PRIESTS FOR LIFE, et al., Appellants v. UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES, et al., Appellees.
Nos. 13-5368, 13-5371, 14-5021.
United States Court of Appeals, District of Columbia Circuit.
May 20, 2015.
Adam C. Jed, Alisa B. Klein, Mark B. Stern, Beth S. Brinkmann, DOJ Appellate Counsel, Stuart F. Delery, Ronald C. Machen, Jr., Esquire, U.S. Attorney‘s Office, Charles Edward Davidow, Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison LLP, Marcia Devins Greenberger, Ayesha N. Khan, Esquire, Americans United for Separation of Church and State, Washington, DC, Kimberlee Wood Colby, Christian Legal Society, Springfield, VA, for Appellees.
BEFORE: GARLAND, Chief Judge; HENDERSON, ROGERS, TATEL, BROWN **, GRIFFITH, KAVANAUGH **, SRINIVASAN *, MILLETT *, PILLARD, and WILKINS, Circuit Judges.
ORDER
On Petition for Rehearing En Banc
PER CURIAM.
Appellants/cross-appellees’ joint petition for rehearing en banc and the response thereto were circulated to the full court, and a vote was requested. Thereafter, a majority of the judges eligible to participate did not vote in favor of the petition. Upon consideration of the foregoing, it is
ORDERED that the petition be denied.
A statement by Circuit Judge PILLARD, joined by Circuit Judges ROGERS and WILKINS, concurring in the denial of rehearing en banc, is attached.
A statement by Circuit Judge BROWN, joined by Circuit Judge HENDERSON, dissenting from the denial of rehearing en banc, is attached.
A statement by Circuit Judge KAVANAUGH, dissenting from the denial of rehearing en banc, is attached.
PILLARD, Circuit Judge, joined by ROGERS and WILKINS, Circuit Judges, concurring in the denial of rehearing en banc:
A majority of the court has voted to deny the petition for rehearing en banc in this case. In two thoughtful opinions, Judge Kavanaugh, and Judge Brown joined by Judge Henderson, dissent from that denial. The panel‘s opinion speaks at length to the issues they take up. The panel members write further only to underscore why our court‘s approach accords with the Supreme Court‘s decision in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc., — U.S. —, 134 S.Ct. 2751, 189 L.Ed.2d 675 (2014).
The dissenters and we agree that the
The Court in Hobby Lobby invalidated the requirement that closely-held, for-profit businesses with religious objections to contraception nonetheless must buy health-insurance coverage for their employees that pays for contraception, or else face taxes or penalties. 134 S.Ct. at 2759. No opt out was available to those businesses. The parties in Hobby Lobby did not dispute what the law required, nor its practical effects: All agreed that the
In rejecting the government‘s position in Hobby Lobby, the Supreme Court emphasized that courts may not second-guess religious beliefs about the wrongfulness of facilitating another person‘s immoral act. Id. at 2778.
That reasoning is inapplicable here. The dispute between the government and the Plaintiffs in this case, unlike in Hobby Lobby, is not about religious implications of acknowledged—but perhaps attenuated—support for contraceptive use; the parties disagree here about how the law functions, and therefore whether there is any causal connection at all between employers’ opt-out notice and employees’ access to contraception. Plaintiffs challenge the accommodation, not available in Hobby Lobby, based on their assertion that what causes their employees to receive contraceptive coverage is their compliance with the accommodation‘s precondition that
We held that Plaintiffs miscast the accommodation. The regulation allows Plaintiffs to continue to do just what they did before the
The judges who urge us to rehear the case say that Hobby Lobby leaves no room for us to question Plaintiffs’ characterization of how the challenged regulations operate, including their assertions that the regulations force Plaintiffs to facilitate the provision of contraception. As they read it, Hobby Lobby forbids a court deciding a claim under
Neither the holding nor the reasoning of Hobby Lobby made that leap.
The dispute we resolved is legal, not religious. Under the
BROWN, Circuit Judge, with whom HENDERSON, Circuit Judge, joins, dissenting from the denial of rehearing en banc:
The French say: plus ça change et plus c‘est la même chose. The more things change; the more they remain the same. There was once a time when the church was the state and the church as the state embodied all hope of human well-being. R.W. SOUTHERN, WESTERN SOCIETY AND THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 23 (1970). To challenge the church was to undermine civilization. Thus, the imposition of orthodoxy was deemed necessary, and dissent, which amounted to heresy, was met with coercion and violence. See ST. THOMAS AQUINAS, SUMMA THEOLOGIÆ pt. II-II, q.11, art. 3.
