Lead Opinion
The Hobbs Act makes it a crime for a person to affect commerce, or to attempt to do so, by robbery.
The answer to this question is straightforward and dictated by our precedent. We held in Gonzales v. Raich,
In this case, petitioner Anthony Taylor was convicted on two Hobbs Act counts based on proof that he attempted to rob marijuana dealers of their drugs and drug money. We hold that this evidence was sufficient to satisfy the Act's commerce element.
I
Beginning as early as 2009, an outlaw gang called the "Southwest Goonz" committed a series of home invasion robberies targeting drug dealers in the area of Roanoke, Virginia.
The first attempted drug robbery for which Taylor was convicted occurred in August 2009. Id ., at 220. Taylor and others targeted the home of Josh Whorley, having obtained information that Whorley dealt "exotic and high grade" marijuana.
The second attempted drug robbery occurred two months later in October 2009 at the home of William Lynch.
For his participation in these two home invasions, Taylor was indicted under the Hobbs Act on two counts of affecting commerce or attempting to do so through robbery. App. 11a-13a. His first trial resulted in a hung jury. On retrial, at the urging of the Government, the District Court precluded Taylor from introducing evidence that the drug dealers he targeted might be dealing in only locally grown marijuana.
On appeal, Taylor challenged the sufficiency of the evidence to prove the commerce element of the Hobbs Act, but the Fourth Circuit affirmed. "Because drug dealing in the aggregate necessarily affects interstate commerce," the court reasoned, "the government was simply required *2079to prove that Taylor depleted or attempted to deplete the assets of such an operation."
We granted certiorari to resolve a conflict in the Circuits regarding the demands of the Hobbs Act's commerce element in cases involving the theft of drugs and drug proceeds from drug dealers. 576 U.S. ----,
II
A
The Hobbs Act provides in relevant part as follows:
"Whoever in any way or degree obstructs, delays, or affects commerce or the movement of any article or commodity in commerce, by robbery ... or attempts or conspires so to do ... shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than twenty years, or both."18 U.S.C. § 1951 (a).
The Act then defines the term "commerce" to mean
"commerce within the District of Columbia, or any Territory or Possession of the United States; all commerce between any point in a State, Territory, Possession, or the District of Columbia and any point outside thereof; all commerce between points within the same State through any place outside such State; and all other commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction." § 1951(b)(3).
The language of the Hobbs Act is unmistakably broad. It reaches any obstruction, delay, or other effect on commerce, even if small, and the Act's definition of commerce encompasses "all ... commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction."
B
To determine how far this commerce element extends-and what the Government must prove to meet it-we look to our Commerce Clause cases. We have said that there are three categories of activity that Congress may regulate under its commerce power: (1) "the use of the channels of interstate commerce"; (2) "the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or persons or things in interstate commerce, even though the threat may come only from intrastate activities"; and (3) "those activities having a substantial relation to interstate commerce, ... i.e., those activities that substantially affect interstate commerce." United States v. Lopez,
While this final category is broad, "thus far in our Nation's history our cases have upheld Commerce Clause regulation of intrastate activity only where that activity is *2080economic in nature." United States v. Morrison,
In this case, the activity at issue, the sale of marijuana, is unquestionably an economic activity. It is, to be sure, a form of business that is illegal under federal law and the laws of most States. But there can be no question that marijuana trafficking is a moneymaking endeavor-and a potentially lucrative one at that.
In Raich, the Court addressed Congress's authority to regulate the marijuana market. The Court reaffirmed "Congress' power to regulate purely local activities that are part of an economic 'class of activities' that have a substantial effect on interstate commerce."
The case now before us requires no more than that we graft our holding in Raich onto the commerce element of the Hobbs Act. The Hobbs Act criminalizes robberies affecting "commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction." § 1951(b)(3). Under Raich, the market for marijuana, including its intrastate aspects, is "commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction." It therefore follows as a simple matter of logic that a robber who affects or attempts to affect even the intrastate sale of marijuana grown within the State affects or attempts to affect commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction.
C
Rejecting this logic, Taylor takes the position that the robbery or attempted robbery of a drug dealer's inventory violates the Hobbs Act only if the Government proves something more. This argument rests in part on the fact that Raich concerned the Controlled Substances Act (CSA), the criminal provisions of which lack a jurisdictional element. See
This argument is flawed. It confuses the standard of proof with the meaning of the element that must be proved. There is no question that the Government in a Hobbs Act prosecution must prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendant engaged in conduct that satisfies the Act's commerce element, but the meaning of that element is a question of law. And, as noted, Raich established that the purely intrastate production and sale of marijuana is commerce over which the Federal Government has jurisdiction. Therefore, if the Government proves beyond a reasonable *2081doubt that a robber targeted a marijuana dealer's drugs or illegal proceeds, the Government has proved beyond a reasonable doubt that commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction was affected.
