 2(B) does not require its officers to determine the immigration status of every person who is arrested. Arizona maintains that the language in the second sentence, “[a]ny person who is arrested shall have the person’s immigration status determined,” should be read in conjunction with the first sentence requiring officers to make “a reasonable attempt ... when practicable, to determine the immigration status” of a person they have stopped, detained, or arrested, if there is reasonable suspicion the person is an unauthorized immigrant. That is, Arizona argues that its officers are only required to verify the immigration status of an arrested person before release if reasonable suspicion exists that the person lacks proper documentation.
On its face, the text does not support Arizona’s reading of Section 2(B). The second sentence is unambiguous: “Any person who is arrested shall have the person’s immigration status determined before the person is released.”
In addition, Arizona’s reading creates irreconcilable confusion as to the meaning of the third and fifth sentences. The third sentence, which follows the requirement of determining status prior to an arrestee being released, provides that “[t]he person’s immigration status shall be verified with the federal government.” The fifth sentence enumerates several forms of identification that will provide a presumption that a person is lawfully documented. These two sentences must apply to different — and unrelated — status-checking requirements since one mandates contact with the federal government and a definite verification of status, while the other permits a mere unverified presumption of status, assuming the presumption is not rebutted by other facts. Arizona’s reading would give law enforcement officers conflicting direction. That is, under Arizona’s reading, if an officer arrests a person and reasonably suspects that the arrestee is undocumented, but the arrestee provides a valid Arizona driver’s license, is the officer no longer bound by the third sentence’s requirement that he or she “shall” verify the arrestee’s status with the federal government?
We agree with the district court that the reasonable suspicion requirement in the first sentence does not modify the plain meaning of the second sentence. Thus, Section 2(B) requires officers to verify — with the federal government — the immigration status of all arrestees before they are released, regardless of whether or not reasonable suspicion exists that the arrestee is an undocumented immigrant. Our interpretation gives effect to “arrest” in the first sentence and “arrest” in the second sentence. The first and second
B. Preemption of Section 2(B)
As the Supreme Court recently instructed, every preemption analysis “must be guided by two cornerstones.” Wyeth,
We begin with “the purpose of Congress” by examining the text of
These provisions demonstrate that Congress intended for states to be involved in the enforcement of immigration laws under the Attorney General’s close supervision. Not only must the Attorney General approve of each individual state officer, he or she must delineate which functions each individual officer is permitted to perform, as evidenced by the disjunctive “or” in subsection (g)(l)’s list of “investigation,
We note that in subsection (g)(10), Congress qualified its other
Nothing in this subsection shall be construed to require an agreement ... in order for any officer or employee of a State ... (A) to communicate with the Attorney General regarding the immigration status of any individual ... or (B) otherwise to cooperate with the Attorney General in the identification, apprehension, detention, or removal of aliens not lawfully present.
The inclusion of the word “removal” in subsection (g)(10)(B) supports our narrow interpretation of subsection (g)(10). Even state and local officers authorized under
In sum,
Arizona argues that in another INA provision, “Congress has expressed a clear intent to encourage the assistance from state and local law enforcement officers,” citing
We agree that
In addition to providing the Attorney General wide discretion in the contents of each
By imposing mandatory obligations on state and local officers, Arizona interferes with the federal government’s authority to implement its priorities and strategies in law enforcement, turning Arizona officers
In light of this guidance, Section 2(B)’s interference with Congressionally-granted Executive discretion weighs in favor of preemption. Section 2(B)’s “unyielding” mandatory directives to Arizona law enforcement officers “undermine! ] the President’s intended statutory authority” to establish immigration enforcement priorities and strategies. Crosby,
In light of the above, S.B. 1070 Section 2(B) “stands as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of Congress” as expressed in the aforementioned INA provisions. Hines,
In addition to Section 2(B) standing as an obstacle to Congress’ statutorily expressed intent, the record unmistakably demonstrates that S.B. 1070 has had a deleterious effect on the United States’ foreign relations, which weighs in favor of preemption. See generally Garamendi,
The record before this court demonstrates that S.B. 1070 does not threaten a “likelihood ... [of] producing] something more than incidental effect;” rather, Arizona’s law has created actual foreign policy problems of a magnitude far greater than incidental. Garamendi,
In addition to criticizing S.B. 1070, Mexico has taken affirmative steps to protest it. As a direct result of the Arizona law, at least five of the six Mexican Governors invited to travel to Phoenix to participate in the September 8-10, 2010 U.S.-Mexico Border Governors’ Conference declined the invitation. The Mexican Senate has postponed review of a U.S.-Mexico agreement on emergency management cooperation to deal with natural disasters.
In Crosby, the Supreme Court gave weight to the fact that the Assistant Secretary of State said that the state law at issue “has complicated its dealings with foreign sovereigns.”
Finally, the threat of 50 states layering their own immigration enforcement rules on top of the INA also weighs in favor of preemption. In Wis. Dep’t of Indus., Labor and Human Relations v. Gould Inc.,
In light of the foregoing, we conclude that the United States has met its burden to show that there is likely no set of circumstances under which S.B. 1070 Section 2(B) would be valid, and it is likely to succeed on the merits of its challenge. The district court did not abuse its discretion by concluding the same.
III. Section 3
S.B. 1070 Section 3 provides: “In addition to any violation of federal law, a person is guilty of willful failure to complete or carry an alien registration document if the person is in violation of
Starting with the touchstones of preemption, punishing unauthorized immigrants for their failure to comply with federal registration laws is not a field that states have “traditionally occupied.” Wyeth,
Determining Congress’ purpose, and whether Section 3 poses an obstacle to it, first requires that we evaluate the text of the federal registration requirements in
Arizona argues that Section 3 is not preempted because Congress has “invited states to reinforce federal alien classifications.” Attempting to support this argument, Arizona cites INA sections outside the registration scheme where Congress has expressly indicated how and under what conditions states should help the federal government in immigration regulation. See
In addition, S.B. 1070 Section 3 plainly stands in opposition to the Supreme Court’s direction: “where the federal government, in the exercise of its superior authority in this field, has enacted a complete scheme of regulation and has therein provided a standard for the registration of aliens, states cannot, inconsistently with the purpose of Congress, conflict or interfere with, curtail or complement, the federal law, or enforce additional or auxiliary regulations.” Hines,
The Supreme Court’s more recent preemption decisions involving comprehensive federal statutory schemes also indicate that federal law preempts S.B. 1070 Section 3. In Buckman, the Supreme Court held that the Food Drug and Cosmetics Act (“FDCA”) conflict preempted a state law fraud claim against defendants who allegedly made misrepresentations to the Food and Drug Administration (“FDA”).
By contrast, the Supreme Court found that state law claims were not preempted in Medtronic, Inc. v. Lohr,
In addition, as detailed with respect to Section 2(B) above, S.B. 1070’s detrimental effect on foreign affairs, and its potential to lead to 50 different state immigration schemes piling on top of the federal scheme, weigh in favor of the preemption of Section 3.
