Rоberto Carlos SILVA-PEREIRA, Petitioner, v. Loretta E. LYNCH, Attorney General, Respondent.
No. 14-70276
United States Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit.
July 7, 2016
830 F.3d 1176
In short, there may be some good reasons to be skeptical about the correctness of the current framework of analyzing the Second Amendment rights of felons. But in light of Heller and Vongxay, those issues are beside the point here.
AFFIRMED.
CHRISTEN, Circuit Judge, concurring:
I fully join the Court‘s rejection of Phillips‘s procedural challenge to his sentence. I also agree that our prior precedent and Supreme Court precedent foreclose Phillips‘s argument that use of his prior conviction as a predicate offense for his
Gautam Jagannath (argued), and Emily Abraham, Social Justice Collaborative, Oakland, California, for Petitioner.
Timothy G. Hayes (argued), Trial Attorney; Cindy S. Ferrier, Assistant Director; Benjamin C. Mizer, Acting Assistant Attorney General, Civil Division; Office of Immigration Litigation, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C., for Respondent.
Before: J. CLIFFORD WALLACE and DIARMUID F. O‘SCANNLAIN, Circuit Judges and MARILYN L. HUFF,** District Judge.
OPINION
O‘SCANNLAIN, Circuit Judge:
We must decide whether substantial evidence supports the determination of the Board of Immigration Appeals that this petitioner is ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal to Nicaragua and whether he qualifies for deferral of removal under the Convention Against Torture.
I
A
Roberto Carlos Silva-Perеira is a Salvadoran citizen and national, and was a professional soccer player in El Salvador until around 2000. Following his retirement, he entered the construction business in El Salvador with his wife. His companies bid
Silva reports that he became involved in Salvadoran politics in 2000, when he became a member of the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional Party (“FMLN“). In 2006, however, Silva changed parties when he was elected a deputy to Congressman Gonzales Lovo, a member of the Partido de Conciliación Nacional (“PCN“). Silva testified that although some members of the FMLN resented his switch to the PCN, he thought both parties had a shared ideology oрposing the then-ruling Alianza Republicana Nacionalista party (“ARENA“), which Silva believed to be corrupt.
Roughly six months after Silva assumed office as Congressman Lovo‘s deputy, the Salvadoran legislature held hearings about allegations that Silva engaged in money laundering and bribery of government officials through his construction business. At those hearings, the Salvadoran Attorney General presented evidence that Silva acquired approximately $1.6 million in illicit assets between 2004 and 2006 from contracts acquired through bribery. According to Silva, the charges were brought because the Attorney General believed him to be a “stumbling block” to the ARENA party.
Ultimately, 82 out of El Salvador‘s 84 legislators voted to suspend Silva‘s legislative immunity. The voting majority included all three parties and 9 out of 10 members of Silva‘s own PCN party, with the exception of Congressman Lovo who chose to abstain. The legislator who acted as a prosеcutor in Silva‘s case also abstained. Silva claims that the legislature‘s landslide vote was orchestrated by ARENA and motivated by a desire to secure aid from the United States by demonstrating an active fight against corruption.
After the legislature revoked Silva‘s immunity, a Salvadoran court held hearings in January 2007 to determine whether the evidence against Silva supported the issuance of a warrant for his arrest. Silva was represented by counsel at these hearings, but submitted a note through his attorneys telling the court that he was too sick to attend. The court issued a warrant for Silva‘s arrest on January 25, 2007. Silva left El Salvador sometime during this period.
Around the time Silva‘s legislative immunity was suspended, Silva‘s wife and mother-in-law were also arrested on corruption charges connected to their role in Silva‘s construction businesses. His mother-in-law was acquitted. After being convicted of some charges and acquitted of others, Silvа‘s wife was sentenced to seven years in prison. Additionally, authorities successfully prosecuted a former mayor, Mario Osorto, for forging documents that facilitated Silva‘s government contracts. Osorto was an ARENA party member and also a member of the Central American Parliament (“PARLACEN“). As with Silva, the Salvadoran legislature voted to suspend Osorto‘s legislative immunity in December 2006. Osorto was sentenced to four years in prison.
