SENATE and SENATE MAJORITY LEADER, Plaintiffs-Appellees/Cross-Appellants, v HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES and HOUSE CLERK, Defendants-Appellants/Cross Appellees, and HOUSE SPEAKER, Defendant.
No. 374786
STATE OF MICHIGAN COURT OF APPEALS
October 27, 2025
FOR PUBLICATION. Court of Claims LC No. 25-000014-MB.
Before: CAMERON, P.J., and MURRAY and KOROBKIN, JJ.
CAMERON, P.J.
Defendants, the House of Representatives and House Clerk,1 appeal the order of the Court of Claims granting summary disposition, in part, and denying, in part, as to both defendants’ and plaintiffs‘, the Senate‘s and Senate Majority Leader‘s, motions for summary disposition under
I. FACTUAL AND PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND
The underlying facts giving rise to this case are not in dispute. The Michigan Legislature is made up of two chambers: the House of Representatives and the Senate.
In their complaint, plaintiffs sought a declaratory judgment that
The Court of Claims granted partial summary disposition to each party. It granted plaintiffs relief to the extent that it entered a declaratory judgment “declaring that Article 4, § 33, of Michigan‘s 1963 Constitution requires that all bills passed by the Legislature be presented to the governor . . . .” Recognizing that the constitutional provision at issue did not indicate a specific time frame, the Court of Claims declared that all passed bills must be presented “in sufficient time to allow [the Governor] 14 days to review the bills prior to the earliest date that the legislation may take effect under Article 4, § 27, of Michigan‘s 1963 Constitution.”3 The Court of Claims denied plaintiffs’ motion to issue a writ of mandamus or permanent injunction, because it concluded that the duty to present the bills was not ministerial, and a permanent injunction was not appropriate. The Court of Claims held that both plaintiffs had standing, concluding that their alleged injuries were “distinct from the public at large” because they voted in favor of the bills that have not been presented to the Governor. It further held that this case was justiciable and did not implicate the political-question doctrine because the issue in this case concerned constitutional interpretation, an area in which Michigan‘s courts maintain primacy. The parties now appeal.
II. STANDARDS OF REVIEW
This Court reviews de novo a trial court‘s decision on summary disposition. Tripp v Baker, 346 Mich App 257, 272; 12 NW3d 45 (2023). A motion is properly granted pursuant to
Discretionary actions, however, such as a trial court‘s decision concerning a writ of mandamus or injunctive relief, are reviewed for an abuse of discretion. Citizens for Higgins Lake Legal Levels v Roscommon Co Bd of Comm‘rs, 341 Mich App 161, 177-178; 988 NW2d 841 (2022); In re Brosamer Guardianship, 328 Mich App 267, 275; 936 NW2d 870 (2019). A court “abuses its discretion when it chooses an outcome outside the range of reasonable and principled outcomes.” Brosamer Guardianship, 328 Mich App at 275. “A trial court necessarily abuses its discretion when it makes an error of law.” Pirgu v United Servs Auto Ass‘n, 499 Mich 269, 274; 884 NW2d 257 (2016).
III. STANDING
Defendants first argue that plaintiffs lack standing. We disagree.
Generally, “standing requires a party to have a sufficient interest in the outcome of litigation to ensure vigorous advocacy and in an individual or representative capacity some real interest in the cause of action, or a legal or equitable right, title, or interest in the subject matter of the controversy.” In re Knight, 333 Mich App at 688 (citation omitted). But as it pertains to the Legislature, standing is a more “complicated issue.” League of Women Voters of Mich v Secretary of State, 506 Mich 561, 592; 957 NW2d 731 (2020). As our Supreme Court has explained:
Views on legislative standing are wide-ranging, with those such as the late Justice Scalia on the one hand, who vehemently opposed expansion of legislative standing as an encroachment on the separation of powers. On the other hand are views such as those of Justice Alito, who would conclude that “in the narrow category of cases in which a court strikes down an Act of Congress and the Executive declines to defend the Act, Congress both has standing to defend the undefended statute and is a proper party to do so.” And of course there are views in the middle, such as those expressed by the United States Supreme Court in Coleman v Miller,4 in which the Court held that members of the Legislature had standing when their votes had “been overridden and virtually held for naught[,] although if they are right in their contentions their votes would have been sufficient to defeat ratification.” [League
of Women Voters, 506 Mich at 592-594 (citations omitted; second alteration in League of Women Voters).]
