RODOLFO ENRIQUE JIMÉNEZ, ASDRÚBAL CHAVEZ, IRIS MEDINA, MARCOS ROJAS, JOSÉ ALEJANDRO ROJAS, and FERNANDO DE QUINTAL v. LUISA PALACIOS, EDGAR RINCÓN, FERNANDO VERA, ELIO TORTOLERO, ANDRÉS PADILLA, ÁNGEL OLMETA, JAVIER TROCONIS, LUIS URDANETA, and RICK ESSER, and PDV HOLDING, INC., CITGO HOLDING, INC., and CITGO PETROLEUM CORPORATION
C.A. No. 2019-0490-KSJM
IN THE COURT OF CHANCERY OF THE STATE OF DELAWARE
August 2, 2019
Date Submitted: July 23, 2019
Kenneth J. Nachbar, Susan W. Waesco, Alexandra M. Cumings, MORRIS, NICHOLS, ARSHT & TUNNELL LLP, Wilmington, Delaware; Michael J. Gottlieb, Samuel Hall, WILLKIE FARR & GALLAGHER LLP, Washington, D.C.; Tariq Mundiya, Martin L. Seidel, Jonathan D. Waisnor, WILLKIE FARR & GALLAGHER LLP, New York, New York; Counsel for Defendants and Counterclaim-Plaintiffs Luisa Palacios, Edgar Rincón, Fernando Vera, Elio Tortolero, Andrés Padilla, Ángel Olmeta, Javier Troconis, Luis Urdaneta, and Rick Esser.
A. Thompson Bayliss, J. Peter Shindel, Jr., Daniel J. McBride, ABRAMS & BAYLISS LLP, Wilmington, Delaware; José Ignacio Hernandez G., Special Attorney General of Venezuela, Washington, D.C.; Counsel for Amicus Curiae the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.
McCORMICK, V.C.
OPINION
In January 2019, after a controversial presidential election, the National Assembly of Venezuela declared the presidency of Nicolás Maduro illegitimate and appointed opposition leader Juan Guaidó as Interim President. In response, the President of the United States officially recognized the Guaidó government as sovereign. After Guaidó assumed office, his government appointed a new board of directors to govern Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (“PDVSA“), Venezuela‘s state-owned oil company. Guaidó‘s newly appointed directors then reconstituted the boards directors of the nominal defendants in this action—three Delaware entities directly or indirectly owned by PDVSA.
The plaintiffs served as directors of the nominal defendants before Guaidó took office. They commenced this litigation pursuant to
The parties have cross-moved for judgment on the pleadings. They agree that the President of Venezuela has the power to appoint the members of the board of PDVSA and, indirectly, determine the composition of the boards of the nominal defendants. They disagree on who holds the title of President of Venezuela, whether Guaidó‘s actions successfully reconstituted the PDVSA board, and whether the PDVSA board successfully reconstituted the boards of the nominal defendants.
The outcome turns on two threshold issues that implicate doctrinal expressions of the concept of separation of powers—the political question and act of state doctrines. The political question doctrine requires courts to accept as binding the U.S. President‘s determination to recognize a foreign government. The act of state doctrine requires courts to assume the validity of an official act of a recognized foreign government performed within its own territory. Applying these doctrines,
The plaintiffs raise myriad arguments in an effort to complicate this straightforward analysis. They parse the U.S. President‘s official statement recognizing the Guaidó government, arguing that Guaidó‘s authority as “interim” President is limited. They pit the internal affairs doctrine against the more potent political question and act of state doctrines, arguing that the former should override the latter. They invoke exceptions to the act of state doctrine, arguing that the Guaidó government lacks jurisdictional indicia of statehood and exceeded its territorial limitations when appointing directors to the PDVSA board. Not one of these arguments persuades, and this decision resolves these issues in favor of the defendants.
But this decision does not reach the ultimate question of who comprises the boards of the nominal defendants. The consents appointing the directors were provided to the plaintiffs as attachments to briefing and are not appropriately considered on a motion for judgment on the pleadings. This decision thus treats the defendants’ motion as one for summary judgment and grants the plaintiffs an opportunity to submit an affidavit identifying disputed facts foreclosing summary judgment in the defendants’ favor.