IV. Section 5(C)
S.B. 1070 Section 5(C) provides that it “is unlawful for a person who is unlawfully present in the United States and who is an unauthorized alien to knowingly apply for work, solicit work in a public place or perform work as an employee or independent contractor in this state.”
We have previously found that “because the power to regulate the employment of unauthorized aliens remains within the states’ historic police powers, an assumption of non-preemption applies here.” Chicanos Por La Causa, Inc. v. Napolitano,
Within the INA, Congress first tackled the problem of unauthorized immigrant employment in the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (“IRCA”). We have previously reviewed IRCA’s legislative history and Congress’ decision not to criminalize unauthorized work. See Nat’l Ctr. for Immigrants’ Rights, Inc. v. I.N.S.,
In National Center, we considered whether the INA, through
At oral argument, Arizona asserted that National Center does not control our analysis of Section 5(C) because it addressed the limited issue of whether the
The text of the relevant IRCA statutory provision —
In addition, other provisions in
Subsection 1324a(g)(l) demonstrates Congress’ intent to protect unauthorized immigrant workers from financial exploitation — a burden less severe than incarceration. This section provides that “[i]t is unlawful for a person or other entity, in the hiring ... of any individual, to require the individual to post a bond or security, to pay or agree to pay an amount, or otherwise to provide a financial guarantee or indemnity, against any potential liability arising under this section relating to such hiring ... of the individual.” Subsection 1324a(e) provides for a system of complaints, investigation, and adjudication by administrative judges for employers who violate subsection (g)(1). The penalty for a violation is “$1,000 for each violation” and “an administrative order requiring the return of any amounts received ... to the employee or, if the employee cannot be located, to the general fund of the Treasury.”
We therefore conclude that the text of
[D]eliberate federal inaction could always imply preemption, which cannot be. There is no federal preemption in vacuo, without a constitutional text or a federal statute to assert it. Where a comprehensive federal scheme intentionally leaves a portion of the regulated field without controls, then the preemptive inference can be drawn — not from federal inaction alone, but from inaction joined with action.
Id. at 503,
The present case, however, presents facts likely to support the kind of preemptive inference that the Supreme Court endorsed, but did not find, in Isla. Here, Congress’ inaction in not criminalizing work, joined with its action of making it illegal to hire unauthorized workers, justifies a preemptive inference that Congress intended to prohibit states from criminalizing work. Far from the situation in Isla, Congress has not “withdrawn all substantial involvement” in preventing unautho
We are also guided by the Supreme Court’s recognition, even before IRCA, that a “primary purpose in restricting immigration is to preserve jobs for American workers.” Sure-Tan, Inc. v. NLRB,
In the context of unauthorized immigrant employment, Congress has deliberately crafted a very particular calibration of force which does not include the criminalization of work. By criminalizing work, S.B. 1070 Section 5(C) constitutes a substantial departure from the approach Congress has chosen to battle this particular problem. Therefore, Arizona’s assertion that this provision “furthers the strong federal policy” does not advance its argument against preemption. Sharing a goal with the United States does not permit Arizona to “pull[ ] levers of influence that the federal Act does not reach.” Crosby,
In addition, as detailed with respect to Section 2(B) above, S.B. 1070’s detrimental effect on foreign affairs, and its potential to lead to 50 different state immigration schemes piling on top of the federal scheme, weigh in favor of the preemption of Section 5(C).
In light of the foregoing, we conclude that the United States has met its burden to show that there is likely no set of circumstances under which S.B. 1070 Section 5(C) would not be preempted, and it is likely to succeed on the merits of its challenge. The district court did not abuse its discretion by concluding the same.
V. Section 6
S.B. 1070 Section 6 provides that “[a] peace officer, without a warrant, may arrest a person if the officer has probable cause to believe ... [t]he person to be arrested has committed any public offense that makes the person removable from the United States.”
Thus, the question we must decide is whether federal law likely preempts Arizona from allowing its officers to effect warrantless arrests based on probable cause of removability. Because arresting immigrants for civil immigration violations is not a “field which the States have traditionally occupied,” we do not start with a presumption against preemption of Section 6. Wyeth,
We first turn to whether Section 6 is consistent with Congressional intent. As authorized by
(1) is an alien illegally present in the United States; and
(2) has previously been convicted of а felony in the United States and deported or left the United States after such conviction, but only after the State or local law enforcement officials obtain appropriate confirmation from the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the status of such individual.
Thus, Section 6 significantly expands the circumstances in which Congress has allowed state and local officers to arrest immigrants. Federal law does not allow these officers to conduct warrantless arrests based on probable cause of civil removability, but Section 6 does. Therefore, Section 6 interferes with the carefully calibrated scheme of immigration enforcement that Congress has adopted, and it appears to be preempted. Arizona suggests, however, that it has the inherent authority to enforce federal civil removability without federal authorization, and therefore that the United States will not ultimately prevail on the merits. We do not agree. Contrary to the State’s view, we simply are not persuaded that Arizona has the authority to unilaterally transform state and local law enforcement officers into a state-controlled DHS force to carry out its declared policy of attrition.
We have previously suggested that states do not have the inherent authority to enforce the civil provisions of federal immigration law. In Gonzales v. City of Peoria,
We recognize that our view conflicts with the Tenth Circuit’s. See United States v. Vasquez-Alvarez,
With such a threat to our public safety posed by criminal aliens, one would think that we would give law enforcement all the tools it needs to remove these criminals from our streets, but unfortunately just the opposite is true. In fact, the Federal Government has tied the hands of our State and local law enforcement officials by actually prohibiting them from doing their job of protecting public safety. I was dismayed to learn that the current Federal law prohibits State and local law enforcement officials from arresting and detaining criminal aliens whom they encountered through their routine duties
My amendment would also permit State and local law enforcement officials to assist the INS by granting them the authority in their normal course of duty to arrest and detain criminal aliens until the INS can properly take them into Federal custody.
My amendment is supported by our local law enforcement because they know that fighting illegal immigration can no longer be left solely to Federal agencies. Let us untie the hands of those we ask to protect us and include my amendment in H.R. 2703 today.
Id. at 1298 (citing 142 Cong. Rec. 4619 (1996) (comments of Rep. Doolittle)). Interpreting these comments, the Tenth Circuit stated: “As discussed at length above,
The Tenth Circuit’s interpretation of this legislative history is not persuasive.
Vasquez-Alvarez also cited “subsequent Congressional enactments providing additional nonexclusive sources of authority for state and local officers to enforce federal immigration laws” in support of its conclusion that
Subsection (g)(10) neither grants, nor assumes the preexistence of, inherent state authority to enforce civil immigration laws in the absence of federal supervision. If such authority existed, all of
In sum, we are not persuaded that Arizona has the inherent authority to enforce the civil provisions of federal immigration law. Therefore, Arizona must be federally-authorized to conduct such enforcement. Congress has created a comprehensive and carefully calibrated scheme — and has authorized the Executive to promulgate extensive regulations — for adjudicating and enforcing civil removability. S.B. 1070 Section 6 exceeds the scope of federal authorization for Arizona’s state and local officers to enforce the civil provisions of federal immigration law. Section 6 interferes with the federal government’s prerogative to make removability determinations and set priorities with regard to the enforcement of civil immigration laws. Accordingly, Section 6 stands as an obstacle to the full purposes and objectives of Congress.