B
Subsequently, in the United States, Silva was apprehended by agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI“) near his girlfriend‘s home in California in October 2007. When investigators knocked on the door, Silva fled on foot, jumping fences and hiding in bushes before being arrested. Following his arrest, Silva conceded removability but sought asylum, withholding of removal, and protection under the Convention Against Torture. He declined
1
At his initial immigration hearings before the IJ in Florence, Arizona, Silva described several incidents of violence allegedly perpetrated against him by Salvadoran officials. First, he asserted that the leader of ARENA‘s legislators threatened him at gunpoint for accusing ARENA of corruption. Second, Silva alleged he suffered violence at the hands of Salvadoran police after visiting his wife in prison in El Salvador. According to Silva, he visited his wife in October 2006 and took pictures with his cell phone of injuries she allegedly sustained while incarcerated. Silva testified that upon leaving the prison, police stopped the car in which he was riding with his ten-year-old son and his driver. According to Silva, the police hit him with a rifle, forcibly took the phone, and threatened his son at gunpoint.
Third, Silva testified that roughly one week after this assault, police entered his house without a warrant and again assaulted him and frightened his children. Silva claimed he was unable to attend the arrest warrant hearings in El Salvador as a result of injuries from this incident. When government counsel pointed out that based on Silva‘s testimony, the alleged encounter in his home took place more than three months before the arrest warrant hearings, Silva claimed he had actually been beaten an additional time by “four people dressed as police” in January 2007.
Silva failed to report any of these incidents in his asylum application to the Department of Homeland Security. When asked why he failed to mention the incidents involving the police outside his wife‘s prison and in his home, Silva said he forgot to report them to his attorney. He also claimed that “[his] problem is very complex” and he worried that other Salvadoran detainees would “steal [his] declaration” and beat him.
On cross-examination, government cоunsel also questioned Silva about his alleged departure date from El Salvador. Silva testified that he crossed the Texas border in early January 2007 after spending only six hours or so in Guatemala and a handful of days in Mexico. When government counsel pointed out that this timeline was inconsistent with the entry date to the United States that Silva reported in his asylum application, Silva testified that he actually exited El Salvador several weeks later than he initially indicated. Silva subsequently admitted that he allowed his attorneys to tell a Salvadoran judge that he was too sick to attend the arrest warrant hearings when in fact he was fleeing the country.
2
Several experts hired by Silva testified that they believed the Salvadoran corruption charges were likely linked to Silva‘s opposition to the ARENA party. One of these experts, a private investigator named Tom Parker, also presented a tape-recorded conversation in which Adolfo Torrez, a close confidant of the ARENA-affiliated president, told Silva he could make the charges against Silva and his wife disappear for a price of $500,000. When Torrez‘s offer became public, the ARENA party withdrew its support for the Attorney General because he knew about Torrez‘s actions but failed to investigate. Torrez subsequently died of a gunshot wound. Parker speculated that Torrez was murdered, though other reports on the forensic evidence indicate that Torrez committed suicide.
The IJ also heard testimony from Silva‘s brother, who stated that Silva was protect-
3
In August 2008, the IJ rendered his first decision, concluding Silva was non-credible and denying his applications. In so finding, the IJ noted discrepancies between Silva‘s testimony and his asylum application concerning his exit date from El Salvador. The Board of Immigration Appeals (“BIA“) reversed, finding that the IJ‘s limited discussion--and especially his focus on the date discrepancies--was inadequate to sustain the credibility determination.
C
Following remand, the IJ conducted additional hearings between May and September 2009. During this time, the government introduced evidence that in addition to his crimes in El Salvador, Silva had also been charged with conspiracy to commit murder in Guatemala.
1
Exhibits and testimony at the second round of hearings established that in February 2007, three Salvadoran representatives to the Central American Parliament were found murdered in a charred van outside Guatemala City. Among the murdered PARLACEN representatives was Eduardo D‘Aubuisson, the son of ARENA‘s founder and the brother of Roberto D‘Aubuisson, Jr., one of ARENA‘s current leaders. Later inquiry by international investigators concluded that the representatives were likely carrying $5 million and twenty kilograms of cocaine.