I. FACTUAL BACKGROUND
As both sides correctly observe, the Court need not delve into the disputed facts concerning Venezuela‘s recent political turmoil in order to resolve the discrete legal issues presented by the cross motions. Yet, ignoring those events would cheat future readers of significant context. Thus, for context only, this factual background includes a summary of those events, which are not considered for the purpose of the legal analysis.1 Otherwise, the facts are drawn from the parties’ respective pleadings, documents integral to or incorporated by reference therein,2 and judicially noticeable facts.3
A. Recent Political Turmoil in Venezuela
Following the 2013 death of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, his political heir Maduro became President of Venezuela. During Maduro‘s first term, Venezuela‘s economy spiraled downward, resulting in hyperinflation and a shortage of food and medical supplies. Some blamed Chávez and Maduro‘s economic policies, including strict price controls. Protests and civil insurrection ensued. Arrests followed.
By late 2015, the opposition coalition had won control of Venezuela‘s legislative body, the National Assembly. Before the newly elected legislators took office, the National Assembly packed the Supreme Tribunal of Justice (“Supreme Tribunal“) with judges reportedly loyal to Maduro. In early 2016, citing election irregularities, the Supreme Tribunal issued a ruling blocking three opposition lawmakers from taking office. The opposition coalition nevertheless swore in the three legislators, claiming the Supreme Tribunal‘s ruling was designed to strip the opposition of its supermajority in the National Assembly. In response, the Supreme Tribunal declared null and void decisions taken by the National Assembly while the three legislators held their seats. In March 2017, the Supreme Tribunal took over legislative powers from the National Assembly. The United States and other members of the international community condemned this action, prompting the Supreme Tribunal to reverse course in April 2017.
On May 1, 2017, the Maduro regime took a new approach, calling for a National Constituent Assembly (“Constituent Assembly“) under Article 347 of the Constitución de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela (the “Venezuelan Constitution“). Members of the international community denounced the move as an unconstitutional effort to concentrate political power, and the opposition coalition boycotted the July elections for the Constituent Assembly. The United States vowed “to take strong and swift actions” against the members of the Maduro regime, who the U.S. Department of State referred to as the “architects of authoritarianism.”4
Protests and violence ushered in election results, according to some accounts. In its first month of existence, the Constituent Assembly reportedly expressed support for Maduro, gave itself the power to legislate, and voted to put opposition leaders on trial for treason. The National Assembly refused to subordinate itself to the Constituent Assembly, resulting in two legislative bodies purporting to govern Venezuela.
Maduro disqualified the opposition parties from participating in the 2018 Presidential election, which he then claimed to win.
Amid a collapsing economy and growing humanitarian crisis, Maduro was sworn in for a second term as President of Venezuela on January 10, 2019. The National Assembly declared Maduro‘s presidency illegitimate on January 15, 2019. Invoking Article 233 of the Venezuelan Constitution, the National Assembly‘s president, Juan Guaidó, was named the Interim President of Venezuela on January 23, 2019.
B. PDVSA and the CITGO Entities
Although Venezuela‘s economy struggles, Venezuela‘s government lays claim to the largest proven oil reserves in the world. PDVSA is a Venezuelan company formed in 1975 by the President of Venezuela. Venezuela owns PDVSA, which indirectly owns CITGO Petroleum Corporation (“CITGO Petroleum“), a Delaware corporation headquartered in Houston and one of the largest operating petroleum refiners in the United States.
PDVSA owns CITGO Petroleum through two other Delaware corporations, PDV Holding, Inc. and CITGO Holding, Inc. (with CITGO Petroleum and PDV Holding, the “CITGO Entities“). Venezuela is the sole stockholder of PDVSA, PDVSA is the sole stockholder of PDV Holding,5 PDV Holding is the sole stockholder of CITGO Holding, and CITGO Holding is the sole stockholder of CITGO Petroleum.
Historically, the President of Venezuela had the power to appoint the members of the board of directors of PDVSA by decree.6 Maduro last exercised that authority in October 2018.7
C. The United States Recognizes the Guaidó Government.
The same day that Guaidó became the Interim President of Venezuela, the United States and a number of other countries recognized the Guaidó government. In a public statement on January 23, 2019, the U.S. President declared:
Today, I am officially recognizing the President of the Venezuelan National Assembly, Juan Guaido, as the Interim President of Venezuela. In its role as the only legitimate branch of government duly elected by the Venezuelan people, the National Assembly invoked the country‘s constitution to declare Nicolas Maduro illegitimate, and the office of the presidency therefore vacant. . . .