In addition, as detailed with respect to Section 2(B) above, S.B. 1070’s detrimental effect on foreign affairs, and its potential to lead to 50 different state immigration schemes piling on top of the federal
In light of the foregoing, we conclude that the United States has met its burden to show that there is likely no set of circumstances under which S.B. 1070 Section 6 would be valid, and it is likely to sucсeed on the merits of its challenge. The district court did not abuse its discretion by concluding the same.
VI. Equitable Factors
Once a party moving for a preliminary injunction has demonstrated that it is likely to succeed on the merits, courts must consider whether the party will suffer irreparable harm absent injunctive relief, and whether the balance of the equities and the public interest favor granting an injunction. Winter v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc.,
We have “stated that an alleged constitutional infringement will often alone constitute irreparable harm.” Assoc. Gen. Contractors v. Coal. For Econ. Equity,
Accordingly, we find that as to the S.B. 1070 Sections on which the United States is likely to prevail, the district court did not abuse its discretion in finding that the United States demonstrated that it faced irreparable harm and that granting the preliminary injunction properly balanced the equities and was in the public interest.
Conclusion
For the foregoing reasons, we AFFIRM the preliminary injunction enjoining enforcement of S.B. 1070 Sections 2(B), 3, 5(C), and 6.
AFFIRMED; REMANDED.
Notes
. A party seeking a preliminary injunction has the burden to demonstrate that (1) it is likely to succeed on the merits of the claim, (2) it will suffer irreparable harm absent injunctive relief, and (3) that the balance of the equities and the public interest favor granting the injunction. Winter v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc.,
. The Supreme Court has recognized "that the categories of preemption are not 'rigidly distinct.’ ” Crosby,
. Although we use the Salerno standard in a preemption analysis, it is not entirely clear from relevant Supreme Court cases the extent to which the Salerno doctrine applies to a facial preemption challenge. Crosby,
. Here, we conclude that the relevant provisions of S.B. 1070 facially conflict with Congressional intent as expressed in provisions of the INA. If that were not the case, as in Sprint, we would have next considered whether the statute could be applied in a constitutional manner.
. Section 2(B) of Arizona’s law provides:
For any lawful stop, detention or arrest made by [an Arizona] law enforcement official or a law enforcement agency ... in the enforcement of any other law or ordinance of a county, city or town [of] this state where reasonable suspicion exists that the person is an alien and is unlawfully present in the United States, a reasonable attempt shall be made, when practicable, to determine the immigration status of the person, except if the determination may hinder or obstruct an investigation. Any person who is arrested shall have the person’s immigration status determined before the person is released. The person's immigration status shall be verified with the federal government pursuant to8 United States Code section 1373(c) ... A person is presumed to not be an alien who is unlawfully present in the United States if the person provides to the law enforcement officer or agency any of the following:
1. A valid Arizona driver license.
2. A valid Arizona nonoperating identification license.
3. A valid tribal enrollment card or other form of tribal identification.
4. If the entity requires proof of legal presence in the United States before issuance, any valid United States federal, state or local government issued identification.
. We have carefully considered the dissent and we respond to its arguments as appropriate. We do not, however, respond where the dissent has resorted to fairy tale quotes and other superfluous and distracting rhetoric. These devices make light of the seriousness of the issues before this court and distract from the legitimate judicial disagreements that separate the majority and dissent.
. The dissent claims that Section 2(B) "merely requires Arizona officers to inquire into the immigration status of suspected” undocumented immigrants; that "simply informing federal authorities of the presence of an [undocumented immigrant] ... represents the full extent of Section 2(B)'s limited scope.” Dissent at 379. Section 2(B) requires much more than mere inquires — it requires that people be detained until those inquiries are settled, and in the event of an arrest, the person may not be released until the arresting agency obtains verification of the person’s immigration status. Detention, whether intended or not, is an unavoidable consequence of Section 2(B)'s mandate.
. In a footnote, the dissent constructs an imaginary scenario where officers in the Pima County Sheriff's Office are confused by our holding that they must have a
. Our interpretation of subsection (g)(10) is also supported by
. We also agree with the dissent that “Congress envisioned, intended, and encouraged inter-governmental cooperation between state and federal agencies, at least as to information regarding a person’s immigration status.” Dissent at 382. We are convinced,
. Arizona also cites
. The Court's decision in Hines,
. Arizona submitted a declaration from Otto Reich, who served in previous Administrations as, among other things, the U.S. Ambassador to Venezuela, former Assistant Administrator of USAID, and the Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs. Mr. Reich currently works in the private sector, and as a result, the district court could properly give little weight to his rebuttal of Mr. Steinberg’s assertions about the impact of S.B. 1070 on current foreign affairs.
. Thus, Arizona's extensive criticism of this court for permitting foreign governments to file Amicus Curiae briefs is misguided. These briefs are relevant to our decision-making in this case insofar as they demonstrate the factual effects of Arizona's law on U.S. foreign affairs, an issue that the Supreme Court has directed us to consider in preemption cases.
The Federal Government, representing as it does the collective interests of the forty-eight states, is entrusted with full and exclusive responsibility for the conduct of affairs with foreign sovereignties. "For local interests the several states of the Union exist, but for national purposes, embracing our relations with foreign nations, we are but one people, one nation, one power.” Our system of government is such that the interest of the cities, counties and states, no less than the interest of the people of the whole nation, imperatively requires that federal power in the field affecting foreign relations be left entirely free from local interference.
Hines,
.
. We are also unpersuaded by Arizona’s contention that our decision in Air Conditioning & Refrigeration Inst. v. Energy Res. Conservation & Dev. Comm’n,
. We find it particularly relevant here that during the hearings which shaped IRCA, the Executive Assistant to the INS Commissioner stated that the INS did “not expect the individual to starve in the United States while he is exhausting both the administrative and judicial roads that the [INA] gives him.” National Center,
. In Chicanos Por La Causa, Inc. v. Napolitano,
. Arizona law defines "public offense” as "conduct for which a sentence to a term of imprisonment or of a fine is provided by any law of the state in which it occurred or by any
. Arizona argues that we should "construe[ ] section 6 so as to require officers to confirm with federal authorities that an alien has committed a public offense that makes the alien
. The dissent argues that "the Supreme Court explicitly recognized — in one of our California cases — that state police officers have authority to question a suspect regarding his or her immigration status.” Dissent at 387 (citing Muehler v. Mena,
. The dissent’s characterization of our discussion of Urrieta is inaccurate. See Dissent at 385-86. We do not "rely” on Urrieta to conclude that states do not have the inherent authority to enforce the civil provisions of federal immigration law. We cite this case in laying out the existing legal landscape on this issue.
