STATE OF OREGON, Plaintiff-Respondent, v. RUDY NINO PARRAS, Defendant-Appellant.
Crook County Circuit Court 19CR11103; A174543
Court of Appeals of Oregon
Argued and submitted March 17, affirmed June 7, 2023
petition for review denied November 2, 2023 (371 Or 511)
326 Or App 246 (2023) | 531 P3d 711
Daina A. Vitolins, Judge.
Defendant was convicted of being a felon in possession of a firearm under
Affirmed.
Carson L. Whitehead, Assistant Attorney General, argued the cause for respondent. Also on the briefs were Ellen F. Rosenblum, Attorney General, and Benjamin Gutman, Solicitor General.
Before Aoyagi, Presiding Judge, and Joyce, Judge, and Jacquot, Judge.
JOYCE, J.
Affirmed.
JOYCE, J.
In District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 US 570, 128 S Ct 2783, 171 L Ed 2d 637 (2008), the United States Supreme Court concluded that the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution protects the rights of individuals to possess firearms for self-protection. After Heller, courts across the country followed a two-part analysis for determining whether a law prohibiting possession of a firearm survived a Second Amendment challenge. Following that test, we rejected an as-applied Second Amendment challenge to
The United States Supreme Court then decided New York Rifle & Pistol Assn. v. Bruen, 597 US __, 142 S Ct 2111, 213 L Ed 2d 387 (2022). That decision modified the two-part test that courts followed after Heller for determining whether a restriction on firearms comports with the Second Amendment. After Bruen, a restriction on firearm possession is constitutional only if it is consistent with the nation‘s history of firearm regulation.
This appeal requires us to consider, given Bruen, whether
LEGAL BACKGROUND
To understand the impact of Bruen, we begin with Heller. In Heller, the Court struck down a law that banned possession of handguns in the home and that required other kinds of firearms to be disassembled or bound by a trigger lock. The Court observed that the core of the Second Amendment protects “the right of law-abiding, responsible citizens to use arms in defense of hearth and home.” 554 US at 653. Although the Second Amendment confers an individual right to keep and bear arms, the right is “not unlimited.” Id. at 595, 626. The Court specifically highlighted bans on felons in possession of firearms as one such permissible—indeed, “longstanding“—limitation:
“From Blackstone through the 19th-century cases, commentators and courts routinely explained that the right was not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose. For example, the majority of the 19th-century courts to consider the question held that prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were lawful under the Second Amendment or state analogues. Although we do not undertake an exhaustive historical analysis today of the full scope of the Second Amendment, nothing in our opinion should be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.”
Id. at 626-27 (internal citations omitted). The Court further described such limits as being “presumptively lawful regulatory measures.” Id. at 627 n 26;2 see also McDonald v. City of Chicago, 561 US 742, 786, 130 S Ct 3020, 177 L Ed 2d 894 (2010) (“We made it clear in Heller that our holding did not cast doubt on such longstanding regulatory measures as ‘prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill,’ ‘laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.’ We repeat those assurances here.” (Internal citation omitted.)).
Following Heller, courts created a two-step analysis to determine whether statutes restricting the use and possession of firearms pass constitutional muster under the Second Amendment. Bruen, 142 S Ct at 2126-27; Beeman, 290 Or App at 434 n 2. At the first step, looking at the text and history of the Second Amendment, courts upheld regulations if the state “establish[ed] that the challenged law regulates activity falling outside the scope of the [Second Amendment] right as originally understood.” Bruen, 142 S Ct at 2126. If not, courts then addressed a second question, assessing “how close the law comes to the core of the Second Amendment right and the severity of the law‘s burden on that right.” Id. Courts applied strict scrutiny if the “core” Second Amendment right was burdened—such as self-defense—and, if not, courts applied intermediate scrutiny. Id. at 2126-27.
In reaching that conclusion, we noted that our decision was consistent with those around the country after Heller, upholding (in the facial challenge context) challenges to felon in possession prohibitions:
“In the wake of Heller, numerous facial challenges to felon in possession statutes were raised nationwide. No state law banning felons from possessing guns has ever been struck down. See United States v. Yancey, 621 F3d 681, 685 (7th Cir 2010) (per curiam) (citing Adam Winkler, Scrutinizing the Second Amendment, 105 Mich L Rev 683, 721 (2007)). Additionally, no federal ban on felons possessing guns has been struck down in the wake of Heller.”
