MOBIL OIL CORPORATION et al., Plaintiffs-Appellees, v. OIL, CHEMICAL AND ATOMIC WORKERS INTERNATIONAL UNION, AFL-CIO, et al., Defendants-Appellants.
No. 72-3272.
United States Court of Appeals, Fifth Circuit.
Nov. 8, 1974.
Brown, Chief Judge, filed a dissenting opinion in which Dyer, Circuit Judge, joined.
James W. Hambright, John G. Tucker, Beaumont, Tex., Warren H. Greene, Jr., New York City, for plaintiffs-appellees.
Rex H. Reed and Michael E. Merrill, Attys., The National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation, Inc., Washington, D. C., for amicus curiae.
Before BROWN, Chief Judge, and WISDOM, GEWIN, BELL, THORNBERRY, COLEMAN, AINSWORTH, GODBOLD, DYER, SIMPSON, MORGAN, CLARK, RONEY and GEE, Circuit Judges.*
THORNBERRY, Circuit Judge:
Mobil Oil Corporation Marine Transportation Department, Gulf-East Coast Operations [Company] and the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union AFL-CIO and Maritime Local No. 8-801 of that Union [Union] entered into a collective bargaining agreement containing an agency shop clause. Shortly thereafter the company brought suit in federal district court for a declaratory judgment under section 301 of the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947,
After a full evidentiary hearing, the district court concluded that the Texas law did apply to this employment relationship and did render the agency shop provision invalid. On appeal, a panel of this court held that a justiciable controversy existed, that jurisdiction properly vested in the district court, and that there was no abuse of discretion by that court in declining to defer to the NLRB. But on the substantive issue the panel concluded that the district court had erred and that the agency shop clause is valid and enforceable with respect to all employees covered by the collective bargaining agreement. The panel held that the Texas right to work law does not apply to this employment relationship because these employees are not employees of Texas or of any other state, but are rather seamen whose job site is on the high seas. Because of the exceptional importance1 and the unique nature of the question presented, we granted rehearing en banc to consider the question of the applicability of the Texas right to work law.2
I.
The parties to this suit, the district court, and the original panel approached the issue presented by analyzing this employment relationship in terms of its contacts with the state of Texas and other jurisdictions. It is conceded by all that employer/employee contacts with the state of Texas far outweigh contacts with any other state, and the evidence supporting that conclusion is neither conflicting nor ambiguous.
The company operates eight oceangoing tankers which move principally between the state of Texas and the state of New York along the East and Gulf Coasts. Since 1962, the headquarters of the company has been located in Beaumont, Texas. All personnel and payroll records are maintained there; all payroll checks are written and mailed from the Beaumont offices; all state and federal taxes are deducted from the seamen‘s wages in Beaumont; all monthly check-offs of Union dues for all seamen is performed in Texas; and all grievances filed on the approved grievance forms by the seamen are submitted to
The company employs 289 unlicensed seamen; 123 of the 289 have reported Texas as their state of residence; and 152 of the 289 have requested the company to list Beaumont as their shipping port. All actual hiring of seamen occurs in Texas. While approximately 40% of the seamen first make application in New York and 60% make application in Beaumont, the final hiring decision is made only in Beaumont. As many as 60% of the applicants actually come from the Texas labor force. Furthermore, all terminations of seamen are finalized in Beaumont as a result of decisions made at the Beaumont headquarters. The evidence suggests that from the seaman‘s first encounter with the company to his last, the Beaumont headquarters is constantly in the picture.