In addition, the dissent states that we "ignore clear Supreme Court precedent” in concluding states do not possess this inherent authority. Dissent at 386. The dissent cites three Supreme Court cases dealing with state officers enforcing federal criminal laws. These cases are inapposite, as Section 6 concerns state enforcement of federal civil immigration laws. Although the dissent conflates federal criminal and civil immigration laws in this matter, this court has long recognized the distinction. See Martinez-Medina v. Holder, - F.3d -, - (9th Cir.2011) ("Nor is there any other federal criminal statute making unlawful presence in the United States, alone, a federal crime, although an alien’s willful failure to register his presence in the United States when required to do so is a crime ... and other criminal statutes may be applicable in a particular circumstance. Therefore, Gonzales's observation that 'an alien who is illegally present in the United States ... [commits] only a civil violation,' and its holding that an alien's 'admission of illegal presence ... does not, without more, provide probable cause of the criminal violation of illegal entry,’ always were, and remain, the law of the circuit, binding on law enforcement officers.”) (quoting Gonzales,
. The dissent alleges that we have improperly focused on a single Representative's comment in assessing the meaning of
. The U.S. Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel ("OLC”) issued a memorandum in 2002 — at which time OLC was headed by then Assistant Attorney General Jay S. Bybee, now a United States Circuit Judge, as Arizona emphasizes — concluding that (1) the authority to arrest for violation of federal law inheres in the states, subject only to preemption by federal law; (2) a 1996 OLC memo incorrectly concluded that state police lack the authority to arrest immigrants on the basis of civil deportability; and (3)
The dissent quotes from the 2002 OLC memo in claiming that
The dissent also claims that "Congress has authority to enact legislation which is designed merely to clarify, without affecting the distribution of power.” Dissent at 390. The dissent cites language from the Reaffirmation — Reference to One Nation Under God in the Pledge of Allegiance, stating, “An Act to reaffirm the reference to one Nation under God.” Pub.L. No. 107-293 (2002). The dissent’s argument is unavailing, as
Concurrence Opinion
concurring:
I concur in the opinion of the court. I write separately to emphasize the intent of the statute and its incompatibility with federal foreign policy.
Consideration of the constitutionality of the statute begins with Section 1 of the law, which in entirety, reads as follows:
Sec. 1. Intent
The legislature finds that there is a compelling interest in the cooperative enforcement of federal immigration laws throughout all of Arizona. The legislature declares that the intent of this act is to make attrition through enforcement the public policy of all state and local government agencies in Arizona. The provisions of this act are intended to work together to discourage and deter the unlawful entry and presence of aliens and economic activity by persons unlawfully present in the United States.
This section of the act constitutes an authoritative statement of the legislative purpose. The purpose is “attrition,” a noun which is unmodified but which can only refer to the attrition of the population of immigrants unlawfully in the state. The purpose is to be accomplished by “enforcement,” also unmodified but in context re
It would be difficult to set out more explicitly the policy of a state in regard to aliens unlawfully present not only in the state but in the United States. The presence of these persons is to be discouraged and deterred. Their number is to be diminished. Without qualification, Arizona establishes its policy on immigration.
As Section 1 requires, each section of the statute must be read with its stated purpose in mind. Section 2 might, in isolation from Section 1, be read as requiring information only. Such a reading would ignore the intent established in Section 1, to secure attrition through enforcement. As the United States observes, Arizona already had the capability of obtaining information on immigrants by consulting the federal database maintained by the federal government. Section 2 of the statute provides for more — for the detention of immigrants to achieve the purpose of the statute. Section 2 is not intended as a means of acquiring information. It is intended to work with the other provisions of the act to achieve enforcement.
As the opinion of the court makes clear, Sections 3, 5 and 6 are unconstitutional. Section 2 is equally unconstitutional in its function as their support.
Section l’s profession of “cooperative” enforcement of federal immigration laws does not alter Arizona’s enactment of its own immigration policy distinct from the immigration policy and the broader foreign policy of the United States.
Federal foreign policy is a pleonasm. What foreign policy can a federal nation have except a national policy? That fifty individual states or one individual state should have a foreign policy is absurdity too gross to be entertained. In matters affecting the intercourse of the federal nation with other nations, the federal nation must speak with one voice.
That immigration policy is a subset of foreign policy follows from its subject: the admission, regulation and control of foreigners within the United States. By its subject, immigration policy determines the domestication of aliens as American citizens. It affects the nation’s interactions with foreign populations and foreign nations. It affects the travel of foreigners here and the trade conducted by foreigners here. It equally and reciprocally bears on the travel and trade of Americans abroad. As the declarations of several countries or governmental bodies demonstrate in this case, what is done to foreigners here has a bearing on how Americans will be regarded and treated abroad.
That the movement of the people of one nation into the boundaries of another nation is a matter of national security is scarcely a doubtful or debatable matter. Almost everyone is familiar with how the movement of the Angles and the Saxons into Roman Britain transformed that country. The situation of the United States is less precarious. Nonetheless, an estimated 10.8 million foreigners have illegally taken up residence in our country. U.S. Dept, of Homeland Sec., Office of Immigration Statistics, Estimates of the Unauthorized Immigrant Population Residing in the United States: January 2010 at 2. True, at the maximum, their number is less than 4% of our population. They are not about to outnumber our citizens. Still, in individual towns and areas those illegally present can be a substantial presence.
The local impact appears to call for local response. Yet ineluctably the issue is national. The people of other nations are entering our nation and settling within its borders contrary to our nation’s stated requirements. We must deal with people of other nations and so must deal with other nations. The problems are local but our whole nation is affected. Reasonably, the nation has made enforcement of criminal sanctions against aliens criminally present in the United States the top priority of the federal government. United States Sentencing Commission, Overview of Federal Criminal Cases Fiscal Year 2009 at 1.
Against this background, the following propositions are clear:
The foreign policy of the United States preempts the field entered by Arizona. Foreign policy is not and cannot be determined by the several states. Foreign policy is determined by the natiоn as the nation interacts with other nations. Whatever in any substantial degree attempts to express a policy by a single state or by several states toward other nations enters an exclusively federal field.
Federal foreign policy is determined by Congress when Congress exercises the power to declare war conferred upon it by Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution. Foreign policy is also determined by the Senate when it exercises the power to ratify a treaty, the power conferred upon it by Article II, Section 2. Congress also determines foreign policy when it lays excise taxes upon foreign imports under Article I, Section 8. Congress further determines foreign policy when it authorizes sanctions against a nation, e.g., Crosby v. National Foreign Trade Council, 530 U.S.
363,
(2000).
The foreign policy of the nation consists in more than a declaration of war, the making of a treaty, the imposition of a tax, and the imposition of sanctions. The foreign policy of the nation is also established by acts of executive power — among others, executive agreements with foreign nations; the appointment of ambassadors to foreign nations; the exchange of information with foreign governments; the encouragement of trade with foreign countries; and the facilitation of the travel abroad of Americans and of travel within the United States by foreigners. In these several ways a federal foreign policy is forged that is as palpable and durable as that expressed by a particular act of legislation or by the ratification of a particular treaty.