This history prompted John Locke to urge toleration and stress the necessity of distinguishing “the business of civil government from that of religion” and establishing clear boundaries between them. John Locke, A Letter Concerning Toleration, reprinted in 5 THE WORKS OF JOHN LOCKE 5, 9 (12th ed. 1824). The Framers went further, establishing not only a limited government, but recognizing the primacy of individual conscience and seeking the line between freedom and justice. Thus, the Bill of Rights “grew in soil which also produced a philosophy that . . . liberty was attainable through mere absence of governmental restraints, and that government should be entrusted with few controls and only the mildest supervision over men‘s affairs.” W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 639-40, 63 S.Ct. 1178, 87 L.Ed. 1628 (1943). The federal government was given no authority over men‘s souls. For the Founders, the not-so-distant history of persecution
Of course, the right to freely exercise one‘s religion is not—and was not intended to be—absolute. The Founders recognized state coercion would at times be necessary, with Madison himself stating “full and free exercise . . . according to the dictates of conscience” could be limited where “the preservation of equal liberty . . . and the existence of the [government] may be manifestly endangered.” G. Hunt, Madison and Religious Liberty, 1 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, H.R. Doc. No. 702, 57th Cong., 1st Sess., 163, 166-67 (1901). However, “[t]he essence of all that has been said and written on the subject is that only those interests of the highest order . . . can overbalance legitimate claims to the free exercise of religion.” Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205, 215, 92 S.Ct. 1526, 32 L.Ed.2d 15 (1972).
The soil of the eighteenth century has eroded and that fixed star grown surprisingly dim. We live in a time where progress is sought “through expanded and strengthened governmental controls.” Barnette, 319 U.S. at 640. In a sense the government now fills the role formerly occupied by the church, embodying the hope of human well-being. For the government to pursue the good and to solve society‘s problems, it must first identify that which is good and that which is problematic through subjective and value-laden judgments. Cf. Laurence H. Tribe, Disentangling Symmetries: Speech, Association, Parenthood, 28 PEPP. L.REV. 641, 651-53 (2001) (stating that when the government takes a side in a “direct clash of competing images of ‘the good life,‘” it “is making an intrinsically contestable statement about the rightness or wrongness” of ideals). Consequently, orthodoxy has been rehabilitated, and dissent from the government‘s determinations may be quelled through coercion—onerous fines or banishment from commerce and the public square.
Despite the parallels, we do not find ourselves full circle quite yet. Religious adherents may still seek refuge from unnecessary governmental coercion through the
I
We begin by addressing the panel‘s opening observations and by making some of our own with the hopes of distinguishing between fact and fancy. First, this case is not about denying any woman access to contraception. A woman‘s right to obtain and use contraception was recognized long ago, and nothing about this case calls for the issue to be revisited. See Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 85 S.Ct. 1678, 14 L.Ed.2d 510 (1965).
Second, this case is about the religious freedom of these religiously-affiliated organizations and not about the free exercise concerns of the plaintiffs in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc., — U.S. —, 134 S.Ct. 2751, 189 L.Ed.2d 675 (2014). In that case, the Supreme Court found the Department of Health and Human Services’ (“HHS“) approach to religious nonprofits demonstrated there were less restrictive means available to deal with conscientious objectors among for-profit corporations. Id. at 2781-82. The Court expressly reserved judgment on whether HHS‘s approach “complies with RFRA for purposes of all religious claims.” Id. at 2782. While the government‘s approach to religious non-profits may—or may not—fully put to rest the Hobby Lobby plaintiffs’ religious objections, that is irrelevant to our consideration of the religious objections put forth by Plaintiffs in this case. The present Plaintiffs are entitled to their own personal beliefs.