The above contacts demonstrate that the state of Texas is intimately involved with this employment relationship. And the district court was clearly correct in its finding that a more substantial part of the administration and performance of the collective bargaining agreement occurs in Texas than in any other state.3 We think it not insignificant to note that this “justiciable controversy” arose in Beaumont, for it was in the context of the hiring process there that the Union and the company began this battle.4
The panel, however, believed that the predominance of Texas contacts with this employment relationship was not decisive. Instead, the panel concluded that the determinative factor in deciding whether the Texas law is applicable is job situs. The record indicates that the seamen spend 80% to 90% of their working time on the high seas. Each seaman works roughly a 120 day cycle consisting of 90 days aboard ship and 30 days ashore “on vacation” during which shore time he continues to be an employee of the company and to receive wages. The panel‘s theory is that, with so much of a seaman‘s working time reserved for the high seas, the Texas law, and for that matter the law of any state, is rendered inapplicable. The panel does not explain, however, why job situs is the singularly most significant, indeed the decisive, factor.5
Rather than adopt the panel‘s limited approach, we choose to weigh all
Whether the agency shop clause in this collective bargaining agreement is valid or not depends entirely upon whether the Texas right to work law applies to this employment relationship.6 In determining whether the Texas law is applicable, we must decide whether it was the intent of Congress in writing
Our task is made more difficult by the fact that there is nothing in the legislative history of the Taft-Hartley Act which expressly answers our question one way or the other. Nevertheless, we must determine as best we can what Congress would have intended on this point had it been presented for their explicit consideration.7 Our job is not to add up all of the contacts and to decide which jurisdiction has “the most.” Our task is to discern whether application of the Texas right to work law would be in furtherance of the Taft-Hartley Act‘s expressed purposes.8 See National Woodwork Mfrs. Ass‘n v. NLRB, 1967, 386 U.S. 612, 87 S.Ct. 1250, 18 L.Ed.2d 357; Wirtz v. Local 153, Glass Bottle Blowers Ass‘n, 1968, 389 U.S. 463, 468, 88 S.Ct. 643, 646, 19 L.Ed.2d 705; NLRB v. Metallic Bldg. Co., 5th Cir. 1953, 204 F.2d 826, 828. And in arriving at a just, proper, and congressionally authorized conclusion, we invoke the eclectic approach of Chief Justice Marshall:
Where the mind labors to discover the design of the legislature, it seizes everything from which aid can be derived . . . .
United States v. Fisher, 1805, 2 Cranch (6 U.S.) 358, 386, 2 L.Ed. 304, 313; see also United States v. Dickerson, 1940, 310 U.S. 554, 562, 60 S.Ct. 1034, 1038, 84 L.Ed. 1356.
Having done so, we conclude that it was not the intent of the Congress to prevent Texas from applying its right to work law in the context of this employment relationship. Indeed, in our judgment, application of the Texas law would be in furtherance of our national labor policies. For the reasons expressed below, we hold that the federal labor legislation, the predominance of Texas contacts over any other jurisdiction, and the significant interest which Texas has in applying its right to work law to this employment relationship warrant application of the Texas law and, consequently, invalidation of the agency shop provision.
II.
We begin with “the language of the statute itself.” Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co., 1968, 392 U.S. 409, 420, 88 S.Ct. 2186, 2193, 20 L.Ed.2d 1189.
In the same stroke,
Nothing in this subchapter shall be construed as authorizing the execution or application of agreements requiring membership in a labor organization as a condition of employment in any State or Territory in which such execution or application is prohibited by State or Territorial law.
By enacting this provision, Congress desired to “make certain” that
The national labor policy expressed in these sections of the Taft-Hartley Act is one which directly authorizes union shop arrangements, but only in those states which have not passed the right to work
The district court focused its attention on the “application” of the agency shop clause requiring the payment of dues and fees “as a condition of employment in” Texas. Believing that the collective bargaining agreement received its most significant application in Texas, the district court concluded that the Texas law applied. The panel, however, began with the premise that state right to work laws are applicable only to employees of those particular states and concluded that the employees in this case are not for the purpose of their collective bargaining agreement employees of Texas or any other state because of their job situs. Fortunately, Congress has given us some indication of the approach it would favor.