We encourage other Western Hemisphere governments to recognize National Assembly President Guaido as the Interim President of Venezuela, and we will work constructively with them in support of his efforts to restore constitutional legitimacy. We continue to hold the illegitimate Maduro regime directly responsible for any threats it may pose to the safety of the Venezuelan people.8
According to the plaintiffs, Maduro continued to wield actual control over PDVSA‘s Venezuelan operations.10 According to the defendants, Maduro wielded this control through military force.11 According to the U.S. Executive Branch, the Maduro regime made “continued attempts to undermine the Interim President of Venezuela and undermine the National Assembly, the only legitimate branch of government duly elected by the Venezuelan people, and to prevent the Interim President and the National Assembly from exercising legitimate authority in Venezuela[.]”12 Citing these concerns, the U.S. President issued an Executive Order on January 25, 2019, that extended pre-existing sanctions to members of the Maduro regime.13 Then, on January 28, 2019, the U.S. Department of Treasury‘s Office of Foreign Assets Control (“OFAC“) added PDVSA to its Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List.14 This designation prohibits
On January 31, 2019, OFAC published a response to the frequently asked question, “[w]hen will sanctions be lifted on [PDVSA] or any entity in which PdVSA owns, directly or indirectly, a 50 percent or greater interest?”17 The response states:
The path to sanctions relief for PdVSA and its subsidiaries is through the expeditious transfer of control of the company to Interim President Juan Guaidó or a subsequent, democratically elected government that is committed to taking concrete and meaningful actions to combat corruption, restore democracy, and respect human rights. A bona fide transfer of control will ensure that the assets of Venezuela are preserved for the country‘s people, rather than misused and diverted by former President Nicolas Maduro. Treasury will continue to use its economic tools to support Interim President Guaidó, the National Assembly, and the Venezuelan people‘s efforts to restore their democracy.18
As of the date of this decision, OFAC has not changed its position.
D. The Guaidó Government Appoints Directors to the Managing Board of PDVSA.
On February 5, 2019, the National Assembly approved and adopted a Statute to Govern a Transition to Democracy to Reestablish the Validity of the Constitution of the Republic of Venezuela (the “Transition Statute“).19 The Transition Statute was adopted to facilitate a “democratic transition” in Venezuela in three phases: (1) “End the dictatorial regime” of Maduro, (2) “Set up a provisional Government for national unity, to ensure that the democratic system is restored and free elections are called[;]” and (3) “Restore a democratic State by holding free, clear and fair elections in the shortest time possible.”20
On February 8, 2019, pursuant to the authority granted him under the Transition Statute, Guaidó appointed five individuals as the ad hoc Managing Board of PDVSA “for the purpose of carrying out all necessary actions to appoint a Board of Directors” for PDV Holding.24 On February 13, 2019, the National Assembly approved this action by resolution.25
On February 14, 2019, Venezuela‘s Constitutional Court, a subdivision of the Supreme Tribunal, issued a decision finding the Transition Statute unconstitutional and declaring the Transition Statute and the National Assembly resolution null and void.26 The Constitutional Court found Guaidó‘s appointment of PDVSA‘s Managing Board unlawful and declared it a nullity.27
E. The Managing Board of PDVSA Reconstitutes the Boards of the CITGO Entities.
On February 15, 2019, the Guaidó-appointed Managing Board, acting for PDVSA as the sole stockholder of PDV Holding took action by a written consent pursuant to
Also on February 15, 2019, each member of the new PDV Holding board executed a unanimous written consent pursuant to
F. This Litigation
On June 25, 2019, the plaintiffs initiated this action pursuant to
Before oral argument, but after the parties’ second round of briefing, the Court granted Venezuela leave to participate as amicus curiae in support of the defendants’ motion.35 Filing an amicus brief after the submission of the parties’ principle briefing is typical,36 and permitting Venezuela to participate as an amicus curiae is consistent with well-settled law.37 The plaintiffs did not contend otherwise. During oral argument, however, counsel for the plaintiffs expressed concern that they were unable to respond to the arguments made by the amicus curiae.38 To address this concern, and to allow the parties to address legal authorities identified by the Court during argument,39 the Court ordered another round of briefing post-argument, which was submitted on July 23,
II. LEGAL STANDARD
The parties cross-moved for judgment on the pleadings pursuant to Court of Chancery Rule 12(c). The Court will grant a Rule 12(c) motion “only when no material issue of fact exists and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.”41 In deciding cross motions for judgment on the pleadings, the Court will take the well-pleaded facts contained in the operative pleadings and “‘view the facts pleaded and inferences to be drawn from such facts . . . in a light most favorable to the non-moving party.‘”42 The pleadings to which this Court may look are not limited to complaints or counterclaims, but also include answers and affirmative defenses.43 On a Rule 12(c) motion, the Court may consider documents integral to the pleadings,44 including documents incorporated by reference and exhibits attached to the pleadings,45 and facts subject to judicial notice.46
III. LEGAL ANALYSIS
The parties agree that the President of Venezuela has the power to select the members of the board of PDVSA, which in turn has the power to determine the boards of the CITGO Entities. They disagree
state doctrine. Third, they dispute the ultimate question of who constitutes the CITGO Entities’ respective boards, which turns on facts not before the Court at the pleading stage.
