ORDER
Before the Court is Defendant’s motion to dismiss [5].
I. Background
In this action, Plaintiffs challenge the State of Georgia’s creation of several municipalities in Fulton and DeKalb counties from 2005 to 2008, as well as the proposed
Plaintiffs include seven individuals who are black and/or of African descent and registered voters in Fulton County or DeKalb County. All but two of the individual Plaintiffs are also registered voters in one of the challenged municipalities. The sole non-individual Plaintiff is the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus (“GLBC”), an association of elected officials from the state of Georgia who are black and/or of African descent. All Plaintiffs claim that the creation of the municipalities unlawfully diluted their voting rights and that the creation of Milton County would do the same.
According to the 2000 U.S. Census, the population of Fulton County was 48.1% white and 44.6% black. In 2005, the population of Fulton County was 45.3% white and 44.1% black. In contrast, the newly created municipalities within Fulton County are predominantly white: the City of Sandy Springs is 78% white and 12% black; the City of Milton is 88.6% white and 4.6% black; the City of Johns Creek is 89.5% white and 4.1% black; and the City of Chattahoochee Hills is 80.9% white and 18% black.
According to the 2000 U.S. Census, the population of DeKalb County was 35.8% white and 54.2% black. In contrast, the City of Dunwoody is 85% white and 4.4% black.
Black voters in Fulton and DeKalb counties have demonstrated a cohesive political identity by consistently supporting black candidates. For example, in both Fulton and DeKalb counties, at least half of the county commissioners are black. Similarly, white voters in the new municipalities have tended to vote along racial lines, as the overwhelming majority of elected officials in each of the challenged municipalities are white.
Plaintiffs contend that counties and municipalities are mutually exclusive political subdivisions with respect to the provision of local government services, in that the Georgia Constitution prevents them from providing overlapping services. Thus, Plaintiffs argue that by carving majority-white municipalities out of majority-black counties, the State of Georgia diluted minority voting power with respect to the services that are provided by those municipalities.
Plaintiffs further contend that the manner in which the municipalities were created is suspect. Specifically, they allege that the State (1) repealed at least two laws that would have made it more difficult, if not impossible, to create the municipalities; (2) designated the legislation creating the municipalities “state” instead of “local” legislation, thus preventing GLBC members from voting on it before it was presented to the entire legislative body; and (3) prohibited the majority of black voters in Fulton and DeKalb counties from voting on the creation of the municipalities by allowing only the putative residents of the municipalities to vote on their creation.
On March 28, 2011, Plaintiffs filed this action against Defendant Nathan Deal in his official capacity as Governor of the State of Georgia. They claim that the creation of the municipalities diluted their voting rights in violation of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (“VRA”) and the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. They request (1) that the municipal charters be declared null and void; (2) that the State be enjoined from committing other acts to dilute their voting rights, such as creating Milton County; and (3) an award of their attorneys’ fees and costs.
II. Discussion
A. Legal Standard
Under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6), a claim will be dismissed for failure to state a claim upon which relief can be granted if it does not plead “enough facts to state a claim to relief that is plausible on its face.” Bell Atl. Corp. v. Twombly,
A claim has facial plausibility when the plaintiff pleads factual content that allows the court to draw the reasonable inference that the defendant is liable for the misconduct alleged. The plausibility standard is not akin to a “probability requirement,” but it asks for more than a sheer possibility that a defendant has acted unlawfully.
Ashcroft v. Iqbal,
In considering a defendant’s motion to dismiss under Rule 12(b)(6), the allegations in the complaint must be accepted as true and construed in the light most favorable to the plaintiff. Powell v. Thomas,
B. Causes of Action for Vote Dilution
Plaintiffs challenge the creation of the municipalities under § 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, as amended, 42 U.S.C. § 1973(a); the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause; and the Fifteenth Amendment. In their response brief, they characterize all of their claims as “vote dilution” claims, and they contend that the analysis of a vote-dilution claim will be identical under any of the aforementioned provisions, except that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments require a showing of discriminatory intent,
The Supreme Court first considered the current version of § 2 of the Voting Rights Act in Thornburg v. Gingles,
Like .§ 2 of the Voting Rights Act, the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause creates a cause of action for racially discriminatory vote dilution. See Shaw v. Reno,
The Court’s only disagreement with Plaintiffs’ general description of the law of vote dilution relates to the Fifteenth Amendment. Contrary to Plaintiffs’ assertions, neither the Supreme Court nor the Eleventh Circuit currently recognizes vote dilution as a cognizable claim under the Fifteenth Amendment. Osburn,
In sum, § 2 of the Voting Rights Act and the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause each create a cause of action for vote dilution, but the Fifteenth Amendment does not. Consequently, Plaintiffs’ Fifteenth Amendment claim will be dismissed. The Court’s analysis of Plaintiffs’ remaining two claims will be indistinguishable, except that the Equal Protection Clause requires a showing of discriminatory intent, while § 2 does not. Thus, the Court will first determine whether Plaintiffs have stated a claim for vote dilution under § 2. If so, the Court will consider whether Plaintiffs have sufficiently alleged discriminatory intent to state a claim under the Equal Protection Clause.
