PLANNED PARENTHOOD ARIZONA, INC., SUCCESSOR-IN-INTEREST TO PLANNED PARENTHOOD CENTER OF TUCSON, INC.; LAURA CONOVER, PIMA COUNTY ATTORNEY v. MARK BRNOVICH, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE STATE OF ARIZONA; ERIC HAZELRIGG, M.D., AS GUARDIAN AD LITEM OF UNBORN CHILD OF PLAINTIFF JANE ROE AND ALL OTHER UNBORN INFANTS SIMILARLY SITUATED
No. 2 CA-CV 2022-0116
ARIZONA COURT OF APPEALS DIVISION TWO
December 30, 2022
Appeal from the Superior Court in Pima County No. C127867 The Honorable Kellie L. Johnson, Judge
AFFIRMED IN PART; REVERSED IN PART
COUNSEL
Coppersmith Brockelman PLC, Phoenix By D. Andrew Gaona
and
Planned Parenthood Federation of America By Sarah Mac Dougall, Pro Hac Vice, New York, New York and Diana O. Salgado, Pro Hac Vice, Washington, D.C. Counsel for Appellant Planned Parenthood Arizona, Inc.
Laura Conover, Pima County Attorney By Samuel E. Brown, Chief Civil Deputy County Attorney and Jonathan Pinkney, Deputy County Attorney, Tucson Counsel for Appellant Laura Conover, Pima County Attorney
Mark Brnovich, Arizona Attorney General By Michael S. Catlett, Linley Wilson, and Katlyn J. Divis, Assistant Attorneys General, Phoenix Counsel for Appellee
Alliance Defending Freedom, Scottsdale By Mark A. Lippelmann and Kevin H. Theriot Counsel for Intervenor
John J. Jakubczyk, Phoenix Counsel for Amicus Curiae Charlotte Lozier Institute
OPINION
Chief Judge Vasquez authored the opinion of the Court, in which Judge Swann1 concurred and Presiding Judge Eckerstrom specially concurred.
VASQUEZ,
¶1 Dating back to its territorial days, Arizona has had a near-total statutory ban on
the motion, and Planned Parenthood of Arizona, Inc. (PPAZ) and the Pima County Attorney‘s Office (PCAO) have challenged the court‘s order, arguing
¶2 The question at the core of this appeal is whether a licensed physician who performs an elective abortion in conformity with more recent statutes in Title 36 is nevertheless subject to prosecution under
Factual and Procedural Background
¶3 In 1971, the Planned Parenthood Center of Tucson and several physicians challenged the constitutionality of Arizona abortion statutes, including
¶4 Since 1973, the Arizona legislature has enacted numerous laws regulating abortion. Most recently, it enacted
for violations of the regulatory scheme, while
¶5 In June 2022, the Supreme Court overruled Roe in Dobbs. Brnovich then sought relief under
Discussion
The Trial Court‘s Limited Review Under Rule 60
¶7 We must first determine whether the trial court erred, as PPAZ and the PCAO assert, by refusing to consider whether the injunction should be modified in light of current law. Brnovich argues that the court properly exercised its discretion in refusing to evaluate other changes in the law beyond Dobbs. We conclude the court erred in limiting its review.
¶8 We generally review for an abuse of discretion a trial court‘s ruling on a motion for relief from judgment under Rule 60. Rogone v. Correia, 236 Ariz. 43, ¶ 12 (App. 2014).
However, we review de novo the interpretation of court rules, including the scope of a trial court‘s authority under Rule 60. See Duff v. Lee, 250 Ariz. 135, ¶ 11 (2020).
¶9 As noted above, the trial court concluded it lacked authority to evaluate the state of the law beyond whether Roe was still in force. But the inquiry is not solely whether some specific case, constitutional provision, or statute supporting the original injunction is no longer valid. Instead, the issue is whether the “lеgal landscape has changed,” Agostini v. Felton, 521 U.S. 203, 216 (1997),5 and that determination cannot be made by artificially narrowing the inquiry to only part of the current legal landscape. “A court may recognize subsequent changes in either statutory or decisional law.” Id. at 215 (emphasis added). Consequently, the court abused its discretion by erroneously concluding it must limit its analysis here.6
See Phx. City Prosecutor v. Lowery, 245 Ariz. 424, ¶ 6 (2018) (error of law constitutes abuse of discretion). We now turn to the question the court refused to consider.