A. Under the Political Question Doctrine, the U.S. President‘s Recognition of the Guaidó Government Binds This Court.
Under the political question doctrine, a decision to recognize a foreign sovereign presents a non-justiciable political question, because the recognition of a foreign sovereign is exclusively a function of the Executive Branch.47 Applying this doctrine, the defendants contend that the Executive Branch‘s recognition of the Guaidó government is binding on this Court. And according to the defendants, invalidating Guaidó‘s actions to replace the PDVSA board would effectively undermine the Executive Branch‘s recognition of the Guaidó government. The defendants say that the plaintiffs’ request for relief must therefore be denied. The plaintiffs respond that although the U.S. President issued a statement of recognition, that statement is limited on its face and does support the defendants’ requested relief.48
As Chief Executive, the President of the United States is the “sole organ of the federal government in the field of international relations[,]”49 and thus holds the exclusive power of recognition of a foreign government.50 “Recognition is a ‘formal acknowledgment’ . . . ‘that a particular regime is the effective government of a state.‘”51 “The very purpose of the recognition by our government is that our nationals may be conclusively advised with what government they may safely carry on business transactions and who its representatives are.”52 Recognition can be accomplished expressly through a statement of the Executive Branch or implicitly by receiving diplomatic representatives.53
Who is the sovereign, de jure or de facto, of a territory is not a judicial, but is a political question, the determination of which by the legislative and executive departments of any government conclusively binds the judges, as well as all other officers, citizens and subjects of that government. This principle has always been upheld by this court, and has been affirmed under a great variety of circumstances.59
Applying that principle, the Court held that the Carranza government “must be accepted as the legitimate government of Mexico” and gave that conclusion retroactive effect.60 The Court further invoked the act of state doctrine, a companion to the political question doctrine discussed more fully in the next section of this decision, to presume valid General Villa‘s actions in seizing the hides on behalf of the recognized
Oetjen is well-settled law. Multiple decisions of the Supreme Court and lower courts have applied its holding.62 Under Oetjen and its progeny, the applicable rule is clear: the Executive Branch‘s decision to recognize a foreign state “conclusively binds” all domestic courts, such that they must accept that decision.63 This decision calls for a straightforward application of that rule.
On January 23, 2019, the Executive Branch issued a statement “officially recognizing the President of the Venezuelan National Assembly, Juan Guaido, as the Interim President of Venezuela.”64 That statement also described the National Assembly as “the only legitimate branch of government duly elected by the Venezuelan people[.]”65 The word “only” means “alone in a category” or to the exclusion of others.66 Thus, no other elected branch of government in Venezuela—not Maduro nor the Constituent Assembly—is legitimate in the eyes of the Executive Branch. The determinations of the Executive Branch are unambiguous: Guaidó is recognized, the National Assembly is legitimate, and neither Maduro nor the Constituent
As their first line of defense, the plaintiffs quibble with the language of the January 23 statement. The plaintiffs describe the statement as having limited effect—neither elevating the Guaidó government to a superior position nor demoting the Maduro government to a subordinate role.67 They note that the statement recognizes Guaidó as the “Interim President,” not the President. To the plaintiffs, the word “interim” precludes Guaidó from “invok[ing] the powers that come with the title” of President.68 They alternatively argue that the term “interim” renders the statement ambiguous, requiring further development of Venezuelan law on the meaning of “interim,”69 and a review of the administrative construction of the Executive Branch‘s policy.70 The plaintiffs next note that the January 23 statement declined to expressly “derecognize” the Maduro regime, which they argue is meaningful under foreign relations law.71 To the plaintiffs, the Maduro regime is merely “non-recognized” in the eyes of the United States.72
None of these attempted distinctions have consequences for the issues before the Court. “Recognition” is a term of art used by the Executive Branch to identify a regime that “is the effective government of a state.”73 Regardless of what title Guaidó holds, Guaidó and his regime are the effective government of Venezuela. As important, no other regime in Venezuela is currently “recognized,” even using the plaintiffs’ preferred nomenclature. At present, therefore, it cannot be disputed that Guaidó is the voice of Venezuela‘s sole effective government as recognized by the U.S. President. This Court is bound by that determination.