We subsequently rejected an as-applied challenge to
As we had in Beeman, we surveyed cases from other courts that addressed, post-Heller, challenges to prohibitions on the possession of firearms by people convicted of felonies, this time in the as-applied context. We noted that post Heller, “[a]s-applied challenges have fared only marginally better [than facial challenges ***], and no circuit has held the [federal dispossession statute] unconstitutional as applied to a convicted felon.” Shelnutt, 309 Or App at 478 (quoting Medina v. Whitaker, 913 F3d 152, 155 (DC Cir 2019), cert den sub nom Medina v. Barr, ___ US ___, 140 S Ct 645 (2019)).
Many of those decisions, like Medina, traced the history of prohibitions on the possession of firearms by people convicted of felonies. Although we discuss that history in much greater detail below—because Bruen insists that history is the only consideration in determining the constitutionality of restrictions on firearm possession—courts routinely highlighted Second Amendment history establishing that the provision was intended only to protect the rights of “virtuous citizens” and that the government could, accordingly, disarm “unvirtuous citizens.” Medina, 913 F3d at 159; see also, e.g., Folajtar v. Barr, 980 F3d 897 (3rd Cir 2020) (recognizing that many scholars, as well as its sibling courts, have agreed with the “virtuous citizen” reasoning for permitting governments to disarm “unvirtuous citizens“).
Thus, after Heller and McDonald, courts—including our own—routinely held that prohibitions on the possession of firearms by people convicted of felonies were permissible under the Second Amendment.
Then came Bruen. As the Court framed it, the question in Bruen was whether “ordinary, law-abiding citizens have a [right] to carry handguns publicly for their self-defense.” 597 US at __, 142 S Ct at 2122. The Court observed the pattern that had
Instead, “in keeping with Heller,” “when the Second Amendment‘s plain text covers an individual‘s conduct, the Constitution presumptively protects that conduct. To justify [a state‘s] regulation, *** the regulation [must be] consistent with this Nation‘s historical tradition of firearm regulation. Only if a firearm regulation is consistent with this Nation‘s historical tradition may a court conclude that the individual‘s conduct falls outside the Second Amendment‘s ‘unqualified command.‘” Bruen, 597 US at __, 142 S Ct at 2126.
Justice Alito, in his concurrence, specifically noted that the Court‘s holding “decides nothing about who may lawfully possess a firearm or the requirements that must be met to buy a gun. Nor does it decide anything about the kinds of weapons that people may possess. Nor have we disturbed anything that we said in Heller or [McDonald] about restrictions that may be imposed on the possession or carrying of guns.” Bruen, 597 US at __, 142 S Ct at 2157 (Alito, J., concurring); see also id. at 2161 (”Heller correctly recognized that the Second Amendment codifies the right of ordinary law-abiding Americans to protect themselves from lethal violence by possessing and, if necessary, using a gun.“).
Notably, Bruen was replete with references to the Second Amendment as protecting the rights of “law-abiding citizens,” a point that, as we describe below, is important to our consideration whether the Second Amendment prohibits felon-in-possession-of-firearm bans. Indeed, the Court described the Second Amendment as protecting the rights of “law-abiding citizens” no fewer than 10 times. See, e.g., Bruen, 597 US at __, 142 S Ct at 2122 (“[T]he Second and Fourteenth Amendments protect the right of an ordinary, law-abiding citizen to possess a handgun in the home for self-defense.“); id. (“[O]rdinary, law-abiding citizens have a similar right to carry handguns publicly for their self-defense.“); id. at 2125, 2134 (describing petitioners as “law-abiding, adult citizens“); id. at 2133 (describing New York‘s argument that “sensitive places where the government may lawfully disarm law-abiding citizens include all places where people typically congregate” (internal quotation marks omitted)); id. at 2135 n 8 (“[I]n light of the text of the Second Amendment, along with the Nation‘s history of firearm regulation, we conclude below that a State may not prevent law-abiding citizens from publicly carrying handguns because they have not demonstrated a special need for self-defense.“); id. at 2138 (“Nor is there any such historical tradition limiting public carry only to those law-abiding citizens who demonstrate a special need for self-defense.“); id. at 2150 (noting that “none [of the historical regulations surveyed] operated to prevent law-abiding citizens with ordinary self-defense needs from carrying arms in public for that purpose“); id. at 2156 (“Nor, subject to a few late-in-time outliers, have American governments required law-abiding, responsible citizens to demonstrate a special need for self-protection distinguishable from that of the general community in order to carry arms in public.” (Internal quotation marks omitted.)).