Licensed Physicians Who Perform Abortions Under Title 36
¶10 PPAZ argues that, by lifting the injunction entirely, the trial court‘s ruling causes “contradicting laws to take еffect” and
¶11 “The primary aim of statutory construction is to find and give effect to legislative intent.” UNUM Life Ins. Co. of Am. v. Craig, 200 Ariz. 327, ¶ 11 (2001). We begin with the plain language of the statutes and must give effect to all provisions. See Stambaugh v. Killian, 242 Ariz. 508, ¶ 7 (2017). When statutes relate to the same subject matter, we read them together and consider not only “the literal meaning of the wording” but also “the whole system of related statutes.” State ex rel. Larson v. Farley, 106 Ariz. 119, 122 (1970). We do so “even where the statutes were enacted at different times, and contain no reference one to the other, and it is immaterial that they are found in different chapters of the revised statutes.” Id. And “when two statutes appear to conflict, whenever possible, we adopt a construction that reconciles one with the other, giving force and meaning to all statutes involved.” UNUM Life Ins. Co. of Am., 200 Ariz. 327, ¶ 28.
¶12 PPAZ and the PCAO argue that
¶13 We agree that the statutes can be reconciled. But for reasons discussed below, we disagree that there is some conflict between
¶14 Arizona‘s most recent abortion regulation is the 15-week law, which directs that a physician “may not intentionally or knowingly perform, induce or attempt to perform or induce an abortion if the probable gestational age of the unborn human being has been determined to be greater than fifteen weeks” absent “a medical emergency.”
¶15 In contrast,
A person who provides, supplies or administers to a pregnant woman, or procures such woman to take any medicine, drugs or substance, or uses or employs any instrument or other means whatever, with intent thereby to procure the miscarriage of such woman, unless it is necessary to save her life, shall be punished by imprisonment in the state prison for not less than two years nor more than five years.7
Construed in isolation,
enacting the 15-week law, the legislature made its intent clear: “to restrict the practice of nontherapeutic or elective abortion to the period up to fifteen weeks of gestation.” 2022 Ariz. Sess. Laws, ch. 105, § 3(B).
¶16 The 15-week law and other statutes in Title 36 regulate the provision of abortion by licensed physicians, encompassing not only the provision of abortion but ancillary matters. Violations of these various provisions carry not only criminal penalties but other penalties including licensing sanctions and civil liability. See, e.g.,
¶17 Brnovich agrees the statutes do not сonflict but argues physicians may nonetheless be prosecuted under
¶18 Regarding the second reason, adopting Brnovich‘s proposed reading would require us to disregard legislative intent and result in an irreconcilable conflict between
¶19 But that analysis is not apt here. We are not evaluating separate statutes prohibiting the same conduct. Instead, we are faced with a statutory scheme that, if read as Brnovich suggests, would criminalize
conduct under one statute that our legislature has expressly allowed under another.8 As Brnovich acknowledged at oral argument before this court, under his view it would be impossible for a physician to perform an elective abortion in compliance with Title 36 without potentially facing criminal prosecution under
¶20 This leads us to the third reason Brnovich‘s interpretation is unsound. If we adopted it, the resulting uncertainty for licensed physicians who provide abortion services would violate due process, which requires that “the law must be sufficiently definite to avoid arbitrary enforcement.” State v. Schmidt, 220 Ariz. 563, ¶ 5 (2009). “The touchstone of due process is protection of the individual against arbitrary action of government.” Wolff v. McDonnell, 418 U.S. 539, 558 (1974). Brnovich‘s interpretation would not merely invite arbitrary enforcement, it would practically demand it. When interpreting statutes, we assume our legislature has enacted them to avoid
such unconstitutional results. Hayes v. Cont‘l Ins. Co., 178 Ariz. 264, 272 (1994) (court construes statutes to avoid rendering them unconstitutional).