Less than eight years ago the Supreme Court reviewed and reaffirmed the position of the Executive Branch in forming foreign policy preemptive of legislation by a state. Am. Ins. Ass’n v. Garamendi,
To take one example from our relations to our nearest neighbor to the South, it is an expression of federal foreign policy that the State Department issues passports by whose use approximately twenty million American citizens enter Mexico annually, while the State Department annually issues approximately one million visas which enable citizens of Mexico to enter this country. U.S. Dep’t of Commerce, Int’l Trade Admin., 2009 United States Resident Travel Abroad 3 (2010); U.S. Dep’t of State, Report of the Visa Office 2010 at Table XVII (2011).
The foreign policy of the United States is further established by trade agreements made between this country and Mexico manifesting the desire to permit the importation of a variety of goods from Mexico and the desire to export goods from the United States into Mexico.
An objective assessment of the foreign policy of the United States toward Mexico would pronounce that policy to be one of cordiality, friendship and cooperation. The tangible expression of this policy is the export of $14.8 billion in goods in January 2011 and the importation of $19.7 billion in goods from Mexico in the same month. News Release, U.S. Census Bureau, U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, U.S. Int’l Trade in Goods and Services 16 (March 10, 2011).
Understandably, the United States finds such a policy preemptive of a single state’s uninvited effort to enter the field of immigration law.
The Arizona statute before us has become a symbol. For those sympathetic to immigrants to the United States, it is a challenge and a chilling foretaste of what other states might attempt. For those burdened by unlawful immigration, it suggests how a state could tackle that problem. It is not our function, however, to evaluate the statute as a symbol. We are asked to assess the constitutionality of five sections on their face integrated by the intent stated in Section 1. If we read Section 1 of the statute, the statute states the purpose of providing a solution to illegal immigration into the United States. So read, the statute is a singular entry into the foreign policy of the United States by a single state. The district court properly enjoined implementation of the four sections of the statute.
Concurrence Opinion
concurring in part and dissenting in part:
I quite agree with the majority that “[t]he purpose of Congress is the ultimate touchstone” in determining whether Arizona’s S.B. 1070 is preempted under the Supremacy Clause. Retail Clerks v. Schermerhom,
By its very enactment of statutes, Congress has provided important roles for state and local officials to play in the enforcement of federal immigration law. First, the states úbe free, even without an explicit agreement with the
Nonetheless, the United States has here challenged Arizona S.B. 1070 before it went into effect and, thus, made a facial challenge to the legislation. “A facial challenge to a legislative Act is, of course, the most difficult challenge to mount successfully, since the challenger must establish that no set of circumstances exists under which the Act would be valid.” United States v. Salerno,
In determining whether a law is facially invalid, we must be careful not to go beyond the statute’s facial requirements and speculate about “hypothetical” or “imaginary” cases.... Exercising judicial restraint in a facial challenge frees the Court not only from unnecessary pronouncement on constitutional issues, but also from premature interpretations of statutes in areas where their constitutional application might be cloudy.
It is urged that all law enforcement officials, including state and local law enforcement agencies take steps to support the enforcement of federal immigration laws by investigating and determining the immigration status of all non-citizens taken into custody, incarcerated, or under investigation for any crime and notifying federal authorities of all illegal immigrants discovered as a result of such investigations.
Facial challenges are disfavored for several reasons. Claims of facial invalidity often rest on speculation. As a consequence, they raise the risk of premature interpretation of statutes on the basis of factually barebones records. Facial challenges also run contrary to the fundamental principle of judicial restraint that courts should neither anticipate a question of constitutional law in advance of the necessity of deciding it nor formulate a rule of constitutional law broader than is required by the precise facts to which it is to be applied. Finally, facial challenges threaten to short circuit the democratic process by preventing laws embodying the will of the people from being implemented in a manner consistent with the Constitution. We must keep in mind that [a] ruling of unconstitutionality frustrates the intent of the elected representatives of the people.
Id. at 450-51,
Our task, then, is — or should be — to examine the Arizona legislation and relevant federal statutes to determine whether, under the United States’ facial challenge, S.B. 1070 has applications that do not conflict with Congress’s intent. I respectfully dissent from the majority opinion as to Sections 2(B) (entitled “Cooperation and assistance in enforcement of immigration laws; indemnificаtion”) and 6 (entitled “Arrest by officer without warrant”), finding their reasoning as to Congress’s intent without support in the relevant statutes and case law. As to Sections 3 and 5(C), I concur in the result and the majority of the reasoning, although I dissent to the portion of the majority’s reasoning which allows complaining foreign countries to preempt a state law. I address S.B. 1070’s sections in numerical order, as the majority did.
I. Section 2(B)
I dissent from the majority’s determination that Section 2(B) of Arizona S.B. 1070
The district court found that Section 2(B) resulted in an unconstitutional invasion of the province of federal immigration law for a variety of reasons. But there seems little point to examine and rebut the district court’s findings, because the majority opinion does not adopt any of them.
A.
As noted above, Congress has clearly stated its intention to have state and local agents assist in the enforcement of federal immigration law, at least as to the identification of illegal aliens, in two federal code sections. First is
The Immigration and Naturalization Service shall respond to an inquiry by a Federal, State, or local government agency, seeking to verify or ascertain the citizenship or immigration status of any individual within the jurisdiction of the agency for any purpose authorized by law, by providing the requested verification or status information.
The majority misstates my interpretation of
B.
The second federal code section which states Congress’s intention to have state authorities assist in identifying illegal aliens is
Nothing in this subsection shall be construed to require an agreement under this subsection in order for any officer or employee of a State or political subdivision of a State' — ■
(A) to communicate with the Attorney General regarding the immigration status of any individual, including reporting knowledge that a particular alien is not lawfully present in the United States; or
(B) otherwise to cooperate with the Attorney General in the identification, apprehension, detention, or removal of aliens not lawfully present in the United States.
The majority’s error is to read
1. They are “called upon” by the Attorney General; OR
2. There is a “necessity”; AND
3. Such cooperаtion is “incidental,” rather than “systematic and routine.”
Maj. Op. at 349-50. I concede the majority’s insertion of the quoted terms into
Unless the state officers are subject to a written agreement described in
Further, “the meaning of a statute must, in the first instance, be sought in the language in which the act is framed, and if that is plain, and if the law is
I agree with the majority that “we must determine how the many provisions of [the] vastly complex [INA] function together.” Maj. Op. at 351. However, the majority opinion’s interpretation of
The majority’s attempt to straight-jacket local and state inquiries as to immigration status to what “terms” the “federal government” dictates reveals the fundamental divide in our views. The majority finds the intent of “the government” decisive; I look to Congress’s intent — as required by Supreme Court preemption law.
Further, to “cooperate” means, I submit, “to act or operate jointly, with another or others, to the same end; to work or labor with mutual efforts to promote the same object.” Webster’s New Twentieth Century Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged (Jean L. McKechnie ed., 1979). It does not mean that each person cooperating need be capable of doing all portions of the common task by himself. We often speak of a prosecution’s “cooperating witness,” but it doesn’t occur to anyone that the witness himself cannot be “cooperating” unless he is able to prosecute and convict the defendant himself. Hence, the inability of a state police officer to “remove” an alien from the United States does not imply the officer is unable to cooperate with the federal authorities to achieve the alien’s removal.