The only way to escape that conclusion would be to hold that the Hobbs Act does not exercise the full measure of Congress's commerce power. But we reached the opposite conclusion more than 50 years ago, see Stirone,
This conclusion does not make the commerce provision of the Hobbs Act superfluous. That statute, unlike the criminal provisions of the CSA, applies to forms of conduct that, even in the aggregate, may not substantially affect commerce. The Act's commerce element ensures that applications of the Act do not exceed Congress's authority. But in a case like this one, where the target of a robbery is a drug dealer, proof that the defendant's conduct in and of itself affected or threatened commerce is not needed. All that is needed is proof that the defendant's conduct fell within a category of conduct that, in the aggregate, had the requisite effect.
D
Contrary to the dissent, see post, at 2087 - 2088 (opinion of THOMAS, J.), today's holding merely applies-it in no way expands-Raich 's interpretation of the scope of Congress's power under the Commerce Clause. The dissent resists the substantial-effects approach and the aggregation principle on which Raich is based, see post, at 2087 - 2088. But we have not been asked to reconsider Raich . So our decision in Raich controls the outcome here. As long as Congress may regulate the purely intrastate possession and sale of illegal drugs, Congress may criminalize the theft or attempted theft of those same drugs.
We reiterate what this means. In order to obtain a conviction under the Hobbs Act for the robbery or attempted robbery of a drug dealer, the Government need not show that the drugs that a defendant stole or attempted to steal either traveled or were destined for transport across state lines. Rather, to satisfy the Act's commerce element, it is enough that a defendant knowingly stole or attempted to steal drugs or drug proceeds, for, as a matter of law, the market for illegal drugs is "commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction." And it makes no difference under our cases that any actual or threatened effect on commerce in a particular case is minimal. See Perez v. United States,
E
In the present case, the Government met its burden by introducing evidence that Taylor's gang intentionally targeted drug dealers to obtain drugs and drug proceeds. One of the victims had been robbed of substantial quantities of drugs at his residence in the past, and the other was thought to possess high-grade marijuana. The robbers also made explicit statements in the course of the robberies revealing that they believed that the victims possessed drugs and drug proceeds. Tr. 359 (asking Lynch "where the weed at"); id ., at 93 (asking Whorley "where the money was at, where the weed was at"); id ., at 212-213 (asking Whorley, "Where is your money and where is your weed at?"). Both robberies were committed with the *2082express intent to obtain illegal drugs and the proceeds from the sale of illegal drugs. Such proof is sufficient to meet the commerce element of the Hobbs Act.
Our holding today is limited to cases in which the defendant targets drug dealers for the purpose of stealing drugs or drug proceeds. We do not resolve what the Government must prove to establish Hobbs Act robbery where some other type of business or victim is targeted. See, e.g., Stirone,
* * *
The judgment of the Fourth Circuit is affirmed.
It is so ordered.
Dissenting Opinion
The Hobbs Act makes it a federal crime to commit a robbery that "affects" "commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction."
I
In making it a federal crime to commit a robbery that "affects commerce," § 1951(a), the Hobbs Act invokes the full reach of Congress' commerce power: The Act defines "commerce" to embrace "all ... commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction." § 1951(b)(3). To determine the Hobbs Act's reach, I start by examining the limitations on Congress' authority to punish robbery under its commerce power. In light of those limitations and in accordance with the Hobbs Act's text, I would hold that the Government in a Hobbs Act case may obtain a conviction for robbery only if it proves, beyond a reasonable doubt, that the defendant's robbery itself affected interstate commerce. The Government may not obtain a conviction by proving only that the defendant's robbery affected intrastate commerce or other intrastate activity.