Third, this case is not “paradoxical” because Plaintiffs object to regulatory requirements the government intended as a religious accommodation. Op., 772 F.3d at 246 (quoting Univ. of Notre Dame v. Sebelius, 743 F.3d 547, 557 (7th Cir. 2014), vacated and remanded, — U.S. —, 135 S.Ct. 1528, 191 L.Ed.2d 557 (2015)). That the government‘s expressed intent in enacting the regulations at issue was to allay religious adherents’ concerns about the contraception mandate is not determinative of the ultimate question of whether Plaintiffs were in fact accommodated. Where the government imposes a substantial burden on religious exercise and labels it an “accommodation,” that burden is surely as distressing to adherents as it would be if imposed without such a designation. Therefore, heightened skepticism is not appropriate. We should look at Plaintiffs’ claims as we would any
Fourth, this case is not one in which Plaintiffs’ “only harm . . . is that they sincerely feel aggrieved by their inability to prevent what other people would do to fulfill regulatory objectives after they opt out.” Op., 772 F.3d at 246. The regulations compel Plaintiffs to take actions they believe would amount to “impermissibly
II
The panel‘s substantial burden analysis is inconsistent with the precedent of the Supreme Court and this Court, which identifies both permissible and impermissible lines of inquiry in the substantial burden analysis of a
A
As we have recognized, whether a burden is “substantial” for purposes of
Next, the plaintiff bears the “burden of proving that the [law or regulation] substantially burden[s] that exercise of religion.” Holt, 135 S.Ct. at 862. The court asks whether he has been “put[] to th[e] choice” of either “‘engag[ing] in conduct that seriously violates [his] religious beliefs‘” or facing “serious” consequences. Id. (quoting Hobby Lobby, 134 S.Ct. at 2775); see also Thomas, 450 U.S. at 718 (stating a substantial burden exists when the government places “substantial pressure on an adherent to modify his behavior and to violate his beliefs“). The answer is no if the plaintiff can identify “no [compelled] action or forbearance on his part.” Kaemmerling v. Lappin, 553 F.3d 669, 679 (D.C. Cir. 2008) (plaintiff objecting to the government‘s extraction of DNA information from fluid or tissue samples but not to providing DNA samples); see also Bowen v. Roy, 476 U.S. 693, 699-700, 106 S.Ct. 2147, 90 L.Ed.2d 735 (1986) (plaintiff objecting to the government‘s independent utilization of his daughter‘s social security number, which he himself was not required to provide or use). The answer is also no where the pressure being placed upon a person to act contrary to his beliefs or the consequences
Here, Plaintiffs’ faith compels them to provide their employees and students with health insurance plans. Oral Arg. Tr. at 19:5-15. Their religious beliefs forbid them not only from providing or paying for contraception, but also from facilitating its provision. Pls. Br. at 15. Plaintiffs therefore believe they exercise their religion by providing health insurance plans that do not facilitate access to contraception. Id. at 11-12, 15, 24-25. In determining whether an act constitutes impermissible facilitation Plaintiffs are informed by “the Catholic doctrines of material cooperation and scandal.” Id. at 36. The sincerity of Plaintiffs’ beliefs has not been questioned. Op., 772 F.3d at 246-47.
Plaintiffs identify at least two acts that the regulations compel them to perform that they believe would violate their religious obligations: (1) “hiring or maintaining a contractual relationship with any company required, authorized, or incentivized to provide contraceptive coverage to beneficiaries enrolled in Plaintiffs’ health plans,” Pet. for Reh‘g En Banc at 3; and (2) “filing the self-certification or notification,” id. at 4. Plaintiffs have therefore shown both that they are being compelled to modify their behavior and that, if undertaken, the modification would be a violation of their religious beliefs. They are unlike the plaintiffs in Kaemmerling and Bowen, as they have shown they are themselves being compelled to modify their behavior.
If Plaintiffs do not act in violation of their beliefs, however, they face two alternatives. First, they may offer coverage that does not include contraceptives and face onerous fines.
B
The panel‘s opinion parts ways with precedent by wading into impermissible lines of inquiry. The panel did not dispute that federal law operates to compel Plaintiffs to maintain a relationship with an issuer or TPA that will provide the contraceptive coverage and to execute the self-certification or alternative notice. Their disagreement with Plaintiffs is about the significance of those compelled acts; in other words, the panel rejected the “adherents’ claim about the religious meaning of the undisputed operation of [] federal regulation[s].” Concurring Op. at 2; see also Eternal Word Television Network, Inc. v. Sec‘y, Dep‘t of Health & Human Servs., 756 F.3d 1339, 1340 (11th Cir. 2014) (Pryor, J. specially concurring) (disposing of the argument that the plaintiff‘s complaint should “fail[] because [the plaintiff] holds an erroneous legal opinion about how the contraception mandate works” because the plaintiff “offer[ed] no evidence that its complaint turns on the advice of counsel” but instead offered “undisputed declarations . . . about the ancient teachings of the Catholic Church“). With a thorough analysis of the regulations, the panel determined they “do not compel” Plaintiffs to “provide, pay for, and/or facilitate access to contraception, sterilization, abortion, or related counseling in a manner that violates the teachings of the Catholic Church.” Op., 772 F.3d at 246 (quoting Pls.’ Br. at 15). The panel explained the regulations allow Plaintiffs to “wash[] their hands of any involvement in providing insurance coverage for contraceptive services.” Id. at 247. Therefore, the panel concluded, Plaintiffs have been subjected to only to a de minimis burden of completing a form, and their