Guatemalan authorities initially arrested four Guatemalan police officers whom they believed carried out the murders in cooperation with a drug gang. Two weeks after being taken into custody, however, these four officers were gunned down inside a Guatemalan prison, prompting the Guatemalan government to seek out assistance from the FBI and a task force sponsored by the United Nations called the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (“CICIG“). Guatemalan authorities subsequently charged and convicted a number of individuals for involvement in these killings, including a Guatemalan congressman named Manuel Castillo. Phone records showed Castillo placed calls to both the corrupt police and the drug gang involved in the hit on D‘Aubuisson and his companions. Castillo was sentenced to 203 years in prison.
During Castillo‘s trial, Guatemalan authorities offered evidence that Silva cooperated with Castillo and the drug gang in planning the killings. Correspondingly, the Guatemalan government filed a separate indictment against Silva, indicating that Silva acted as the “intellectual author” behind the Guatemalan murders. Specifically, the indictment accuses Silva of planning the murders with Castillo and various gang members at a series of meetings in El Salvador and Guatemala. Those allegations were corroborated during Castillo‘s trial by an eyewitness witness known as “Judas,” currently under government protection in El Salvador.
Silva‘s experts questioned the legitimaсy of the Guatemalan charges, and offered varying theories as to why Guatemala would target Silva specifically. One expert, a journalist named Lafitte Martine Fernandez-Rojas who wrote a popular book about the PARLACEN murders, speculat-
2
Following this second round of hearings, the IJ issued an oral decision granting Silva asylum but denying Silva withholding of removal or protection under the Convention Against Torture (“CAT“). In so holding, the IJ concluded that the BIA‘s previous decision left him no choice but to find Silva credible. Upon review, the BIA vacated the IJ‘s decision and remanded the case again, noting that it had merely instructed the IJ to “provid[e] further explanation,” not accept Silva‘s credibility without question. The BIA also directed the IJ to make a specific determination concerning Silva‘s eligibility for protection under the CAT if necessary.
D
Following the second remand, the government argued to the IJ that Silva was statutorily barred from seeking asylum or withholding of removal because there were serious reasons to believe Silva committed money laundering in El Salvador and conspiracy to commit murder in Guatemala. The IJ agreed and declared Silva ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal, but sought additional evidence related to Silva‘s CAT claim. During this time, the IJ trying Silva‘s case retired and the case was reassigned to a new judge.1
1
In the next round of hearings, Silva‘s experts testified in support of his CAT claim that he would be tortured or executed in El Salvador because Roberto D‘Aubuisson, Jr., a high-powered leader of ARENA and son of the рarty‘s founder, would seek retribution for his brother‘s murder. Silva‘s experts acknowledged that ARENA no longer controlled the presidency in El Salvador, but insisted that ARENA continues to exert control over many aspects of the government. Silva‘s experts also argued that Silva would likely not survive being jailed in Guatemala.
2
In March 2013, the IJ issued a decision denying Silva‘s application for deferral of removal under the CAT and reiterating that he was ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal. Before issuing his decision, however, the IJ inquired whether Silva wished to reconsider his decision declining to specify a preferred country of removal. Silva indicated he wished to designate Nicaragua as his country of removal. The IJ granted Silva‘s request, and designated El Salvador as the alternate country of removal.
Considering Silva‘s claims on the merits, the IJ concluded that Silva was ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal be-
3
The BIA thereafter dismissed Silva‘s appeal, largely adopting the reasoning of the IJ. The BIA agreed that there were serious reasons to believe that Silva was involved in the Guatemalan murders because the charging documents alleged specific facts and were likely the product of a genuine fight against corruption. The BIA also concluded that there were serious reasons to believe Silva committed a serious nonpolitical crime in El Salvador. In so holding, the BIA also upheld the IJ‘s adverse credibility determination, pointing to Silva‘s lie to the Salvadoran court, his failure to report incidents of police violence, and his lack of corroborating evidence. Finally, the BIA upheld the IJ‘s determination denying Silva‘s CAT claim.