In sum, under Bruen, assuming a restriction on firearm possession falls within the ambit of the Second Amendment, that restriction is constitutional only if it is consistent with our nation‘s history of regulating firearms. With that singular focus on history, many courts have examined (or reexamined) the history around the Second Amendment in the context of prohibitions on the possession of firearms by people convicted of felonies. Of course, as one court noted, “[d]eciphering history is always a fraught enterprise[.]” United States v. Smith, No 22-CR-20351, 2023 WL 2215779 at *4 (ED Mich Feb 24, 2023). That is in part because “[a]n honest search for an ‘American’ tradition on gun regulation is especially challenging, given
That said, “[n]o matter how difficult the investigation of relevant Second Amendment history may be in other contexts, the conclusion is clear that disarming persons deemed dangerous has been grounded in the heartland of acceptable gun regulation since our Nation‘s founding.” Id.3 Indeed, the Oregon Supreme Court observed as much after
conducting an extensive historical excavation of the Second Amendment and its origins in assessing whether a felon in possession of a weapon prohibition was consistent with the state constitution. State v. Hirsch/Friend, 338 Or 622, 114 P3d 1104 (2005), overruled on other grounds by State v. Christian, 354 Or 22, 307 P3d 429 (2013).4 There, the Supreme Court traced the historical context of Article I, section 27, of the Oregon Constitution and in doing so, examined the adoption of the Second Amendment. The court noted that the framers of the United States Constitution considered those who committed crimes to be outside of the right to bear arms: “[T]he general view of the framers of the Second Amendment that a certain criminal element—notably, ‘outlaws’ using weapons or otherwise committing injurious crimes against person and property—occupied a lesser status in the community than the responsible, law-abiding citizenry, particularly respecting the bearing of arms.” Id. at 672. Additionally,
“the political view of the ‘virtuous citizen,’ also prevalent at the time of the founding, suggested that the right to bear arms carried with it the responsibility for upstanding citizenship, which in turn required the willing taking up of arms both to hunt down and to defend against those who threatened the safety of the community. Under that view, as many scholars and commentators have concluded, upon violating the social compact between the citizenry and society—and, simultaneously, the duty to act as a virtuous citizen—by committing serious crime, the lawbreaker‘s right to bear arms is subject to restriction.”
That concept of virtuous citizenry is consonant with the repeated references in Heller and Bruen to the Second Amendment protecting the possession of firearms by “law-abiding” citizens and characterizing bans on felons in possession of firearms as “longstanding” and “presumptively lawful[].” Heller, 554 US at 625-26, 627 n 26. It is also consonant with the historical assessments that courts have engaged in, post-Bruen, in upholding restrictions on felons
in possession of firearm bans; each has concluded that the weight of tradition and history shows that the framers of the constitution would have understood that those who commit felonies would not fall within the protections of the Second Amendment.5
Furthermore, there is no historical basis for distinguishing between types of felonies based on whether they were violent or nonviolent. Although, as the state acknowledges, there appears to be no eighteenth or nineteenth century laws prohibiting the possession
APPLICATION
With that historical framework in mind, we turn to defendant‘s challenge to
Based on the history set forth above, we readily conclude that the answer is yes.7 The weight of historical evidence shows that it was understood that individuals could be divested of Second Amendment protections if they broke the social contract of being a virtuous citizen by committing a serious crime. While it may be true that prohibitions on the possession of firearms by people convicted of felonies did not exist at the time of the framing of the Second Amendment, the concept that those who committed serious crimes were historically not entitled to Second Amendment protections did exist at the time of the framing. We thus conclude that
For his part, defendant argues that
correct—that his convictions for manufacture and possession of methamphetamine
We thus conclude that the application of
Affirmed.