In declaring that—contrary to Catholic Plaintiffs’ contentions—it would be consistent with the teaching of the Catholic Church for Plaintiffs to comply with the regulations the panel exceeded both the “judicial function and [the] judicial competence.” Thomas, 450 U.S. at 716. What amounts to “facilitating immoral conduct,” Pet. for Reh‘g En Banc at 1, “scandal,” id. at 7, and “material” or “impermissible cooperation with evil,” id.; Op., 772 F.3d at 240, are inherently theological questions which objective legal analysis cannot resolve and which “federal courts have no business addressing.” Hobby Lobby, 134 S.Ct. at 2778; see also id. (stating “the circumstances under which it is wrong for a person to perform an act that is innocent in itself but has the effect of enabling or facilitating the commission of an immoral act by another” is “a difficult and important question of religion and moral philosophy“). The causal connection sufficient to create impermissible “facilitation” in the eyes of a religious group may be very different from what constitutes proximate cause in the common law tradition. See Univ. of Notre Dame, 743 F.3d at 566 (Flaum, J., dissenting) (“[W]e are judges, not moral philosophers or theologians; this is not a question of legal causation but of religious faith.“). Likewise, where civil authorities may conclude an individual has “wash[ed his] hands of any involvement,” Op., 772 F.3d at 247, adherents of a faith may examine the same situation and, in their religious judgment, reach the opposite conclusion. Pontius Pilate, too, washed his hands, but perhaps he perceived the stain of complicity remained. See Matthew 27:24.
Under the panel‘s analysis, it seems no claim of substantial burden may prevail where the religious significance of conduct under scripture as interpreted by a faith tradition differs from the legal significance of that conduct under the laws of the United States as interpreted by federal judges. But
Plaintiffs, including an Archbishop and two Catholic institutions of higher learning, say compliance with the regulations would facilitate access to contraception in violation of the teachings of the Catholic Church. What law or precedent grants this Court authority to conduct an independent inquiry into the correctness of this belief? Instead, where one sincerely believes performing certain acts would cause him to cross the line between permissible behavior and sin, the Supreme Court has instructed, “it is not for us to say that the line he drew was an unreasonable one.” Hobby Lobby, 134 S.Ct. at 2778 (quoting Thomas, 450 U.S. at 715). Plaintiffs’ sincere determination about the obligations their religion imposes is between them and their God and need not be “acceptable, logical, consistent, or comprehensible to others in order to merit . . . protection.” Thomas, 450 U.S. at 714. This is so even when, in the government‘s opinion, Plaintiffs’ determination is based on a mis-
The panel‘s analysis further parts ways with precedent by recasting Plaintiffs’ objection to the facilitation of access as an
Second, the actions to which Plaintiffs object—which may seem innocent if examined devoid of context—must be understood in light of the broader regulatory scheme. When the Supreme Court has considered claims involving beliefs about facilitation of immoral conduct, it has not employed the panel‘s approach of requiring the adherent to view their own actions in isolation. Instead the Court found a substantial burden where the plaintiffs were compelled to take actions they believed to be impermissible based on the actions’ place in a chain of events. See, e.g., Hobby Lobby, 134 S.Ct. at 2759 (the plaintiffs objected to providing access to abortifacients because others’ use of the drugs may result in the destruction of a human embryo); Thomas, 450 U.S. at 710 (plaintiff objected to fabricating turrets because those turrets would then be affixed by others to military tanks and used by others in warfare). This makes good sense, as the concept of facilitation inherently involves a view of one‘s conduct in relation to that of others‘. Logic and precedent therefore compel us to permit persons to object to performing an act that would be itself innocent but for its illicit consequences. Plaintiffs object to maintaining a relationship with an issuer or third-party administrator (“TPA“) that will use Plaintiffs’ health insurance plans as vehicles to provide contraceptive coverage. They object to completing, as the panel describes it, an “opt-out mechanism that shifts to third parties the obligation to provide contraceptive coverage.” Op., 772 F.3d at 252. Such claims do not fall outside the purview of
III
As Plaintiffs have demonstrated a substantial burden on their free exercise, the government may only prevail by demonstrating the regulations further a compelling interest and employ the least restrictive means of doing so.