Silva timely petitioned for review.
II
“We review ‘denials of asylum, withholding of removal, and CAT relief for substantial evidence and will uphold a denial supported by reasonable, substantial, and probative evidence on the record considered as a whole.‘” Huang v. Holder, 744 F.3d 1149, 1152 (9th Cir. 2014) (quoting Garcia-Milian v. Holder, 755 F.3d 1026, 1031 (9th Cir. 2013)). The agency‘s “findings of fact are conclusive unless any reasonable adjudicator would be compelled to conclude to the contrary.”
III
Silva first argues that the record does not support the BIA‘s conclusion that there are serious reasons to believe that he participated in the murder of D‘Aubuisson and his companions in Guatemala, or engaged in bribery and money laundering in El Salvador. In so arguing, Silva contends that the IJ erred in finding him non-credible.
Because Silva‘s application for relief was submitted after May 11, 2005, the REAL ID Act governs his case. Pub. L. No. 109-13, 119 Stat. 231 (2005); see Shrestha v. Holder, 590 F.3d 1034, 1039 (9th Cir. 2010). The REAL ID Act states in relevant part:
Considering the totality of thе circumstances, and all relevant factors, a trier of fact may base a credibility determination on ... the inherent plausibility of
the applicant‘s or witness‘s account, the consistency between the applicant‘s or witness‘s written and oral statements ..., the internal consistency of each such statement ... and any inaccuracies or falsehoods in such statements, without regard to whether an inconsistency, inaccuracy, or falsehood goes to the heart of the applicant‘s claim, or any other relevant factor.
A
In upholding the IJ‘s decision, the BIA first agreed with the IJ that Silva‘s failure to mention in his asylum application incidents of police violence that occurred outside the prison and at his home in his asylum application was a significant omission that justified an adverse credibility finding. Silva has pointed us to no evidence that compels a contrary conclusion.
Although it is true that “mere omission of details is insufficient to uphold an adverse credibility finding,” Lai v. Holder, 773 F.3d 966, 971 (9th Cir. 2014) (quoting Singh v. Gonzales, 403 F.3d 1081, 1085 (9th Cir. 2005)), an adverse credibility determination may be supported by omissions that are not “details,” but new allegations that tell a “much different-and more compelling-story of persecution than [the] initial application,” Zamanov v. Holder, 649 F.3d 969, 974 (9th Cir. 2011). For instance, in Zamanov, we concluded that substantial evidence supported the BIA‘s adverse credibility determination where a petitioner‘s asylum application failed to mention three incidents in which police interrupted his participation in various political activities, arrested him, and beat him. Id. at 972. We noted that these omissions “materially altered” his account of persecution by connecting government persecution to his political activity, and thus “went to the core of his allegеd fear of political persecution” as our pre-REAL ID act case law required. Id. at 973-74.
We have since reiterated the rule explained in Zamanov several times. For instance, in Alvarez-Santos v. INS, we upheld the BIA‘s adverse credibility determination where an applicant failed to mention a violent incident supporting his two previous asylum applications. 332 F.3d 1245, 1248-49 (9th Cir. 2003). At the conclusion of his direct testimony, the applicant mentioned for the first time that
Here the BIA reasonably concluded that Silva‘s failure to mention his altercations with police were not details, but instead “significant events of alleged police misconduct that would have supported his applications for relief.” In his asylum application, Silva stated only that the prosecution for corruption in El Salvador aimed at himself and his family was actually a form of persecution for Silva‘s outspoken criticism of ARENA. At his immigration hearing, however, Silva reported for the first time that police brutally beat him outside his wife‘s prison and again in his home--incidents which he claims left him with permanent injuries and provoked extreme psychological trauma in his children. Moreover, Silva testified that when he asked the police why they were pointing a gun at his son, they told him it wаs “because of your political opinion [and] because you‘re always talking.” These are not trivialities, but “pivotal event[s]” that were “crucial to establishing” that Silva actually suffered persecution as a result of his political opinion. See Alvarez-Santos, 332 F.3d at 1254; Kin, 595 F.3d at 1057.