¶21 According to Brnovich, the conflict his interpretation creates is resolved because prosecutors have discretion whether and how to charge those who violate criminal statutes. But under this interpretation, physicians performing elective abortions would not know if their conduct would be criminally prosecuted under
¶22 Brnovich further suggests that we are essentially imposing a partial implied repeal оf
¶23 But as we have already explained, we are not imposing an implied repeal here. The doctrine of implied repeal requires as a predicate that any apparent conflict between the statutes cannot be reconciled to give “force and meaning to all statutes involved.” UNUM Life Ins. Co. of Am., 200 Ariz. 327, ¶ 28. Here, our numerous statutes regulating abortion can be readily reconciled in conformity with our legislature‘s express intent that we do so. The 15-week law permits physicians to perform abortions and clearly delineates the penalties for doing so in violation of that statutory scheme. This is consistent with the exception originally created by the legislature in
¶24 Finally, our legislature conspicuously avoided statutory language stating that
Attorney Fees and Costs
¶25 PPAZ requests an award of attorney fees and costs under
Disposition
¶26 Licensed physicians who perform abortions in compliance with Title 36 are not subject to prosecution under
ECKERSTROM, Presiding Judge, specially concurring:
¶27 In lifting the injunction and giving effect to
¶28 Here, the legislature has expressly directed that we read our subsequent statutes regulating abortion in harmony with
Arizona‘s original law, nor its host of more modern regulations of abortion, is “[r]epeal[ed], by implication or otherwise.” 2022 Ariz. Sess. Laws, ch. 105, § 2. This conforms with our threshold canon, well understood by our legislature, for how we presumptively integrate newer statutes into an existing statutory framework: we read nеw statutes in harmony with old ones. Fleming v. State Dep‘t of Pub. Safety, 237 Ariz. 414, ¶ 12 (2015) (courts must construe separate statutory provisions relating to same subject matter “together as though they constitute one law“); UNUM Life Ins. Co. of Am. v. Craig, 200 Ariz. 327, ¶ 28 (2001); see also Antonin Scalia & Bryan A. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 252 (2012) (“[L]aws dealing with the same subject . . . should if possible be interpreted harmoniously.“).
¶29 At the same time, we recognize that our legislature fully intends its new statutes to alter the pre-existing legal landscape; otherwise, it would not have bothered to pass them. Therefore, when conducting the harmonization process, we understand new laws, to the extent possible, as amending, amplifying, оr calibrating pre-existing statutes without supplanting them. See, e.g., State v. Cassius, 110 Ariz. 485, 487 (1974) (when later statute expresses more specific intent than more general existing statutes, new statute is “taken as an exception to the general intent, and both will stand“); O‘Brien, 123 Ariz. at 583 (legislatures presumed to enact statutes compatible with existing legislation: “where the [later] specific statute is narrower, the [older] general one is not repealed“).
¶30 In this case, harmonizing all of our state‘s abortion statutes is not a difficult task. As the majority‘s analysis demonstrates, our contemporary laws relating to abortion can be read, side by side, with our original one, without depriving any of continuing legislative logic or vitality.
legislature‘s direction that each of the statutes regulating abortion continue to have force and effect.
¶32 Brnovich objects that this construction markedly changes the ultimate application of
¶33 The majority explains why Brnovich‘s own suggestion for how we should harmonize the old and new statutes-by empowering prosecutorial discretion-would necessarily create unconstitutional conflict between the statutes in application. But, perhaps more importantly, Brnovich‘s remedy goes unmentioned in any statutory text provided by the legislature. Had our legislature intended the lawfulness of elective abortion to vary depending on the county-by-county discretion of local law enforcement officials, county attorneys, and the state-wide discretion of the attorney general, it would have specified such a complicated and extraordinary approach in direct, unambiguous language. Instead, in the 15-week law, our legislature sets forth a detailed regulatory structure outlawing elective abortions after fifteen weeks of gestational age. It articulates requirements for ascertaining and reporting the gestational age of a fetus and medical circumstances under which abortions may be performed after fifteen weeks.
¶34 In sum, I join fully with the majority‘s reasoning because it best complies with our legislature‘s express instructions that we give all existing abortion regulations vitality: that we impliedly repeal no
provision, old or new. It also executes our legislature‘s expectation that, to the extent its express instructions do not settle all disputes in construction, we will conduct the obligatory harmonization process in conformity with our settled canons for doing so. By this process, we show our strictest fidelity to legislative intent.