Even assuming for the sake of argument that the government possesses a compelling interest in the provision of contraceptive coverage without cost sharing, it has not succeeded in demonstrating a compel-
Further, the government cannot meet its burden of demonstrating a compelling interest where it leaves “appreciable damage to [the] supposedly vital interest unprohibited.” Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah, 508 U.S. 520, 547, 113 S.Ct. 2217, 124 L.Ed.2d 472 (1993) (quoting Fla. Star v. B.J.F., 491 U.S. 524, 542, 109 S.Ct. 2603, 105 L.Ed.2d 443 (1989) (Scalia, J., concurring)); see also Republican Party of Minn. v. White, 536 U.S. 765, 780, 122 S.Ct. 2528, 153 L.Ed.2d 694 (2002) (stating a law‘s purpose is undermined when it is “so woefully underinclusive as to render belief in [its] purpose a challenge to the credulous“). As the panel notes, the
The question of least restrictive means then becomes the other side of the same coin. The government could treat employees whose employers do not provide complete coverage for religious reasons the same as it does employees whose employers provide no coverage. This would entail providing for subsidized—or in this case free—contraceptive coverage to be made available on health care exchanges. An employee of a religious objector then would face the same administrative burdens as those who find complete coverage on the exchanges. However, just like others who use the exchanges, after overcoming these administrative hurdles, employees of religious objectors would have contraceptive coverage without cost sharing. Such a mechanism would therefore be effective and would minimize the burden on religious adherents, demonstrating its viability as a less restrictive means than the current regulations.
IV
The Supreme Court has interpreted the First Amendment to deprive individuals of constitutional protection against neutral laws—meaning almost any law where the government does not announce its intention “to infringe upon or restrict practices because of their religious motivation.” Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc., 508 U.S. at 533. Genuine neutrality, however, would “allow[] many different and contending voices to be represented in public discourse.” Michael W. McConnell, Why is Religious Liberty the “First Freedom“?, 21 CARDOZO L. REV. 1243, 1262 (2000). When the state quells disparate voices, declaring a winner on one side of the culture wars, neutrality becomes a proxy for majoritarianism and secularism. Id.
Priests for Life is an organization that exists solely for the purpose of countering the benign narrative that contraception and abortion are beneficial to women. The other Plaintiffs exist, at least in part, to engender a counter-cultural narrative that “life begins at the moment of conception . . . and that certain ‘preventative’ services that interfere with conception or terminate a pregnancy are immoral.” Pls. Br. at 15. Those who accept employment with these organizations and students who enroll at these schools do so with full awareness of their mediating stance. Nevertheless, though the government acknowledges that a primary goal of such organizations is to oppose the government‘s mission of increasing access to and use of contraception, it places them outside its grudging religious exemption and offers only one real choice—they can renounce their religious scruples overtly or in practical effect. If the government coopts their contractors and administrative structures to dispense advice, drugs, and services that contravene their religious views, in effect, it has written contraceptive care, including access to abortifacients, into Plaintiffs’ employment contracts and student health care agreements. Commandeering is not accommodation, and, in this context, “seamlessness” is just shorthand for surrender.
The French have another saying, mocking the Bourbon restoration: ils n‘ont rien appris, ni rien oublié. Learning nothing and forgetting nothing. The modern maxim does the Bourbon monarchs one better: learning nothing and forgetting everything. Alas, preserving the fragile ark of our constitutionalism requires us to remember that the first principle of liberty is
KAVANAUGH, Circuit Judge, dissenting from the denial of rehearing en banc:
In my respectful view, the panel opinion misapplies the
At the outset, it is important to recognize that two of the key Supreme Court precedents here—Hobby Lobby and Wheaton College—were divided decisions with vigorous dissents. Some believe that those two decisions tilted too far in the direction of religious freedom. Others, by contrast, think that those decisions did not go far enough in the direction of religious freedom. We are a lower court in a hierarchical judicial system headed by “one supreme Court.”
Some background: The
As a religious accommodation, the regulations exempt religious non-profit organizations from the contraception mandate. To be exempt from the monetary penalty, however, the religious organizations must either submit a form with certain required information to their insurer or submit a letter with certain required information to the Secretary of Health and Human Ser-vices.1 (For ease of reference, I will use the term “form” to cover both documents.) The insurer must continue to provide con-
Many prominent religious organizations around the country—including the plaintiffs in this case—have bitterly objected to this scheme. They complain that submitting the required form contravenes their religious beliefs because doing so, in their view, makes them complicit in providing coverage for contraceptives, including some that they believe operate as abortifacients. They say that the significant monetary penalty for failure to submit the form constitutes a substantial burden on their exercise of religion. They contend, moreover, that the Government has less restrictive ways of ensuring that the employees of the religious organizations have access to contraception without making the organizations complicit in the scheme in this way.
The plaintiffs in this case have sued under the
Under
I conclude as follows:
First, under Hobby Lobby, the regulations substantially burden the religious organizations’ exercise of religion because the regulations require the organizations to take an action contrary to their sincere religious beliefs (submitting the form) or else pay significant monetary penalties.