Likewise, Silva‘s explanation for omitting these events from his application for asylum “is not persuasive enough to compel the conclusion that the omissions were immaterial.” Kin, 595 F.3d at 1057. Before testifying about the altercation with police outside his wife‘s prison, Silva explained that such incident was not included in his asylum application because he “forgot” to mention it to his attorney. Silva later stated that he did not previously report his altercations with police because “[his] problem is very complex” and because he worried other Salvadoran detainees might beat him and “steal [his] declaration.” Yet as the IJ and the BIA both conсluded, it is “simply not believable” that Silva would fail to remember such “dramatic incident[s]” so closely related to his asylum claim. See Alvarez-Santos, 332 F.3d at 1254. We also agree with the agency that it strains belief to conclude that Silva would fear accusing unnamed police officers of misconduct when his initial asylum application accused ARENA‘s highest ranking officials of wrongdoing and corruption. Such circumstances clearly distinguish Silva‘s case from instances in which we have found the BIA‘s credibility determination based on an omission to be unsupported. See Lai, 773 F.3d at 974 (holding an adverse credibility determination was not supported where a claimant “gave a plausible and compelling explanation for the omission“).
Silva argues that various documents submitted several years after his testimony compel the conclusion that the agency‘s credibility determination is mistaken. But as the BIA noted, many of these documents were based only on Silva‘s own assertions or otherwise insufficient to corroborate his version of events. For instance, Silva submitted an evaluation from a psychologist who examined him more than four years after his alleged encounters with police, and whose findings were
B
In addition to Silva‘s failure to report incidents of alleged persecution by the police, the IJ and the BIA also noted discrepancies in Silva‘s testimony regarding his entry date into the United States. In his asylum application, Silva said he left El Salvador on January 7, 2007, and that he arrived in the United States on February 1, 2007. However, after the government‘s attorney pointed out that this exit date was irreconcilable with Silva‘s reported timeline in traveling to the United States, Silva then stated he actually left El Salvador on January 22, 2007.
Silva argues that this date discrepancy is insufficient on its оwn to support an adverse credibility determination, as the BIA concluded on its first remand. We are inclined to agree. However, “when inconsistencies that weaken a claim for asylum are accompanied by other indications of dishonesty ... an adverse credibility determination may be supported by substantial evidence.” Kaur v. Gonzales, 418 F.3d 1061, 1067 (9th Cir. 2005). Here, the IJ and the BIA clarified that Silva‘s varying testimony on this point was significant not for its own sake, but instead because it related directly to Silva‘s efforts to avoid criminal charges.
The record demonstrates that following the legislature‘s revocation of Silva‘s immunity, a Salvadoran court held hearings beginning on January 18, 2007, to determine whether a warrant for Silva‘s arrest ought to be issued. Silva testified that he instructed his attorneys to submit a note to the judge stating that he was too ill to attend the proceedings because of the beating he sustained by police when they searched his home. When DHS pointed out that Silva had previously testified that this incident took place roughly three months before the court hearings, Silva claimed that he had been beaten an additional time by individuals dressed as police in January 2007. The government then asked Silva to explain how he was both too injured to attend the arrest-warrant hearings but well enough to flee El Salvador on January 22 as he had just indicated. Silva first responded by saying he was “just hurt” and “not totally in a grave state.” After the government lawyer repeated the question multiple times, however, Silva admitted that he planned to and did flee El Salvador on January 22, and that his statement to the court that he was too ill to attend was fraudulent. We have held on numerous occasions that the “[a]dmission of prior dishonesty can support an adverse credibility determination.” Don v. Gonzales, 476 F.3d 738, 741 n.5 (9th Cir. 2007); see also Kaur, 418 F.3d at 1065 (“It strains credulity to hold that the evidence presented at the asylum hearing compels us to find
In his opening brief, Silva‘s attorney admits that Silva intentionally lied to the Salvadoran court, but contends that the lie was justified “to escape a sham trial at a puppet court.” But the record does not compel that conclusion. Although some of Silva‘s experts asserted that it is “virtually impossible to get a fair trial in El Salvador,” they also recognized that justice can be had--an assertion further supported by the fact that Silva‘s mother-in-law was acquitted of all charges against her, and his wife acquitted of several. Moreover, Silva‘s appeal to possible corruption in the Salvadoran justice system does nothing to explain why Silva testified to the IJ that he was too sick to attend the hearings until inconsistencies in his own testimony forced him to admit he was lying. See Don, 476 F.3d at 742 (observing that a petitioner‘s argument that he lied to Sri Lankan police out of fear for his safety “d[id] not explain why Don provided different dates to the asylum officer and to the IJ“). The agency‘s credibility determination was valid.