A
Congress possesses only limited authority to prohibit and punish robbery. "The Constitution creates a Federal Government of enumerated powers." United States v. Lopez,
Beyond the four express grants of federal criminal authority, then, Congress may validly enact criminal laws only to the extent that doing so is "necessary and proper for carrying into Execution" its enumerated powers or other powers that the Constitution vests in the Federal Government. Art. I, § 8, cl. 18. As Chief Justice Marshall explained, "the [federal] government may, legitimately, punish any violation of its laws" as a necessary and proper means for carrying into execution Congress' enumerated powers. McCulloch v. Maryland,
The scope of Congress' power to punish robbery in the Hobbs Act-or in any federal statute-must be assessed in light of these principles. The Commerce Clause-the constitutional provision that the Hobbs Act most clearly invokes-does not authorize Congress to punish robbery. That Clause authorizes Congress to regulate "Commerce ... among the several States." Art. I, § 8, cl. 3. Robbery is not "Commerce" under that Clause. At the founding, "commerce" "consisted of selling, buying, and bartering, as well as transporting for these purposes." Lopez,
Because Congress has no freestanding power to punish robbery and because robbery is not itself "Commerce," Congress may prohibit and punish robbery only to the extent that doing so is "necessary and proper for carrying into Execution" Congress' power to regulate commerce. Art. I, § 8, cl. 18. To be "necessary," Congress' prohibition of robbery must be "plainly adapted" to regulating interstate commerce. McCulloch,
B
With those principles in mind, I turn to the Hobbs Act. The Act provides,
*2084"Whoever in any way or degree obstructs, delays, or affects commerce or the movement of any article or commodity in commerce, by robbery or extortion or attempts or conspires so to do, or commits or threatens physical violence to any person or property in furtherance of a plan or purpose to do anything in violation of this section shall be [punished]."18 U.S.C. § 1951 (a).
In keeping with Congress' authority to regulate certain commerce-but not robbery generally-the central feature of a Hobbs Act crime is an effect on commerce. The Act begins by focusing on commerce and then carefully describes the required relationship between the proscribed conduct and commerce: The Act uses active verbs-"obstructs," "delays," "affects"-to describe how a robbery must relate to commerce, making clear that a defendant's robbery must affect commerce.
The Act's reach depends on the meaning of "commerce," which the Act defines as
"commerce within the District of Columbia, or any Territory or Possession of the United States; all commerce between any point in a State, Territory, Possession, or the District of Columbia and any point outside thereof; all commerce between points within the same State through any place outside such State; and all other commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction." § 1951(b)(3).
As noted above, this provision is comprehensive and appears to invoke all of Congress' commerce power. The first clause of the definition invokes Congress' broad police power, including power over internal commerce, in the District of Columbia and the Territories. See Art. I, § 8, cl. 17 (District of Columbia); Art. IV, § 3, cl. 2 (territories). The second and third clauses most clearly invoke those broad powers as well as Congress' power "[t]o regulate Commerce ... among the several States." Art. I, § 8, cl. 3. The final clause invokes all federal commerce power not covered in the previous clauses. It invokes (to the extent that the second and third clauses do not already do so) Congress' authority "[t]o regulate Commerce with foreign Nations ... and with the Indian Tribes."
The critical question in this case is whether the commerce definition's final clause extends further, to some intrastate activity. Given the limitations imposed by the Constitution, I would construe this clause not to reach such activity.
As explained above, for the Hobbs Act to constitutionally prohibit robberies that interfere with intrastate activity, that prohibition would need to be "necessary and proper for carrying into Execution" Congress' power to regulate interstate commerce, Art. I, § 8, cls. 3, 18. See Part I-A, supra . Punishing a local robbery-one that affects only intrastate commerce or other intrastate activity-cannot satisfy that standard. Punishing a local robbery does not bear a "direct relation" to the regulation of interstate commerce, so it would not be "necessary." Raich,
Thus, the Hobbs Act reaches a local robbery only when that particular robbery "obstructs, delays, or affects" interstate commerce. §§ 1951(a), 1951(b)(3). So construed, the Hobbs Act validly punishes robbery. Congress' power "[t]o regulate Commerce ... among the several States," Art. I, § 8, cl. 3, "would lack force or practical effect if Congress lacked the authority to enact criminal laws" prohibiting interference with interstate commerce or the movement of articles or goods in interstate commerce, Comstock,
Robberies that might satisfy these principles would be those that affect the channels of interstate commerce or instrumentalities of interstate commerce. A robbery that forces an interstate freeway to shut down thus may form the basis for a valid Hobbs Act conviction. So too might a robbery of a truckdriver who is in the course of transporting commercial goods across state lines. But if the Government cannot prove that a robbery in a State affected interstate commerce, then the robbery is not punishable under the Hobbs Act. Sweeping in robberies that do not affect interstate commerce comes too close to conferring on Congress a general police power over the Nation.