B. Under the Act of State Doctrine, the Guaidó Government‘s Reconstitution of the PDVSA Board Is Valid.
Recognition of Guaidó‘s government has significant consequences in this litigation because foreign sovereigns are entitled to the benefits of the act of state doctrine.74 That doctrine confers presumptive
A product of federal common law,75 the jurisprudential bases for the doctrine have evolved. The classic statement of the act of state doctrine is found in Underhill, which arose from a prior period of unrest in Venzuela.76 In that case, the plaintiff was a U.S. citizen working in the Venezuelan city of Bolivar. When revolution erupted, he was physically detained in Bolivar by revolutionary forces. Upon returning to the United States, he brought claims sounding in tort against his captors. The revolutionary forces were ultimately successful and subsequently recognized by the United States. The Supreme Court of the United States held that “[e]very sovereign state is bound to respect the independence of every other sovereign state, and the courts of one country will not sit in judgment on the acts of the government of another, done within its own territory.”77 Applying this rule, the Court found in favor of the defendant, holding that the decision to detain the plaintiff was a presumptively valid act of a recognized sovereign.
The Supreme Court of the United States reexamined and reformulated the act of state doctrine in Sabbatino.78 Sabbatino involved a dispute over the proceeds from the sale of sugar cargo, which had belonged to an American-owned company, but which the Cuban government confiscated while the cargo was in Cuban waters.79 The defendants argued that the act of confiscation violated international law and was thus not entitled to deference under the act of state doctrine. To address this argument, the Court revisited the jurisprudential bases of the doctrine. Underhill and intervening cases had articulated the act of state doctrine as an expression of comity and international law.80 The Court in Sabbatino rejected that theory,81 recasting the doctrine as arising from “constitutional underpinnings,” or “the basic relationships between branches of government in a system of separation of powers. It concerns the competency of dissimilar institutions to make and implement
will not examine the validity of a taking of property within its own territory by a foreign sovereign government, extant and recognized by this country at the time of suit, in the absence of a treaty or other unambiguous agreement regarding controlling legal principles, even if the complaint alleges that the taking violates customary international law.83
The Supreme Court of the United States had occasion to reexamine the act of state doctrine in W.S. Kirkpatrick, further clarifying its operation in two significant ways. The Court first distinguished the act of state doctrine from the political question and sovereign immunity doctrines, holding that “[t]he act of state doctrine is not some vague doctrine of abstention but a ‘principle of decision binding on federal and state courts alike.‘”84 The Court next clarified the scope of official acts protected by the doctrine. Before W.S. Kirkpatrick, U.S. Supreme Court cases applying the act of state doctrine involved acts of expropriation by foreign governments, leaving open the question of whether the Court would apply the doctrine to other actions. In W.S. Kirkpatrick, the Supreme Court described the doctrine as applying to any “official act of a foreign sovereign performed within its own territory.”85 In sum, in its modern form, the act of state doctrine derives from the principle of separation of powers. It applies to a multitude of foreign acts performed by recognized sovereigns within territorial limits. Once applied, the doctrine requires the Court to assume the validity of the official act in question.
In this case, the act of state doctrine resolves the question of who constitutes the PDVSA board. The Guaidó government‘s reconstitution of the PDVSA board was the official act of a recognized sovereign taken wholly within its own territory.