IV
Silva next argues that the BIA erred in concluding that there are serious reasons to believe that he committed two serious nonpolitical crimes--conspiracy to murder D‘Aubuisson and his companions in Guatemala and money laundering and bribery in El Salvador. Once again, we review the BIA‘s conclusion for substantial evidence. See Go v. Holder, 640 F.3d 1047, 1052 (9th Cir. 2011).
A
An individual is ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal where “there are serious reasons for believing that the alien has committed a serious nonpolitical crime outside the United States.”
In finding Silva ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal, the BIA determined that there are serious reasons for believing that Silva conspired with others to murder D‘Aubuisson and the other PARLACEN delegates in Guatemala. Silva does not contest that the Guatemalan murders were serious nonpolitical crimes, nor did he make any such argument to the BIA. Thus, the only question before us in relation to this issue is whether there are “serious reasons for believing” Silva was complicit in these killings. See
As both the IJ and the BIA noted, the Guatemalan indictment provides strong reason to believe that Silva was involved in the PARLACEN murders, not least because it alleges specific facts connecting Silva to the crime. The indictment accuses Silva of planning the murders with Castillo‘s gang contacts at a series of meetings--one inside a restaurant allegedly owned by Osorto, the mayor who was convicted of corruption for аssisting Silva in obtaining government contracts, and a second meeting at a car wash in Guatemala. Moreover, the indictment‘s allegations were corroborated by “Judas,” an eyewitness whom the Guatemalan court deemed credible. Judas testified in no uncertain terms that he witnessed Silva meet with various gang members, and that Silva planned the murder of D‘Aubuisson and his companions at those meetings. What is more, Judas as-
Silva argues that the probable cause standard we articulated in Go is inapposite because unlike the petitioner in that case, Silva did not аffirmatively admit to participating in the murders. See Go, 640 F.3d at 1053. But there is no question that Go‘s standard can be met without an explicit admission of guilt, as other courts have rightly recognized.
For instance, in Khouzam v. Ashcroft, 361 F.3d 161, 166 (2d Cir. 2004), the Second Circuit relied on an Egyptian arrest warrant and police reports to conclude that there were “serious reasons for believing” that a petitioner had committed a murder in that country. In so concluding, the court reasoned that, just as in Silva‘s case, the documents submitted were sufficient to establish probable cause because they suggested a possible motive for the killing and offered specific allegations supporting the charge--that the petitioner‘s fingerprints were found at the scene, that he was seen wearing a bloody shirt that was later recovered, and that eyewitnesses said he had an injured hand. Id. Silva contends that Khouzam is distinguishable because the charges in that case were supported by circumstantial evidence rather than eyewitnеss testimony. But that difference is beside the point. Even assuming that the quantum of evidence in Silva‘s case differs from the evidence at issue in Khouzam, Silva has pointed to no evidence that “compel[s] the conclusion that probable cause was lacking.” Go, 640 F.3d at 1053. Absent such a showing, the BIA‘s determination must be upheld.
Silva also argues that the IJ improperly ignored the testimony of Fernandez-Rojas and Silva‘s other experts that the charges against Silva were pretextual and that the PARLACEN murders were in fact perpetrated by the Guatemalan government to cover up drug dealing. But the agency was within its discretion to reject these alternate theories. See Aguilar-Ramos v. Holder, 594 F.3d 701, 705 n. 7 (9th Cir. 2010) (observing that an IJ is “not required to adopt as true all of the facts” upon which an expert witness based his opinion where the IJ states “specific reasons in the record why the testimony was insufficient to establish” facts necessary to grant relief).