Second, that said, Hobby Lobby strongly suggests that the Government has a compelling interest in facilitating access to contraception for the employees of these religious organizations.
Third, this case therefore comes down to the least restrictive means question. Under Hobby Lobby, Wheaton College, and Little Sisters of the Poor, requiring the religious organizations to submit this form is not the Government‘s least restrictive means of furthering its interest in facilitat-
I
First, under Hobby Lobby, this regulatory scheme imposes a substantial burden on plaintiffs’ exercise of religion.
Under
That is precisely what has happened here.
The “substantial burden” in this case comes from the large monetary penalty imposed on religious organizations that choose not to submit the required form. Cf. Hobby Lobby, 134 S.Ct. at 2775-76, 2779. It is settled that a direct monetary penalty on the exercise of religion constitutes a “substantial burden.” See id. (penalty for not providing contraceptive coverage); Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205, 208, 218-19, 92 S.Ct. 1526, 32 L.Ed.2d 15 (1972) (fine for not sending children to high school); Sherbert, 374 U.S. at 404 (describing hypothetical fine for Saturday worship).3
Here, the situation is only slightly more complicated. The Government has said in essence: “Do X or Y or suffer a penalty.” X is provide contraceptive coverage. Y is submit the form. All agree that X—providing contraceptive coverage—implicates plaintiffs’ “exercise of religion.” But religious organizations can avoid that option by choosing Y—submitting the form. In other words, the Government is exempting religious organizations from providing contraceptive coverage but is still saying: “Submit the form or suffer a penalty.”
As a result, the key inquiry under the first prong of
As the Supreme Court stated in Hobby Lobby, such a question of complicity—that is, when “it is wrong for a person to perform an act that is innocent in itself but that has the effect of enabling or facilitating the commission of an immoral act by another“—is “a difficult and important question of religion and moral philosophy.” Hobby Lobby, 134 S.Ct. at 2778. Judge Gorsuch has explained well the complicity issue that arises in these circumstances: “All of us face the problem of complicity. All of us must answer for ourselves whether and to what degree we are willing to be involved in the wrongdoing of others. For some, religion provides an essential source of guidance both about what constitutes wrongful conduct and the degree to which those who assist others in committing wrongful conduct themselves bear moral culpability. [Plaintiffs] are among those who seek guidance from their faith on these questions. Understanding that is the key to understanding this case.” Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. v. Sebelius, 723 F.3d 1114, 1152 (10th Cir. 2013) (Gorsuch, J., concurring).
But what if the religious organizations are misguided in thinking that this scheme—in which the form is part of the process by which the Government ensures contraceptive coverage—makes them complicit in facilitating contraception or abortion? That is not our call to make under the first prong of
That bedrock principle means that we may not question the wisdom or reasonableness (as opposed to the sincerity) of plaintiffs’ religious beliefs—including about complicity in wrongdoing. In Hobby Lobby, the Supreme Court emphatically confirmed that point. There, as here, the Government argued that the employers’ alleged complicity in providing contracep-
The Supreme Court adamantly rejected the basic premise of the Government‘s argument. The Court emphasized that federal courts have “no business” trying to answer whether the religious beliefs asserted in a
As a matter of religious belief, plaintiffs in this case say that the act of submitting the required form makes them complicit in moral wrongdoing. Importantly, no one here disputes that plaintiffs’ religious belief is sincere and reflects an honest conviction. Cf. Wheaton College v. Burwell, — U.S. —, 134 S.Ct. 2806, 2808, 189 L.Ed.2d 856 (2014) (Sotomayor, J., dissenting) (“The sincerity of Wheaton‘s deeply held religious beliefs is beyond refute.“); id. at 2812. Therefore, plaintiffs’ decision to decline to submit the required letter or form is an “exercise of religion” under
Judge Flaum persuasively summarized the point in a similar case that involved Notre Dame: “Yet we are judges, not moral philosophers or theologians; this is not a question of legal causation but of religious faith. Notre Dame tells us that Catholic doctrine prohibits the action that the government requires it to take. So long as that belief is sincerely held, I believe we should defer to Notre Dame‘s
In short, under Hobby Lobby, the regulations substantially burden plaintiffs’ exercise of religion.
The panel opinion concludes, however, that there is no substantial burden on plaintiffs’ exercise of religion. In particular, the panel opinion says that plaintiffs are wrong to think that they would be complicit in moral wrongdoing if they submit this form, as required by the Government. But to reiterate: Judicially second-guessing the correctness or reasonableness (as opposed to the sincerity) of plaintiffs’ religious beliefs is exactly what the Supreme Court in Hobby Lobby told us not to do. See Hobby Lobby, 134 S.Ct. at 2778. And Hobby Lobby was not the first Supreme Court case to say as much. See Thomas, 450 U.S. at 714-16.