The plaintiffs make three arguments in response, none of which are convincing. The plaintiffs first dispute the applicability of the act of state doctrine, contending generally that Guaidó‘s actions in appointing the PDVSA board should be reviewed on their merits under Venezuela law in accordance with the internal affairs doctrine. The plaintiffs next contend that a party seeking the privileges of a “state” for invoking the act of state doctrine must have control over a recognized territory.86 According to the plaintiffs, the Guaidó government in fact controls no territory or a people, and thus should not be granted the presumptions of sovereignty.87 The plaintiffs further dispute the territorial effect of the action in question, contending that it operated outside of Venezuela and that the Court may not apply the doctrine to actions by a state “designed largely to have an effect outside the territory of a foreign state.”88
1. The act of state doctrine overrides the internal affairs doctrine.
As their first argument against the act of state doctrine, the plaintiffs turn to the internal affairs doctrine. The plaintiffs describe the internal affairs doctrine as “dominant,” “firmly established,” and “rare[ly]” excepted,89 then argue that it renders Venezuelan law as controlling for determining the proper composition of the PDVSA board.90 They further contend the Constitutional Court already determined that under Venezuelan law, the plaintiffs prevail.91 The plaintiffs view the internal affairs doctrine as trumping the act of state doctrine, when the opposite is true. The U.S. Supreme Court has declared the act of state doctrine to be a principle of federal common law that overrides any state or international interest.92 Before Sabbatino, discussed above, states applied their own law to deem ineffective takings by foreign sovereigns.93 New York in particular enacted codes to implement the public policy of the state not to enforce foreign confiscatory decrees and expropriations.94
On the priority ascribed to the act of state doctrine, the Air Panama decision is particularly instructive.99 In 1988, General Manuel Antonio Noriega refused to step down as Commander of the Panamanian defense forces, then caused Panama‘s legislature to attempt to remove Panama‘s recognized sovereign, President Eric Arturo Delvalle. Within weeks of the attempted coup, the Noriega regime replaced the board and executives of Air Panama, a corporation wholly owned by the Republic of Panama. In response, Delvalle appointed a new board and commenced litigation to have his appointments declared valid. Noriega‘s appointees argued that Panamanian law controlled the dispute and favored their position. The court disagreed, holding that the act of state doctrine took primacy:
The act of state doctrine . . . obviates the need for the Court to inquire into private Panamanian law. The appointments by President Delvalle and Ambassador Sosa to the management of Air Panama are acts of state, that is, they are acts by the sovereign state of Panama, performed within the territory of Panama. Accordingly, these acts of state must be accepted by this Court as valid. Judicial inquiry into the law of the sovereign state underlying these acts is neither necessary nor appropriate[.]100
In accordance with Sabbatino, and just as in Air Panama, the act of state
2. The Guaidó government qualifies as a state for the purposes of the act of state doctrine.
The plaintiffs next argue that the Guaidó government in fact does not control any territory or a people and therefore does not qualify as a state entitled for purposes of the act of state doctrine. The plaintiffs cite authorities for the proposition that “[o]ne of the fundamental conditions of the ‘act of state’ doctrine is that the foreign state whose act is involved have a clearly recognizable jurisdictional basis for its action, usually one based on territorial control over the subject of its action.”102 The plaintiffs transmute this general statement into a new rule, arguing that the Executive‘s recognition of a de jure government is not sufficient to satisfy the act of state doctrine. They contend that a government must exercise actual control over its sovereign territory for the act of state doctrine to apply. They go so far as to say that “[n]o court has extended the act of state doctrine to de jure governments that do not have [these] characteristics . . . .”103 One need not look far to prove the plaintiffs’ statement wrong.