The United States Supreme Court later held that Coleman‘s holding gave standing to “legislators whose votes would have been sufficient to defeat (or enact) a specific legislative Act . . . if that legislative action goes into effect (or does not go into effect), on the ground that their votes have been completely nullified.” League of Women Voters, 506 Mich at 594 n 53, quoting Raines v Byrd, 521 US 811, 823; 117 S Ct 2312; 138 L Ed 2d 849 (1997) (quotation marks omitted). Our Supreme Court, however, recognized that this nullification rule only applies in certain circumstances. It reasoned that “[i]t would be imprudent and violative of the doctrine of separation of powers to confer standing upon a legislator simply for failing in the political process[.]” House Speaker v State Admin Bd, 441 Mich 547, 555; 495 NW2d 539 (1993) (House Speaker I). Therefore, “plaintiffs who sue as legislators must assert more than a generalized grievance that the law is not being followed[;]” instead they “must establish that they have been deprived of a personal and legally cognizable interest peculiar to [them].” Id. (quotation marks and citations omitted, second alteration in House Speaker I).
We agree with the Court of Claims that plaintiffs demonstrated sufficient, distinct injuries to have standing. Both plaintiffs—the Senate and the Senate Majority Leader—voted in favor of the nine bills at issue. The House of Representatives also voted in favor of these bills, meaning that the next step in the process was presentment to the Governor. Plaintiffs argued that defendants’ decision to not present the bills, when the legislative rules establish it was their burden to do so, interfered with their own, unique right to fulfill their duty as legislators. This was a special injury different from the public at large. In re Knight, 333 Mich App at 688.
We find defendants’ reliance on Killeen v Wayne Co Rd Comm, 137 Mich App 178; 357 NW2d 851 (1984), unpersuasive. Unlike this case, Killeen concerned a group of plaintiffs whose votes had “been counted, and their legislative work-product enacted[.]” Id. at 189. Therefore, the plaintiffs in Killeen no longer had any “special interest as lawmakers[,]” because the legislation at issue had passed. Id. In this case, plaintiffs’ interests had not extinguished, because their votes, which were sufficient to enact a specific legislative act, were nullified by defendants’ refusal to present the bills to the Governor. League of Women Voters, 506 Mich at 594 n 53. Whether the Governor will sign the bills once presented is irrelevant; defendants’ actions have forestalled legislation, supported by plaintiffs and approved by both chambers, from being presented to the Governor. Thus, plaintiffs have standing to sue. See id.
IV. JUSTICIABILITY
Defendants next argue the Court of Claims erred by determining that this case was justiciable. We disagree.
“Michigan‘s courts are limited to deciding actual cases and controversies.” Pego, ___ Mich App at ___; slip op at 10. “If a dispute is not justiciable, then it is not an actual case or controversy.” Id. The political-question doctrine “is rooted in the separation of powers inherent in divided government.” Id. But “[o]ur Supreme Court clarified that the mere fact that a case involves political issues [is] not determinative of the need to defer to the political branches.” Id. at ___; slip op at 11. This is because the political-question doctrine concerns just that—questions,
(i) Does the issue involve resolution of questions committed by the text of the Constitution to a coordinate branch of Government? (ii) Would resolution of the question demand that a court move beyond areas of judicial expertise? (iii) Do prudential considerations [for maintaining respect between the three branches] counsel against judicial intervention? [Id., quoting House Speaker v Governor, 443 Mich 560, 574; 506 NW2d 190 (1993) (House Speaker II) (quotation marks omitted; alteration in House Speaker II).]
The first inquiry—whether “the issue involve[s] resolution of questions committed by the text of the Constitution to a coordinate branch of government[,]“—examines “whether the Constitution or other law clearly delegates resolution of the dispute to a different branch.” Pego, ___ Mich at ___; slip op at 11 (quotation marks and citation omitted). In other words, we must consider whether the constitutional provision at issue specifies that a branch other than the judiciary is responsible for resolving issues that arise under its language; in this case, the Legislature. This is because the judiciary “has not only the authority, but also the primary responsibility of interpreting and enforcing our Constitution.” Bauserman v Unemployment Ins Agency, 509 Mich 673, 692; 983 NW2d 855 (2022).