The panel opinion responds that plaintiffs are simply misunderstanding the law and that the law, properly understood, does not actually make plaintiffs complicit in providing contraceptive coverage. But there is no dispute that the Government is requiring plaintiffs to submit a form (to the Government or to the insurer) or else pay a penalty. And there is no dispute that the form is part of the process by
The panel opinion separately notes that the Government intended the form to accommodate religious organizations so that the organizations themselves would not have to provide contraceptive coverage. But the panel opinion has been faked out by the Government‘s accommodation. The accommodation provides an alternative, but the alternative itself imposes a sub-
In all of those cases, the Supreme Court recognized that the act in question repre-
The panel opinion therefore also does not appreciate that the substantial burden on plaintiffs’ exercise of religion comes from the monetary penalty (which in this case happens to be huge) that the organizations will have to pay if they adhere to their religious beliefs and do not submit the required form. In Holt, the substantial burden came from the discipline the prisoner would receive if he refused to shave his beard. In Yoder, it was the $5 monetary fine for the parents whose children did not attend high school. In Lee, it was the monetary penalty for failure to pay taxes. In Sherbert, it was the denial of unemployment benefits for not working on the Sabbath.
The essential principle is crystal clear: When the Government forces someone to take an action contrary to his or her sincere religious belief (here, submitting the form) or else suffer a financial penalty (which here is huge), the Government has substantially burdened the individual‘s exercise of religion. So it is in this case.
To be clear, that conclusion does not mean that plaintiffs prevail on their
II
Second, does the Government have a compelling interest in facilitating women‘s access to contraception—in particular, in facilitating access to contraception for the employees of these religious organizations? See
The plaintiff religious organizations strenuously argue that there is no such compelling governmental interest. As I see it, however, plaintiffs’ argument cannot be squared with the views expressed by a majority of the Justices in Hobby Lobby.
To begin with, how do we determine whether the Government has a “compelling interest” in overriding a fundamental constitutional or statutory right such as
In this case, we do not have to tackle the compelling interest question without guidance from above. Justice Kennedy strongly suggested in his Hobby Lobby concurring opinion—which appears to be controlling de facto if not also de jure on this particular issue—that the Government generally has a compelling interest in facilitating access to contraception for women employees. Hobby Lobby, 134 S.Ct. at 2785-86 (Kennedy, J., concurring); see also id. at 2779-80 (majority opinion);
It is not difficult to comprehend why a majority of the Justices in Hobby Lobby (Justice Kennedy plus the four dissenters) would suggest that the Government has a compelling interest in facilitating women‘s access to contraception. About 50% of all pregnancies in the United States are unintended. The large number of unintended pregnancies causes significant social and economic costs. To alleviate those costs, the Federal Government has long sought to reduce the number of unintended pregnancies, including through the
In short, even if the Court did not formally hold as much, Hobby Lobby at least strongly suggests that the Government has a compelling interest in facilitating access to contraception for the employees of these religious organizations.10
Notes
III
Third, in light of those two conclusions, we must consider the least restrictive means issue. When, as here, a law substantially burdens the exercise of religion, but the law furthers a compelling governmental interest,
Congress adopted the least restrictive means requirement to help thread the needle between two conflicting principles. The least restrictive means requirement, properly applied, allows religious beliefs to be accommodated and the Government‘s compelling interests to be achieved—a
Requiring religious organizations to submit the form mandated by current federal regulations is not the Government‘s least restrictive means of furthering its interest in facilitating access to contraception for the organizations’ employees. That is because the Government can still achieve its interest by allowing the religious organizations to submit the less restrictive notice that the Supreme Court has already twice indicated should be good enough to satisfy the Government‘s interest.