When the Congress prohibited the closed shop while permitting the union shop in the Taft-Hartley Act, the Congress was demonstrating its concern with the process by which men and women were hired. As conceived by that legislative body the closed shop enabled union hiring halls to control absolutely the pool of labor available to an employer. H.R.Rep.No. 245, 80th Cong., 1st Sess., 1 Leg. Hist.L.M.R.A. 295, 300. The hiring decision was, in effect, made by the union hiring hall, for the employer never saw a job applicant unless the applicant had been referred by the union, and of course, only union members were referred. The Congress singled out the maritime industry as a serious problem area.10 The legislative history of the Act exhibits an express intent to give to the employer some measure of freedom in the hiring process. See H.R.Rep.No. 245, supra; see also, e. g., 93 Cong.Rec. A1297 (1947) (remarks of Representative Gerald Landis) and 93 Cong.Rec. A2011 (1947) (remarks of Representative Hugh Meade), infra at note 11. The union shop agreement permits an employer to hire a person who has not, at or before the moment of hiring, joined the union. With the proscription of the closed shop, union hiring halls are now required to refer job applicants on a nondiscriminatory basis, so that an employer may consider nonunion applicants on an equal basis with union applicants. NLRB v. Houston Chap., Asso. Gen. Con. of America, Inc., supra. In short, if the congressional discussion on compulsory unionism could be said to have any single reference point, it is not job situs but the hiring process.11
And in our judgment, the language of
The preamble to the Texas right to work law records the legislative judgment that because unions exercise great influence over the economic well-being and freedom of the Texas labor force, the state has an important interest in removing union coercion from the hiring process.13 Each of the Texas right to work provisions expresses a concern with that process.
If, as we have noted, the Texas laws were enacted to afford the Texas labor force protection from compulsory unionism, the fact that as many as 60% of the job applicants come from the Texas labor force gives Texas good reason for applying its right to work provisions. But the state‘s interest goes far beyond its predominant association with the hiring process and its numerous other contacts with this employment relationship which have already been listed. During the one-fourth of the year when the employees are “on vacation” in Texas, they presumably have homes and families; they pay taxes; they send their children to school; they eat, sleep, and move about; they act like other citizens of the state. In short, they are precisely the people whom the Texas law was designed to protect.
The high seas definitely have contact with the employees, but what is the interest of the high seas in preventing application of the Texas law? How is some important non-Texas, national, or international policy furthered by refusing to apply the Texas law? The fact that maritime work is interstate, or even international, in character does not imply that the Texas law is inapplicable since federal regulation in these matters is predicated upon interstate commerce. No one who studies the legislative history of
The panel opinion suggested that allowing Texas to apply its right to work law here would allow an employer to make an “arbitrary choice,” could produce “bizarre consequences,” and could defeat the purposes of
It is the antithesis of the method we use here to permit an employer to make a truly arbitrary choice of the state law to be applied. The applicability of a state right to work law will depend upon whether such application would further the policies and purposes of our national labor laws. For example, where an employer has artificially constructed its operations or its hiring process in such a way that the substance of its activities occurs in and the greatest part of its labor force comes from a non-right to work jurisdiction while a pro forma final hiring decision is made in a right to work state, application of the state‘s right to work law would be contrary to the national labor policy. We are not faced with that circumstance here.
Moreover, we see no bizarre consequences flowing from the method used or the result reached today. Yet refusing to allow Texas to apply its law here would create the bizarre consequence of
In the past, when Congress has decided to supersede
[n]otwithstanding any other provisions of this Act, or of any other statute or law of the United States, or Territory thereof, or of any State.
If we were to carve out an exception for seamen here, in the absence of any suggestion to do so from Congress, we would be encroaching on the legislative authority. That course of action, in spite of Justice Cardozo‘s frank observation that judge-made law is “one of the existing realities of life,” is beyond our constitutional prerogatives. See Cardozo, The Nature of the Judicial Process (1921 ed.), p. 10.
III.