The specific provision at issue here is
Defendants rely on Gilbert v Gladden, 87 NJ 275, 278-279; 432 A2d 1351 (1981), a case in which the New Jersey Supreme Court held that an almost identical constitutional provision presented a nonjusticiable political question. Gilbert determined that the issue of presentment fell entirely to the Legislature because there was no time frame provided in the constitutional provision at issue. While we recognize the reasoning in Gilbert, however, we are not bound by it. See Lewis v Farmers Ins Exch, 315 Mich App 202, 214; 888 NW2d 916 (2016) (cases from other jurisdictions are not binding, but may be considered for their persuasive value). Indeed, other jurisdictions have reached the opposite conclusion. For example, in Brewer v Burns, 222 Ariz 234, 238-239; 213
The second inquiry—whether “resolution of the question [would] demand that a court move beyond areas of judicial expertise,” examines “whether there are judicially discoverable and manageable standards for resolving the dispute or whether the dispute is impossible to resolve without an initial policy determination of the kind clearly for nonjudicial discretion.” Pego, ___ Mich App at ___; slip op at 11 (quotation marks and citation omitted). Defendants contend that the issue in this case necessarily strays beyond judicial expertise because plaintiffs “asked the court to not only interpret the Constitution, but to then order Defendants to immediately present the nine bills to the governor.” But the enforcement of a trial court‘s order is not what the political-question framework considers. The inquiry concerns whether resolving the question would require the Court of Claims to stray beyond its area of expertise.6 The question here is whether defendants are required to present the bills to the Governor under
The third and final inquiry concerns whether “prudential considerations [for maintaining respect between the three branches] counsel against intervention[.]” Pego, ___ Mich App at ___; slip op at 11. The Court of Claims recognized that the political nature of this case “urges caution[,]” but this, alone, does not preclude judicial intervention. This is not a situation in which the judiciary is interpreting legislative rules and procedures—such matters inherently fall within the sole discretion of the Legislature. See LeRoux v Secretary of State, 465 Mich 594, 609; 640 NW2d 849 (2002) (“The courts do not review claims that actions were taken in violation of a legislative rule.“). Nor are we considering the contents of the bills at issue. The question here involves the interpretation of the rules and requirements imposed by our Constitution. The fact that the entity subject to these rules is the Legislature does not change the fact that the rule at issue is one imposed by our Constitution—the interpretation of which, absent exceptions not present here, falls to the judiciary. Bauserman, 509 Mich at 692. Therefore, this issue is not a nonjusticiable political question.
V. ARTICLE 4, SECTION 33
Defendants argue that the Court of Claims incorrectly interpreted
When interpreting our Constitution, this Court‘s primary objective . . . is to realize the intent of the people by whom and for whom the constitution was ratified. Accordingly, we seek to determine the text‘s original meaning to the ratifiers, the people, at the time of ratification. To do so, we must consider the circumstances leading to the adoption of the provision and the purpose sought to be accomplished. To help discover the common understanding, this Court has observed that constitutional convention debates and the address to the people, though not controlling, are relevant. [Mothering Justice v Attorney General, ___ Mich ___, ___; ___ NW3d ___ (2024) (Docket No. 165325); slip op at 11 (quotation marks and citations omitted, ellipses in Mothering Justice).]
Every bill passed by the legislature shall be presented to the governor before it becomes law, and the governor shall have 14 days measured in hours and minutes from the time of presentation in which to consider it. If he approves, he shall within that time sign and file it with the secretary of state and it shall become law. If he does not approve, and the legislature has within that time finally adjourned the session at which the bill was passed, it shall not become law. If he disapproves, and the legislature continues the session at which the bill was passed, he shall return it within such 14-day period with his objections, to the house in which it originated. That house shall enter such objections in full in its journal and reconsider the bill. If two-thirds of the members elected to and serving in that house pass the bill notwithstanding the objections of the governor, it shall be sent with the objections to the other house for reconsideration. The bill shall become law if passed by two-thirds of the members elected to and serving in that house. The vote of each house shall be entered in the journal with the votes and names of the members voting thereon. If any bill is not returned by the governor within such 14-day period, the legislature continuing in session, it shall become law as if he had signed it.
The parties provide different interpretations of what the word “shall” modifies in the first sentence. Plaintiffs contend the word applies to the language that immediately follows: “be presented to the governor[,]” while defendants contend it applies to the final part of the sentence: “before it becomes law[.]” In this respect, plaintiffs contend the mandatory word “shall,” see In re Forfeiture of Bail Bond, 496 Mich 320, 327; 852 NW2d 747 (2014),7 in this provision means
Then the 2 houses have to agree to it in a conference, but it finally is adopted by both houses in a particular form. Then, it being a senate bill, it becomes the duty of the secretary of the senate to print that bill in the form in which it was finally adopted and it is the duty of the secretary of the senate, since it was a senate bill, to present that bill to the governor. Sometimes a bill can be speedily printed, sometimes it takes 2 or 3 weeks to get a bill printed, if it‘s a great big thick bill and there‘s an awful lot of other bills also to be printed. [1 Official Record, Constitutional Convention 1961, p 1719 (emphasis added).]