Given the Hobbs Act's text and relevant constitutional principles, the Government in a Hobbs Act robbery case (at least one that involves only intrastate robbery) must prove, beyond a reasonable doubt, that the defendant's robbery itself affected interstate commerce. See Alleyne v. United States, 570 U.S. ----, ----,
C
On this interpretation of the Hobbs Act, petitioner David Anthony Taylor's convictions cannot stand. The Government cites no evidence that Taylor actually obstructed, delayed, or affected interstate commerce when he committed the two intrastate robberies here. The Government did not prove that Taylor affected any channel *2086of interstate commerce, instrumentality of commerce, or person or thing in interstate commerce. See Lopez,
II
Upholding Taylor's convictions, the Court reads the Hobbs Act differently. See ante, at 2079 - 2082. The Court concludes that the "commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction," § 1951(b)(3), includes intrastate activity. See ante, at 2079 - 2080. Under our modern precedents, as the Court notes, Congress may regulate not just the channels of interstate commerce, instrumentalities of interstate commerce, and persons or things moving in interstate commerce, but may also regulate "those activities having a substantial relation to interstate commerce, ... i.e., those activities that substantially affect interstate commerce." Lopez, supra, at 558-559,
A
Although our modern precedents (such as Wickard ) embrace the substantial-effects approach, applying that approach to the Hobbs Act is tantamount to abandoning any limits on Congress' commerce power-even the slight limits recognized by our expansive modern precedents. As I have explained, if the Hobbs Act is construed to punish a robbery that by itself affects only intrastate activity, then the Act defies the constitutional design. See Part I, supra .
That is true even under our modern precedents. Even those precedents emphasize that "[t]he Constitution requires a distinction between what is truly national and what is truly local." United States v. Morrison,
By applying the substantial-effects test to the criminal prohibition before us, the Court effectively gives Congress a police power. That is why the Court cannot identify any true limit on its understanding of the commerce power. Although the Court maintains that its holding "is limited to cases in which the defendant targets drug dealers for the purpose of stealing drugs or drug proceeds," ante, at 2082, its reasoning allows for unbounded regulation. Given that the Hobbs Act can be read in a way that does not give Congress a general police power, see Part I, supra, we should not construe the statute as the Court does today.
B
Applying the substantial-effects approach is especially unsound here because it effectively relieves the Government of its central burden in a criminal case-the burden to prove every element beyond a reasonable doubt-and because the Court's holding does not follow from even our broad precedents. The Court reasons that, under Gonzales v. Raich,
Raich is too thin a reed to support the Court's holding. Raich upheld the federal Controlled Substances Act's regulation of "the intrastate manufacture and possession of marijuana" for personal medical use,
As an initial matter, Raich did not, as the Court suggests, hold that "the market for marijuana, including its intrastate aspects, is 'commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction.' " Ante, at 2080 (emphasis added). Raich held at most that the market for marijuana comprises activities that may substantially affect commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction. See, e.g., *2088Raich,
But even if Raich established that the intrastate aspects of the marijuana market are "commerce over which the United States has jurisdiction," § 1951(b)(3), Raich still would not establish the further point that the Court needs for its conclusion. Specifically, Raich would not establish that a robbery affecting a drug dealer establishes, beyond a reasonable doubt, that the robber actually "obstructs, delays, or affects" the marijuana market. § 1951(a). Raich did not hold that any activity relating to the marijuana market in fact affects commerce. Raich instead disclaimed the need to "determine whether" activities relating to the marijuana market-even "taken in the aggregate"-"substantially affect interstate commerce in fact."
The Court's analysis thus provides no assurance that the Government has proved beyond a reasonable doubt that a Hobbs Act robbery defendant in fact affected commerce. And it unnecessarily extends our already broad precedents.
C
Finally, today's decision weakens longstanding protections for criminal defendants. The criminal law imposes especially high burdens on the Government in order to protect the rights of the accused. The Government may obtain a conviction only "upon proof beyond a reasonable doubt of every fact necessary to constitute the crime with which [the accused] is charged." Winship,
The substantial-effects test is in tension with these principles. That test-and the deferential, rational-basis review to which it is subjected, see *2089Raich,
Even in extending the substantial-effects approach, however, the Court still tried to impose some of the recognized limits on the Government in the criminal context. Just a year before it decided Perez, for example, the Court held that the Government must prove each charged element of a crime beyond a reasonable doubt. Winship, supra, at 364,
Today, however, the Court fails to apply even those limits. Today's decision fails to hold the Government to its burden to prove, beyond a reasonable doubt, that the defendant's robbery itself affected commerce. It fails to identify language in the Hobbs Act that " 'conveys ... clearly' " Congress' intention to reach the sorts of local, small-scale robberies that States traditionally prosecute. Jones,
The Court takes that "dangerous" step-and other dangerous steps-today. It construes the Hobbs Act in a way that conflicts with the Constitution, with our precedents, and with longstanding protections for the accused. I would interpret the Hobbs Act in a way that is consistent with its text and with the Constitution.
* * *
For these reasons, I respectfully dissent.