Here, both the BIA аnd the IJ found that evidence in the record suggests that although there is corruption in Guatemala, there have been improvements especially related to that government‘s investigation of the PARLACEN murders, making it unlikely that the charges against Silva were pretextual. For instance, the BIA noted that in response to the murder of the police officers who carried out the PARLACEN killings, the Guatemalan government sought the assistance of the FBI to help bring those responsible to justice. Moreover, the record demonstrates that Guatemala has convicted not only numerous gang members implicated in the murders, but also Manuel Castillo, himself a Guatemalan official. Likewise, the BIA observed that the reliability of the CICIG report upon which Silva‘s experts based their conclusions was at least questionable since the report‘s principal author has herself since been implicated in corruption and stripped of immunity by CICIG. One may certainly disagree with the agency‘s assessment of the evidence or believe such evidence “cast[s] a reasonable doubt on
Because the Guatemalan charges provide a sufficient basis upon which to conclude that Silva is ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal, we need not reach Silva‘s challenges to the BIA‘s alternate conclusion that there are serious reasons for believing that Silva committed a second serious nonpolitical crime by engaging in bribery and money laundering in El Salvador. Silva is ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal.
B
Silva next argues that even assuming his possible involvement in the Guatemalan murders renders him ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal, the agency should have been forbidden from reaching this conclusion under the law of the case doctrine.
The law of the case doctrine “generally preclude[s] [courts] from reconsidering an issue previously decided by the same court, or a higher court in the identical case.” Milgard Tempering, Inc. v. Selas Corp. of Am., 902 F.2d 703, 715 (9th Cir. 1990). However, we have previously observed that “it is doubtful that federal courts have the authority to extend the law of the case doctrine” to administrative proceedings. Lockert v. U.S. Dep‘t of Labor, 867 F.2d 513, 518 (9th Cir. 1989); see also Biltmore Forest Broadcasting FM, Inc. v. FCC, 321 F.3d 155, 163 (D.C. Cir. 2003) (noting that “the law of the case doctrine is of uncertain force in the context of administrative litigation“); but see Stacy v. Colvin, 825 F.3d 563, 566 (9th Cir. 2016) (holding that the law of the case doctrine applies to social security administrative remands from federal court). That reticence makes sense in the context of immigration proceedings, because both the BIA and the IJ have explicit legal authority to reconsider their own decisions sua sponte. See
For the law of the case doctrine to bar reconsideration of an issue, “the issue in question must have been decided explicitly or by necessary implication in the previous disposition.” United States v. Lummi Indian Tribe, 763 F.3d 1180, 1187 (9th Cir. 2014) (quoting United States v. Lummi Indian Tribe, 235 F.3d 443, 452 (9th Cir. 2000)). Silva admits that neither the IJ nor the BIA explicitly decided whether he was ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal on the basis of the serious nonpolitical crimes bar before the final round of decisions. Nonetheless, he argues that the IJ and the BIA “found by necessary implication” in their earlier decisions that the bar did not apply. We disagree.
In its first decision, the IJ denied Silva asylum and withholding of removal on the basis of its adverse credibility determina-
V
Although Silva is ineligible for asylum and withholding of removal under
At his initial immigration hearing, Silva decided not to designate a country of removal, prompting the IJ initially assigned to Silva‘s case to designate El Salvador as the country of removal in accordance with the relevant statute. See
Silvа appealed the IJ‘s decision to the BIA and contested the IJ‘s determination that he failed to meet his burden under CAT. However, Silva‘s arguments focused exclusively on the likelihood that he will suffer torture in either El Salvador or Guatemala. At no point did Silva argue to the BIA, nor has he argued to us, that he would likely suffer torture if removed to Nicaragua--“the proposed country of removal.”
VI
For the foregoing reasons, the petition for review is
DENIED.
DIARMUID F. O‘SCANNLAIN
UNITED STATES CIRCUIT JUDGE