The provision of authority whereby the Attorney General may “deputize” state police officers allows the Attorney General to define the scope and duration of the state officers’ authority, as well as “direct[ ] and supervis[e]” the state officers in performing immigration functions.
This conclusion is confirmed by a close comparison of the language in each part of
Another limitation of authority inferred by the majority from
C. Section 2(B)’s limited scope
Next, the majority seems to believe that when a state officer (1) initiates the identification of an illegal alien by checking the alien’s immigration status with federal officials pursuant to
Although it is true that Section 2(B) requires Arizona officers to detain an arrestee suspected of being an illegal alien before releasing the alien, this does little to broaden Section 2(B)’s scope. First, because this is a facial challenge, we must assume that Arizona police officers will comply with federal law and the Constitution in executing Section 2(B). Second, Arizona has built a safeguard into Section 2 which requires that Section 2(B)’s immigration status checking mechanisms be executed in a manner consistent with federal law. See Section 2(L) (“This section shall be implemented in a manner consistent with federal laws regulating immigration, protecting the civil rights of all persons and respecting the privileges and immunities of United States citizens.”). Finally, it would be absurd to assume that Congress would permit states to check a person’s immigration status, see
The majority also finds that state officers reporting illegal aliens to federal officers, Arizona would interfere with ICE’s “priorities and strategies.” Maj. Op. at 351. It is only by speaking in such important-sounding abstractions — “priorities and strategies” — that such an argument can be made palatable to the unquestioning. How can simply informing federal authorities of the presence of an illegal alien, which represents the full extent of Section 2(B)’s limited scope of state-federal interaction, possibly interfere with federal priorities and strategies — unless such priorities and strategies are to avoid learning of the presence of illegal aliens? What
The internal policies of ICE do not and cannot change this result. The power to preempt lies with Congress, not with the Executive; as such, an agency such as ICE can preempt state law only when such power has been delegated to it by Congress. See North Dakota v. United States,
D. Supreme Court preemption cases
The Supreme Court’s decisions in Crosby v. National Foreign Trade Council,
Neither does the Supreme Court’s preemption jurisprudence in the field of foreign relations change the conclusion that Section 2(B) is not preempted. In Crosby, Massachusetts passed a law which restricted state entities from buying goods or services from those doing business with Burma.
Because the state Act’s provisions conflict with Congress’s specific delegation to the President of flexible discretion, with limitation of sanctions to a limited scope of actions and actors, and with direction to develop a comprehensive, multilateral strategy under the federal Act, it is preempted, and its application is unconstitutional, under the Supremacy Clause.
Id. at 388,
In American Insurance Ass’n v. Garamendi
Thus, as Crosby and Garamendi demonstrate, it is not simply any effect on foreign relations generally which leads to preemption, as the majority asserts. See Maj. Op. at 352-54. Instead, a state law is preempted because it conflicts with federal law only when the state law’s effect on foreign relations conflicts with federally established foreign relations goals. In Crosby, the state law conflicted with the degree of trade Congress decided to allow with Burma, and the discretion explicitly given to the Executive to make trade decisions. In Garamendi, the state law imposed an investigatory and litigation burden inconsistent with the rules the Executive Agreement had created. Here, however, there is no established foreign relations policy goal with which Section 2(B) may be claimed to conflict. The majority contends that Section 2(B) “thwarts the Executive’s ability to singularly manage the spillover effects of the nation’s immigration laws on foreign affairs.” Maj. Op. at 354.
First, the majority fails to identify a federal foreign relation policy which establishes the United States must avoid “spill
Finally, the majority errs in finding that the threat of all 50 states layering their own immigration rules on top of federal law weighs in favor of preemption. In Buckman, the Supreme Court stated: “As a practical matter, complying with the FDA’s detailed regulatory regime in the shadow of 50 States’ tort regimes will dramatically increase the burdens facing potential applicants burdens not contemplated by Congress in enacting the FDCA and the MDA”
Conclusion
As demonstrated above, Congress envisioned, intended, and encouraged intergovernmental cooperation between state and federal agencies, at least as to information regarding a person’s immigration status, for the proper and efficient enforcement of federal immigration law. While
I concur with the majority that Section 3, which penalizes an alien’s failure to carry documentation as required by federal immigration statutes, impermissibly infringes on the federal government’s uniform, integrated, and comprehensive system of registration which lеaves no room for its enforcement by the state. I also concur with the majority that Section 5(C), which penalizes an illegal alien for working or seeking work, conflicts with Congress’s intent to focus on employer penalties, an intent determined by this court in National Center for Immigrants’ Rights, Inc. v. I.N.S.,
However, for the reasons discussed above as to Section 2, I disagree with the majority’s foreign-relations rationale. The majority fails to identify a foreign relations policy, established by Congress, with which Sections 3 and 5 conflict; a foreign nation may not cause a state law to be preempted simply by complaining about the law’s effects on foreign relations generally. We do not grant other nations’ foreign ministries a “heckler’s veto.”
III. Section 6
The majority’s analysis of S.B. 1070 Section 6
The only contention made by the United States in this litigation with respect to Section 6 is that, due to the complexity inherent in determining whether a specific crime makes an alien removable, Arizona police officers will ineluctably burden legal aliens through erroneous warrantless arrests. Not a very strong contention at that, since counsel for the United States all but conceded this argument’s flaw as to this facial challenge at oral argument by admitting that Arizona police officers could very easily determine that some crimes, such as murder, would make an alien removable. Thus, the analysis of this section should have been simple — Section 6 was facially constitutional because a “set of circumstances” existed under which no “complexity” existed: an Arizona police officer comes across an alien convicted of murder; he is removable; he can be lawfully arrested. See Salerno,
Instead, the majority misrepresents Arizona’s attempt to assist the federal government as “unilaterally transforming] state
For its newly-minted-but-not-argued position, the majority relies extensively on
As noted by the majority opinion, Section 6 applies to three different scenarios: (1) when there is probable cause to believe a person committed a removable offense in a state other than Arizona; (2) when there is probable cause to believe that an individual committed a removable offense in Arizona, served his or her time for the crime, and was released; and (3) when there is probable cause to believe an individual committed a removable offense, but was not prosecuted. The question before us is whether warrantless arrests by state police officers in these three scenarios conflict with Congress’s intent.
A. Inherent authority of state officers to enforce federal immigration law
As an initial matter, it is notable that the United States never once asserted, either at oral argument or in its briefs, that Arizona officers are without the power to enforce the civil provisions of immigration law. Indeed, counsel for the United States at oral argument actually confirmed state officers’ authority to arrest aliens on the basis of civil removability. See Oral Argument at 58:40-59:40 (stating that Section 6 would be constitutional if it required Arizona officers to contact ICE regarding whether a crime renders an alien removable).
The majority rejects the existence of this inherent state authority by citing one case from this court in which we “assumed” states lacked such authority. In Gonzales v. City of Peoria, this court held state police officers could enforce criminal provisions of the INA.