Alternatively, the Union contends that it is improper to strike out the agency shop clause in its entirety from the collective bargaining contract since some of the seamen have greater contacts with states other than Texas, states without right to work laws. The Union asks that we fashion a rule which renders the Texas right to work law inapplicable to those employees who have greater contacts with non-right to work states than with Texas. We decline the Union‘s invitation for two reasons.
The agency shop clause in the collective bargaining contract states:
For the duration of the Agreement all employees hired shall, as a condition of employment, become members of the Union and/or in the alternative pay the regular union dues and initia-
tion fees within 31 days from the employment date.
This clause unambiguously demands that all employees hired join the union or pay the required fees. The clause makes no distinctions between job applicants who are to be protected by the Texas law and those who are not. As the panel majority noted, we cannot rewrite the contract to reflect these allegedly distinguishable classes.17
Secondly, even if we could rewrite the contract, on this record we are unwilling to hold that there is an identifiable group of employees who are not subject to the Texas law. The Union‘s brief admits that “the record before the court was insufficient to enable the court” to authorize partial application of the agency shop provision. Since we are not the fact-finders in the judicial process, we have no basis for implementing the Union‘s alternative request.
IV.
We have attempted a multi-dimensional analysis of the question presented for our disposition. On one level we have examined this employment relationship in terms of its contacts with the state of Texas and other jurisdictions. On another we have studied Congress’ actions in passing the Taft-Hartley Act and the 1951 amendment to the Railway Labor Act in order to give meaning and context to the undisputed contacts. On still a third level we have scrutinized the interests of different jurisdictions in applying their laws to this employment relationship.
The resulting matrix offers a clear picture. Texas is intimately involved with this employment relationship. Texas has a more significant interest in applying its law than does any other jurisdiction. And the federal labor legislation suggests a congressional intent to allow Texas to apply its law, rather than to exempt the maritime industry from the operation of
The judgment of the district court is affirmed.
AINSWORTH, Circuit Judge, with whom BROWN, Chief Judge, and DYER, SIMPSON, MORGAN and RONEY, Circuit Judges, join (dissenting).
The question for decision is important and of first impression: Whether Texas’ right-to-work statutes are applicable to the agency shop clause in a collective bargaining agreement involving mobile maritime employees—in this case, seamen employed on vessels operating on the high seas, whose work is performed entirely outside the State of Texas.1
The majority concedes that neither the National Labor Relations Board nor the Court has ever been faced with the precise issue before us and that nothing in the legislative history of the Taft-Hartley Act expressly answers our question. It also concedes that the district court‘s finding that a more substantial part of the administration and performance of the collective bargaining agreement occurs in Texas than in any other state is not decisive and that the number of Texas contacts, while relevant, is likewise not determinative. It proceeds nevertheless to “weigh all of the [Texas] contacts in the context of our national labor policy” and devotes the greater part of its opinion to an academic dissertation on our national labor policy, congressional intent and the benefits foreseen by Congress in banning the closed shop, thereby allowing a greater measure of freedom to both employee and employer in the hiring process. The treatise, though interesting, is not relevant to the issues here.
There is no dispute about what Congress did when it enacted the Taft-Hartley Act and included therein
It is undisputed that the combined effect of
The majority opinion places much emphasis on the legislative history of the Taft-Hartley Act, concluding that it indicates great concern with the hiring process and a willingness to substitute state law for federal standards where appropriate. Congress was in truth con-
cerned about the adverse impact of compulsory unionism on the hiring process, but
A careful reading of the legislative history of the Taft-Hartley Act shows that Congress felt that
The majority opinion bases its holding on (1) the predominance of Texas contacts, (2) federal labor legislation, and (3) the significant interest which Texas has in applying its right-to-work laws. The consistent and traditional control by federal law of every phase of maritime employment relationships and contracts refutes the proposition that Employer‘s contacts with Texas22 justify injecting state law into federal maritime affairs. As to federal labor policy, it is clear from the previous discussion that the agency shop provision in question in the present contract is totally consistent with Congress’ desire for a fair hiring process. Moreover, whatever Texas’ interest may be in applying its law to this contract, the State of Texas has not been sufficiently concerned either to invoke its laws itself or to intervene in these proceedings. Employer is seeking to avoid its own labor contract by vicarious assertion of Texas law. In any case, the admitted premise that the agency shop clause of the labor contract is in contravention of the law of Texas does not permit the conclusion that a clause contained in a New York contract and affecting employment performed solely outside of the State of Texas is invalid.