While criteria such as territorial control may sometimes be relevant to evaluating the concept of de facto statehood, the principal and frequently dispositive question for purposes of the act of state doctrine is whether the foreign sovereign has received de jure recognition by the United States.104 On this issue, the
Once again, Air Panama is on point. In that case, the recognized Delvalle government had been displaced by a military coup and lacked control over the corporate assets at issue.106 In applying the act of state doctrine, the court did not evaluate the scope of territory actually controlled by the Delvalle government. Rather, the court explained that it must give “complete judicial deference”107 to and was “conclusively b[ou]nd” by the decision of the Executive Branch to recognize the Delvalle government.108 This principle governed all aspects of the court‘s analysis.109
The act of state doctrine even extends to decrees by recognized governments in exile that control no territory. For example, prior to Franklin D. Roosevelt‘s 1933 decision to recognize the Soviet Union, the United States recognized Russia‘s provisional government located in the United States and led by Alexander Kerensky.110 The provisional government held no territory but, solely due to recognition, had the right to appear in United States courts.111 This recognition validated the provisional government‘s representation of Russian interests in the United States.112 It was only after President Roosevelt‘s de jure recognition of the Soviet Union that its representatives had authority to act in pursuit of the Russian government‘s interests in United States courts.113
At base, the plaintiffs invite a collateral attack on the Executive Branch‘s decision to recognize the Guaidó government.116 The act of state doctrine “arises out of the basic relationships between branches of government in a system of separation of powers.”117 It reflects the “proper distribution of functions between the judicial and political branches of the Government on matters bearing upon foreign affairs.”118 A rule requiring courts to ignore de jure recognition and instead apply subjective criteria of statehood would invite courts to second guess the determinations properly vested within the Executive Branch. Such a rule would allow for multiple and potentially divergent rulings where this nation must speak with “one voice.”119 Courts have consistently rejected that kind of judicial scrutiny in this sphere.
Thus, although the Guaidó government‘s de facto control over territory and people has momentous implications beyond these pages, it does not matter for the purpose of this legal analysis. The Executive‘s de jure recognition of the Guaidó government standing alone establishes statehood sufficient to invoke the act of state doctrine.
3. The relevant act was accomplished within Venezuela‘s sovereign territory.
Last, the plaintiffs argue that the official act did not occur within Venezuela‘s sovereign territory because it had extraterritorial effects precluding application of the act of state doctrine. To be clear, the relevant “official act” is Guaidó‘s appointments to the PDVSA board, and the plaintiffs do not argue that this act occurred outside of Venezuela‘s territorial limits, nor could they.123 The plaintiffs instead argue that because the National Assembly directed the Guaidó government to replace the PDVSA board “for the purpose” of reconstituting the boards of Delaware corporations headquartered in Houston, the primary effect of the official act took place outside of Venezuela.
Although no U.S. Supreme Court case has directly addressed this defense, lower courts have rejected it. For example, in Interamerican Refining Corp. v. Texaco Maracaibo, Inc., the plaintiff alleged that the defendants engaged in a boycott designed to deny the plaintiff oil needed for its operations.124 The defendants did not deny that they refused to do business with the plaintiff, but they argued that the Venezuelan government forbade them from doing business with the plaintiff in a presumptively valid act of state.125 The federal
None of the authorities on which the plaintiffs rely support the proposition that an extraterritorial effect of an official act can alone preclude application of the doctrine.127 Rather, most of the plaintiffs’ authorities address how to apply territorial limitations to official acts involving intangible property. In each decision, the court analyzed the fictional situs of the intangible property (trademarks or debt) to determine whether the official act exceeded the sovereign‘s territorial domain for the purpose of the act of state doctrine.128 In each decision, the legal situs of the intangible property determined whether the act of state doctrine applied. The courts did not need to look to or analyze the effects of the official act at issue.
To be sure, dictum in one of the plaintiffs’ authorities provides a non-frivolous foothold for the plaintiffs’ theory. Allied Bank refers to the “effects” of the official act when addressing territorial limits, stating that “[a]cts of foreign governments purporting to have extraterritorial effect . . . by definition, fall[] outside the scope of the act of state doctrine . . . .”129 This reference to “effects,” found in a transitional sentence, does not refer to or form the basis of any analysis, and it is purely
In this case, the official act is the replacement of the PDVSA board. That act occurred within Venezuela‘s territorial boundaries and the plaintiffs do not contend otherwise. The knock-on effects of that act which took place outside of Venezuela do not render the original act extraterritorial.
C. This Decision Does Not Resolve Who Constitutes the Boards of the CITGO Entities.
Because Guaidó‘s appointment of directors to PDVSA‘s Managing Board is valid, the defendants argue that they are entitled to a declaration that the written consents electing new boards of the CITGO Entities are also valid.131 The defendants did not attach the written consents at issue to their counterclaims. They provided those documents to the plaintiffs in connection with briefing on their motion for judgment on the pleadings.132 The Court, therefore, cannot consider these documents on a motion pursuant to
The plaintiffs did not identify any deficiencies in the stockholder consents
IV. CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the cross motions for judgment on the pleadings are converted into cross motions for summary judgment. Resolution of those motions is stayed to permit the plaintiffs to submit an affidavit pursuant to