In the Wheaton College and Little Sisters of the Poor cases, the Supreme Court carefully specified that the religious organizations would satisfy their current legal obligations by submitting a simple notice to the Secretary of Health and Human Ser-vices “in writing that it is a nonprofit organization that holds itself out as religious and has religious objections to providing coverage for contraceptive ser-
By contrast to the form required by current federal regulations, the Wheaton College/Little Sisters of the Poor notice does not require the religious organizations to identify or notify their insurers, and thus (according to plaintiffs) lessens the religious organizations’ degree of complicity in what they consider to be wrongful as a matter of religious belief. See Plaintiffs’ Supplemental Br. 10. And even with the less detailed Wheaton College/Little Sisters of the Poor notice, the Government can independently determine the identity of the organizations’ insurers and thereby ensure that the insurers provide contraceptive coverage to the organizations’ employees. The Wheaton College/Little Sisters of the Poor notice may create some administrative inconvenience for the Government, because the Government itself will have to identify the religious organizations’ insurers. But administrative inconvenience alone does not negate the feasibility of an otherwise less restrictive means—unless the administrative problem would be “of such magnitude” that it would render “the entire statutory scheme unworkable.” Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398, 408-09, 83 S.Ct. 1790, 10 L.Ed.2d 965 (1963); see also Bowen v. Roy, 476 U.S. 693, 731, 106 S.Ct. 2147, 90 L.Ed.2d 735 (1986) (O‘Connor, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (“[A]dministrative inconvenience is not alone sufficient to justify a burden on free exercise unless it creates problems of substantial magnitude.“).
If a religious organization does not use the currently required form but instead uses the Wheaton College/Little Sisters of the Poor notice, how would that affect third parties, namely the religious organizations’ employees? That question matters because the Supreme Court has stated that “courts must take adequate account of the burdens a requested accommodation may impose on nonbeneficiaries.” Cutter v. Wilkinson, 544 U.S. 709, 720, 125 S.Ct. 2113, 161 L.Ed.2d 1020 (2005) (applying the related Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act). In Hobby Lobby, the Court reiterated that this consideration “will often inform the analysis of the Government‘s compelling interest and the availability of a less restrictive means of advancing that interest.” Hobby Lobby, 134 S.Ct. at 2781 n. 37. As Justice Kennedy put it in his concurrence, the accommodation must not “unduly restrict other persons, such as employees, in protecting their own interests.” Id. at 2787 (Kennedy, J., concurring).
But here, the religious organizations’ employees would still receive the same insurance coverage from the same insurer for contraceptives. As the Supreme Court explained in its Wheaton College order: “Nothing in this interim order affects the ability of the applicant‘s employees and students to obtain, without cost, the full range of FDA approved contraceptives” or “precludes the Government from relying on this notice, to the extent it considers it
Although the Supreme Court‘s Wheaton College and Little Sisters of the Poor orders were not final merits rulings, they at least qualify as extremely strong signals from the Supreme Court about how to resolve the least restrictive means issue in this case. In particular, the Court in Wheaton College granted an injunction under the
In any event, regardless of whether we as a lower court are formally bound by the Supreme Court stay orders in Wheaton College and Little Sisters of the Poor, the notice identified by the Supreme Court in those two cases is undoubtedly a less restrictive way for the Government to further its interest than the form required by current federal regulations. It necessarily follows that the form required by current regulations is not the “least restrictive means” available to the Government. As the Supreme Court said a few months ago in a similar context: If “a less restrictive means is available for the Government to achieve its goals, the Government must use it.” Holt v. Hobbs, — U.S. —, 135 S.Ct. 853, 864, 190 L.Ed.2d 747 (2015) (internal quotation marks omitted). So too here.
To be sure, some religious organizations claim that even the less restrictive Wheaton College/Little Sisters of the Poor notice still imposes a substantial burden on their religious beliefs. But that obviously does not help the Government‘s argument in support of the current, even more burdensome form. The key point here is that the Wheaton College/Little Sisters of the Poor notice is less restrictive (that is, less burdensome) than the currently required form and yet still furthers the Government‘s compelling interest. Under
Put simply, the Government need not—and therefore under
One final note for clarity: The Government may of course continue to require the religious organizations’ insurers to provide contraceptive coverage to the religious organizations’ employees, even if the religious organizations object. As Judge Flaum correctly explained, “RFRA does not authorize religious organizations to dictate the independent actions of third-parties, even if the organization sincerely disagrees with them.” University of Notre Dame v. Sebelius, 743 F.3d 547, 567 (7th Cir. 2014) (Flaum, J., dissenting), vacated and remanded, — U.S. —, 135 S.Ct. 1528, 191 L.Ed.2d 557 (2015). “That is true whether the third-party is the government, an insurer, a student, or some other actor.” Id. “So long as the government does not require” religious organizations themselves “to take action, RFRA does not give” the religious organizations “a right to prevent the government from providing contraceptives to” the religious organizations’ employees. Id.
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In sum, I respectfully would grant rehearing en banc and rule for the plaintiff religious organizations on the ground that the Wheaton College/Little Sisters of the Poor notice is a less restrictive way than the currently mandated form for the Government to achieve its compelling interest in facilitating access to contraception for the organizations’ employees.