We assume that the civil provisions of the Act regulating authorized entry, length of stay, residence status, and deportation, constitute such a pervasive regulatory scheme, as would be consistent with the exclusive federal power over immigration. However, this case does not concern that broad scheme, but only a narrow and distinct element of it — the regulation of criminal immigration activity by aliens.
Id. at 474-75 (emphasis added). The majority erred in simply accepting Gonzales’s assumption, in dicta, without performing any additional inquiry into whether it was indeed correct.
The majority also missteps in relying on an abbreviated analysis in United States v. Urrieta,
This conclusion, however, completely ignored the existence and effect of
Moreover, the majority ignores clear Supreme Court precedent in concluding that state officers cannot make warrantless arrests because federal immigration officers cannot make warrantless arrests under the same circumstances pursuant to
The conclusion that state police officers have the inherent authority to enforce the civil provisions of federal immigration law is supported by Mena v. City of Simi Valley,
As the Court of Appeals did not hold that the detention was prolonged by the questioning, there was no additional seizure within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment. Hence, the officers did not need reasonable suspicion to ask Mena for her name, date and place of birth, or immigration status.
Muehler v. Mena,
B. Non-preemption of states’ inherent enforcement authority
Next, the majority errs in finding that
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, to the extent permitted by relevant State and local law, State and local law enforcement officials are authorized to arrest and detain an individual who—
(1) is an alien illegally present in the United States; and
(2) has previously been convicted of a felony in the United States and deported or left the United States after such conviction,
but only after the State or local law enforcement officials obtain appropriate confirmation from the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the status of such individual and only for such period of time as may be required for the Service to take the individual into Federal custody for purposes of deporting or removing the alien from the United States.
Unable to cite any text in
This legislative history does not contain the slightest indication that Congress intended to displace any preexisting enforcement powers already in the hands of state and local officers. Accordingly, neither the text of the statute nor its legislative history support Vasquez’s claim that§ 1252c expressly preempts state law.
Id. at 1299.
The majority takes a single Representative’s comment — that states lacked the authority to arrest illegal aliens and that
Representative Doolittle did not identify which “current Federal law” prohibited “State and local law enforcement officials from arresting and detaining criminal aliens.” Neither the United States nor Vasquez has identified any such preexisting law. Furthermore, this court has not been able to identify any pre-§ 1252c limitations on the powers of state and local officers to enforce federal law.
Id. at 1299 n. 4; see also United States v. Anderson,
The Tenth Circuit went on to note that Congress subsequently “passed a series of provisions designed to encourage cooperation between the federal government and the states in the enforcement of federal immigration laws.” Vasquez-Alvarez,
Nothing in this subsection [1357(g) ] shall be construed to require an agreement under this subsection in order for any officer or employee of a State or political subdivision of a State ... otherwise to cooperate with the Attorney General in the identification, apprehension, detention, or removal of aliens not lawfully present in the United States.
The majority contends that
Absent subsection (g)(10), one might argue that the authority created by
Neither does this interpretation render
If, for example, a court were otherwise inclined (per the Ninth Circuit’s dicta in Gonzales [v. City of Peoria,722 F.2d 468 (9th Cir.1983) ]) to misconstrue the provisions of the INA as preempting state authority to arrest for civil deport-ability,section 1252c would operate to ensure that state police at least retained the authority to make such arrests of aliens who had previously been convicted of a felony and had been deported or had left the United States after such conviction.
2002 OLC Opinion at 11. Moreover, Congress has authority to enact legislation which is designed merely to clarify, without affecting the distribution of power. See, e.g., Reaffirmation — Reference to One Nation Under God in the Pledge of Allegiance, Pub L. No. 107-293 (2002) (“An Act To reaffirm the reference to one Nation under God in the Pledge of Allegiance.” (emphasis added)). Thus,
Conclusion
In conclusion, Section 6 is not preempted and is constitutional. The United States all but conceded the only argument it made in this court and the court below. On the merits of the majority’s sua sponte suggestion that state officers can act in the immigration enforcement field pursuant
IV. Conclusion
The majority misreads the meaning of the relevant federal statutes to ignore what is plain in the statutes — Congress intended state and local police officers to participate in the enforcement of federal immigration law. Sections 2 and 6 do not conflict with this intent, and thus are constitutional.
. In August 2007, the attorney general of New Jersey issued a directive which stated:
When a local, county, or State law enforcement officer makes an arrest for any indictable crime, or for driving while intoxicated, the arresting officer or a designated officer, as part of the booking process, shall inquire about the arrestee’s citizenship, nationality and immigration status. If the officer has reason to believe that the person may not be lawfully present in the United States, the officer shall notify [ICE] during the arrest booking process.
Anne Milgram, Attorney General Law Enforcement Directive No.2007-3.
. Rhode Island Executive Order 08-01, "Illegal Immigration Control Order,” issued March 27, 2008, states at paragraph 6:
. "While some Members of the [Supreme] Court have criticized the Salerno formulation, all agree that a facial challenge must fail where the statute has a 'plainly legitimate sweep.’ " Wash. State Grange,
. Section 2(B) of S.B. 1070 provides in relevant part:
For any lawful stop, detention or arrest made by[an Arizona] law enforcement official or a law enforcement agency ... in the enforcement of any other law or ordinance of a county, city or town or this state where reasonable suspicion exists that the person is an alien and is unlawfully present in the United States, a reasonable attempt shall be made, when practicable, to determine the immigration status of the person, except if the determination may hinder or obstruct an investigation. Any person who is arrested shall have the person’s immigration status determined before the person is released. The person's immigration status shall be verified with the federal government pursuant to8 United States Code section 1373(c) ... A person is presumed to not be an alien who is unlawfully present in the United States if the person provides to the law enforcement officer or agency any of the following:
1. A valid Arizona driver license.
2. A valid Arizona nonoperating identification license.
3. A valid tribal enrollment card or other form of tribal identification.
4. If the entity requires proof of legal presence in the United States before issuance, any valid United States federal,*372 state or local government issued identification.
Ariz.Rev.Stal. Ann.
. The majority has apparently mastered its Lewis Carroll:
“I don’t know what you mean by ‘glory,’ ” Alice said.
Humpty Dumpty smiled contemptuously. "Of course you don't — till I tell you. I meant 'there’s a nice knock-down argument for you!’ ”
"But 'glory' doesn't mean 'a nice knockdown argument,' ” Alice objected.
“When / use a word,” Humpty Dumpty said, in rather a scornful tone, “it means just what I choose it to mean — neither more nor less.”
"The question is,” said Alice, "whether you can make words mean so many different things.”
"The question is,” said Humpty Dumpty, "which is to be master — that’s all.”
Lewis Carroll, Through the Looking Glass and What Alice Found There, in THE ANNOTATED ALICE: THE DEFINITIVE EDITION 213 (Martin Gardner ed., Norton Publishers) (2000).
I am disappointed the majority does not take Lewis Carroll’s humorous example of word traducing seriously to explain how the majority’s use of "nothing” in
'Twas the saying of an ancient sage that humour was the only test of gravity, and gravity of humour. For a subject which would not bear raillery was suspicious; and a jest which would not bear a serious examination was certainly false wit.