The phrasing of this hypothetical indicates an understanding that, after a bill is adopted by both chambers, it becomes the “duty” of the relevant member of the chamber in which the bill originated to present it to the Governor. This understanding supports the interpretation advanced by plaintiffs and adopted by the Court of Claims.8
Defendants also rely on
Defendants lastly contend that, because there is no time frame or deadline for presentment mentioned in
In sum,
VI. ENFORCEMENT
The parties take issue with the Court of Claims‘s decisions regarding all three methods of relief plaintiffs sought. We hold that the Court of Claims erred when it declined to issue a writ of mandamus.10
A. MANDAMUS
“Mandamus is an extraordinary remedy and it will not lie to review or control the exercise of discretion vested in a public official or administrative body.” Higgins Lake, 341 Mich App at 178 (quotation marks, brackets, and citation omitted).
We conclude that mandamus is the appropriate remedy.
1. PRONGS 1 AND 2: CLEAR LEGAL RIGHT AND DUTY
Prongs 1 and 2 are inextricably intertwined in this case. Plaintiffs’ clear, legal right to performance exists because plaintiffs and defendants, as a single entity, have a clear legal duty to perform, and defendants have not only failed to perform the duty themselves, but have, by extension, prevented plaintiffs from doing so as well. As explained,
2. PRONG 3: MINISTERIAL FUNCTION
“A ministerial act is one in which the law prescribes and defines the duty to be performed with such precision and certainty as to leave nothing to the exercise of discretion or judgment.” Id. at 179 (quotation marks and citation omitted). The Court of Claims concluded that the duty at issue in this case was not ministerial. It reasoned that
The duty at issue here lies squarely with the Legislature. It is the Legislature that passes bills, and it therefore must be the Legislature that presents them to the Governor. The act plaintiffs seek to compel through mandamus is the presentment of these bills to the Governor. Our Constitution leaves no room for discretion in the fact that this act “shall” be performed.
3. PRONG 4: NO OTHER ADEQUATE REMEDY AT LAW
The Court of Claims reasoned that mandamus was improper because plaintiffs had an adequate remedy at law in the form of its declaratory judgment. But without a mechanism for enforcement, the declaratory judgment does not provide an enforceable remedy for plaintiffs. See Bauserman, 509 Mich at 691-692 (citing various authorities for the proposition that “a right must have a remedy[,]” because, “[i]f not, it is not a right at all but only a voluntary obligation that a person can fulfill or not at his whim, or merely a hope or a wish.“) (quotation marks and citation omitted). Therefore, any attempted enforcement of the declaratory judgment in this case would effectively be mandamus, because it would necessarily compel defendants to act in accordance with their duty. See, e.g., Teasel, 419 Mich at 410. In other words, the declaratory judgment, alone, is insufficient in light of defendants’ prolonged refusal to present the bills to the Governor, see, e.g., Durant v State, 456 Mich 175, 206; 566 NW2d 272 (1997) (recognizing that declaratory relief “coupled” with another remedy was appropriate considering the “prolonged recalcitrance” by the defendant-governmental entity),12 but enforced, is actually mandamus, see Teasel, 419 Mich at 410.
Defendants argue that the absence of any express enforcement mechanism provided by
B. SEPARATION OF POWERS
While not phrased explicitly, we recognize that defendants raise separation-of-powers concerns with respect to the judiciary compelling legislative action in this case. But, again, our Supreme Court has explained that “[t]he recognition and redress of constitutional violations are quintessentially judicial functions, required of us by the Separation of Powers Clause.” Bauserman, 509 Mich at 687, citing
The judiciary has the legitimate authority, in the exercise of the well-established duty of judicial review, to evaluate governmental action to determine if it is consistent with the Constitution. This is a first principle, inherent in our tripartite separation of powers. A major function of the judiciary is to guarantee the rights promised in our Constitution. If the rights guaranteed in our Constitution are to be more than words on paper, then they must be enforceable. And if the rights guaranteed in our Constitution are to be enforceable, then enforcement must fall to us, absent an explicit constitutional provision limiting our authority in this regard. [Bauserman, 509 Mich at 693 (quotation marks, brackets, and citations omitted).]
As discussed earlier,
/s/ Thomas C. Cameron
/s/ Daniel S. Korobkin