The result which the majority reaches in this case is somewhat impractical. The attempt of the Court, at the behest of Mobil Oil Company, to give extraterritorial effect to Texas’ right-to-work laws fails both in soundness and in logic. Here the majority has taken an employment relationship, traditionally one in admiralty, regulated in virtually all aspects by federal maritime law, involving seamen who are wards of admiralty, and has subjected this employment to state labor laws when none of the employees works in the state. How this can be done where all of the seamen‘s work is aboard vessels plying the high seas, and where most (57%) do not even reside in Texas, is not explained. Under the circumstances, the majority‘s conclusion is neither practical nor realistic.
In my view, the original majority panel decision in this case is correct and should be reaffirmed. Under the circumstances, I dissent.
Because I think this is an ideal case for the exercise of the primary jurisdiction by the NLRB, I would rather see this Court defer its decision and require the parties to present to the Board for its determination the issue—whether the Texas right to work provisions should apply under the
The Court‘s opinion misplaces the emphasis of the Taft-Hartley Act1 and this flaw in the ointment pervades the entire opinion. After tallying the almost due process-type contacts between the administration of the union agreement and the state of Texas, the Court rejects the job situs formula2 in favor of this multiple contacts rule because it finds direction in the legislative history of the National Labor Relations Act. In addition, the Court finds persuasive evidence for its conclusion from the fact that the Texas right to work law was designed to proscribe precisely this kind of agency shop agreement and to apply to these kinds of workers.3
After first agreeing that the legislative history of the statute has no express answers for this problem (see Court opinion page 273), the Court concludes that the job situs doctrine is, in any case, an improper rule of thumb because the intent of Congress in adopting the Taft-Hartley Act was to eliminate the much-abused hiring monopoly of the closed shop system. But the fallacy here—as pointed out by the dissent—is that the adoption of
Although I do concur fully in the dissenting opinion of Judge Ainsworth, under the circumstances I believe that it would be better administration and more consistent with sound legal principles for the Court to refer this case to the NLRB under the doctrine of primary jurisdiction. This is so because essentially the question here is whether state right to work amendments should be applied to this union contract under the National Labor Relations Act. The Supreme Court has approved8 and this Court9 has committed itself to this procedure repeatedly under various circumstances.
Two of the most significant instances were FPC cases where we ordered reference to the Commission for it to decide whether it had jurisdiction over the sale and purchase of royalties.10 The Commission held that it did. It then went to the D.C. Circuit where it determined
In addition the Southwestern Sugar & Molasses Co. case12 is instructive on the scope and use of primary jurisdiction. There this Court referred an issue on the construction of the Interstate Commerce Act to the ICC. While the Supreme Court reversed this procedure because it thought that other issues should be reached first, they affirmed expressly in a very elaborate opinion that our primary jurisdiction reference was entirely proper and within the Court‘s power.13 On remand the panel decided it on the merits and reached a result that made consideration by the administrative agency unnecessary.14
Primary jurisdiction is particularly invaluable for this case because, however, one may view the merits, it is acknowledged that the record below is inadequate to enable this Court to determine what, if any, partial remedies would be appropriate. (See Court‘s opinion page 281). Where 57% of the employees covered by this agreement are not Texas residents, further findings of fact and exploration of alternative remedies would certainly appear to be mandated. No matter how it is sliced the Court is trying to divine congressional policy for a situation never before faced in accommodating
It is not abdication—indeed it is performance of judicial duty in the highest sense—for us to defer to the NLRB the initial determination of the interpretation of the Act under the circumstances of this industrial situation.