Anthony Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury, Essay on the Freedom of Wit and Humour, sec. 5 (1709).
However, it is not accurate to imply that recourse to the estimable Humpty-Dumpty is to slip the bounds of judicial argument. A quick Westlaw search shows six mentions in Supreme Court opinions of Humpty Dumpty's views as to how the meanings of words can be changed, and another dozen in this court— including one case in which the author of the majority here concurred. See Scribner v. WorldCom, Inc.,
. It is curious the majority opinion spends as much time as it does interpreting the language of Section 2(B) to be a mandate of immigration status checks of every arrestee, regardless whether there is reasonable suspicion he is an illegal alien — contrary to Arizona’s interpretation of its own statute. Maj. Op. at 347-48. That interpretation was used by the district court to conclude state actions would result in invasion of the federal province of immigration enforcement, by overburdening federal immigration status checking resources. The majority adopts the district court's statutory analysis of Section
Of course, it is awkward indeed to argue that immigration status inquiries by state officials can "overburden” federal officials when
. The statute has not been amended to reflect that the Immigration and Naturalization Service ceased to exist in 2003. ICE, an agency within the Department of Homeland Security, now performs the immigration-related functions.
. Another example of federal authorization for state inquiries into an alien's immigration status is
. We strive to read Congress’s enactments in a reasonable manner. Am. Tobacco Co. v. Patterson,
Rather than explain the content of the conditions which it invents — "called upon,” "necessity,” “systematic,” and "routine” — the majority turns up its nose at a scenario made all-loo-probable by its vague limitations; limitations themselves bereft of structure for lack of citation of authority. As in the case of its refusal to refute its traducing of statutory language (see footnote 5, supra), the majority declaims the impropriety of my criticisms, rather than discuss why they are wrong. But that does not shed any light on the question likely to be asked by the Sheriff's Deputy: "When can I detain a suspect to check his immigration status?”
. The majority contends its interpretation of
. It is ironic that while construing Section 2(B) so as to make the second sentence thereof an independent mandate to run immigration checks on all arrestees, the majority does not apply the same canon to make
. Of course, were the federal authorities to do just that — turn away the cooperation of state officials — they might be subject to criticism for not enforcing federal immigration law by failing to remove identified illegal aliens. Worse, since police departments tend to keep pesky records of communications, the exact amount of refusals of state assistance, and the future consequences of failing to remove illegal aliens, might make it into the Press, with perhaps embarrassing or impolitic results. These considerations, of course, should not affect the preemption analysis.
. S.B. 1070 Section 6 provides that "[a] peace officer, without a warrant, may arrest a person if the officer has probable cause to believe ... [t]he person to be arrested has committed any public offense that makes the person removable from the United States.”
. Indeed, the total treatment of
. Actual text from oral argument:
DEPUTY SOLICITOR GENERAL KNEEDLER: No, I think [Section 6] continues to present the problems that the [District] Court identified because there’s no requirement in Section 6 that the state or local officer contact ICE in order to find whether an offense is removable. The individual with, the officer would have to make a judgment as to whether the public offense in the other state was also a public offense in Arizona, and then determine whether it would in turn lead to a removal—
JUDGE NOONAN: But the response is like Judge Paez suggested earlier, second-degree murder is the crime.
DEPUTY SOLICITOR GENERAL KNEEDLER: Well, in some, in that situation, it would probably, you know, it would probably be possible to make that determination. JUDGE NOONAN: Then why, so it doesn't, you have a Salerno problem with respect to Section 6?
DEPUTY SOLICITOR GENERAL KNEEDLER: Well, I don't think so because there's no requirement to check with ICE, first of all, and the INA, that's that responsibility for making removability determinations in the Federal Government. There may be some situations in which something could be done otherwise.
(emphases added).
. The United States likely did not adopt the majority's
. Gonzales’ dicta is not binding on this panel. In United States v. Johnson,
Where it is clear that a statement is made casually and without analysis, where the statement is uttered in passing without due consideration of the alternatives, or where it is merely a prelude to another legal issue that commands the panel's full attention, it may be appropriate to re-visit the issue in a later case.
Id. at 915. Here, the Gonzales panel’s statement regarding the civil provisions was "made casually and without analysis”; indeed, the panel even admitted they "assume[d]” the conclusion. It takes no analysis to assume. Further, the statement on INA's civil provisions was "merely a prelude to another legal issue.” Immediately after making the statement, the panel noted that the "case d[id] not concern” the civil provisions. Therefore, this panel is not bound by the Gonzales court's assumption, in dicta, regarding the INA's civil provisions.
. Although it is true that the federal laws in these cases were criminal, rather than civil, the Supreme Court was careful to couch its holdings in terms of "federal laws” generally, without referencе to whether such laws were criminal in nature. This court's holding in Gonzales that illegal presence, alone, is not a crime — recently reaffirmed by this court in Martinez-Medina v. Holder, - F.3d -, - (9th Cir.2011) — is inapposite. As discussed above, the question whether state and local officers could enforce civil immigration laws was not before the court in Gonzales, and therefore its “distinction” between criminal and civil immigration laws is inexistent. See Maj. Op. at 363 n. 22.
. The majority contends “Mena did not recognize that state officers can enforce federal civil immigration law with no federal supervision or involvement.” Maj. Op. at 363 n. 21. It is true that an INS officer was present when the state and local officers questioned Mena regarding her immigration status. However, the actions of the INS officer were not before the Court; it was the conduct of the state and local officers which the Court scrutinized. See Mena,
. Again, Vasquez claimed that in his case. The United States has made no such claim here. See supra footnote 14.
. The majority contends it is hypocritical that I criticize the majority’s reliance on a single representative’s comments while supporting the Tenth Circuit’s approach in Vasquez-Alvarez — which also relied on this representative’s comments. To the extent the Tenth Circuit relied affirmatively on Rep. Doolittle's comments, I agree with the majority that such reliance was misguided. Nonetheless, the Tenth Circuit also noted what the legislative history failed to demonstrate: an intent to displace preexisting state arrest authority. See Vasquez-Alvarez,
.
. But I can criticize the majority for initiating a needless circuit split between our court and the Tenth Circuit, contrary to our own declared preference to avoid such circuit splits. See, e.g., United States v. Alexander,
. Indeed, this is what the majority does even with the presence of § 1357(g)(10).
. The majority criticizes my use of the 2002 OLC Opinion. Maj. Op. at 365 n. 24. I agree with the majority’s assertion that the OLC Opinion does not bind this court. I quote it, however, not for its authority, but to rebut the majority’s contention that § 1252c is superfluous.
The majority is correct that the legislative history accompanying § 1252c does not con-lain reaffirming language like that found in Reaffirmation — Reference to One Nation Under God in the Pledge of Allegiance, Pub L. No. 107-293 (2002). Indeed, § 1252c's legislative history contains nothing more than the floor debate discussed previously. Again, the point of this citation is simply to demonstrate the various, non-superfluous motivations for Congressional action which do not explicitly alter the status quo.