C. Vote Dilution and Redistricting
As a final threshold matter, the parties have expended considerable time arguing whether the incorporation of the challenged municipalities was an act of “redis
First, while the term “redistricting” has been used loosely in many opinions, it cannot accurately be applied to the facts of this case. The challenged municipalities, like the unincorporated portions of the counties in which they are located, are not properly considered voting “districts” because they do not define a subset of a larger electorate, nor do they have distinct representation in a larger governmental body.
This conclusion is of little consequence, however, because redistricting is not the exclusive means of diluting minority voting rights. See Johnson v. De Grandy,
D. Vote Dilution Under the Voting Rights Act
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, as amended, provides that no “standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State or political subdivision in a manner which results in a denial or abridgement of the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color.” 42 U.S.C. § 1973(a). A violation of § 2 is established “if, based on the totality of circumstances, it is shown that'... [members of the minority group] have less opportunity than other members of the electorate to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice.” Id. § 1973(b).
As discussed above, § 2 creates a cause of action for vote dilution. In Cingles, the Supreme Court considered a challenge to a multimember districting scheme under § 2. In that context, the Court set forth three preconditions to establishing vote dilution: (1) the minority group must be “sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member district”; (2) the minority group must be “politically cohesive”; and (3) the majority group must vote “sufficiently as a bloc to enable it ... usually to defeat the minority’s preferred candidate.”
To summarize, a plaintiff seeking to bring a vote-dilution claim under § 2 must (1) establish the three Gingles preconditions; (2) “demonstrate that the totality of the circumstances supports a finding that the voting scheme is dilutive”; and (3) “postulate a reasonable alternative voting practice to serve as the benchmark ‘undiluted’ voting practice.” Reno v. Bossier Parish Sch. Bd. (Bossier Parish I),
Before applying these requirements to the facts of this case, it is helpful to expound on the first Gingles precondition and its relationship to the benchmark requirement. The first Gingles precondition requires that the minority group be “sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member district.” As discussed above, Gingles dealt with a challenge to a multimember districting scheme, and this precondition was formulated in a context-specific manner. However, the Supreme Court has noted that the Gingles preconditions “cannot be applied mechanically and without regard for the nature of the claim.” Voinovich v. Quitter,
The essence of the first Gingles precondition is that “[ujnless minority voters possess the potential to elect representatives in the absence of the challenged structure or practice, they cannot claim to have been injured by that structure or practice.” Bartlett v. Strickland,
Indeed, the minority group’s voting potential for purposes of the first Gingles precondition is determined by examining the benchmark practice. See Brooks v. Miller,
E. The Benchmark Requirement
The State argues that the benchmark requirement cannot be met in this case “because the municipalities never before existed.” Plaintiffs contend that “the benchmark set forth in the Complaint compares the prior voting efficacy of a minority voter at the county level to the current voting efficacy of the same minority voter in [one of the challenged municipalities].” Thus, while they disagree about the particulars, both sides suggest that the appropriate benchmark under § 2 is the State’s prior practice. While this may be true in some cases, it is not necessarily so. In order to understand why, a brief discussion of the relationship between § 2 and § 5 of the Voting Rights Act is necessary.
1. Sections 2 and 5 Compared
Section 5 “requires covered jurisdictions to obtain either administrative preclearance by the Attorney General or approval from the United States District Court for the District of Columbia for any change in a ‘standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting,’ and requires that the proposed change ‘not have the purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color.’ ” Abrams,
Thus, § 5 “applies only in certain jurisdictions specified by Congress and ‘only to proposed changes in voting procedures.’ ” Holder,
In contrast, “ § 2 bars all States and their political subdivisions from maintaining any voting ‘standard, practice, or procedure’ that ‘results in a denial or abridgement of the right ... to vote on account of race or color.’ ” Bossier Parish I,
“While some parts of the § 2 analysis may overlap with the § 5 inquiry, the two sections ‘differ in structure, purpose, and application.’ ” Georgia v. Ashcroft, 539 U.S.
In light of these differences, the State’s position that § 2’s benchmark requirement cannot be met in this case “because the municipalities never before existed” is untenable. The fact that there may have been no relevant prior practice does not preclude the finding of an appropriate benchmark under § 2, because § 2 permits, indeed requires, comparison with a hypothetical, undiluted practice.
These differences also prevent the Court from automatically accepting a prior practice as the appropriate benchmark under § 2. Again, § 2 is concerned with dilution, not retrogression. A violation of § 2 cannot be established “merely by showing that a challenged [voting practice] involved a retrogressive effect on the political strength of a minority group.” Holder,
Plaintiffs argue that their proposed benchmark is appropriate because “the goal of a Section 2 vote dilution analysis is to evaluate a proposed ‘change’ to any ‘standard, practice, or procedure’ that affects voting, and to determine if it denies minority voters equal access to participation in the electoral process.” This statement obviously conflates § 2 with § 5. The Court cannot, as Plaintiffs suggest, automatically accept the prior practice as the appropriate benchmark under § 2.
However, this does not mean that the prior practice cannot be used as a benchmark under § 2. Instead, it means that the Court must determine whether the prior practice is a “reasonable alternative” such that it may serve as an appropriate benchmark under § 2.
2. Plaintiffs’ Proposed Benchmark
By proposing that the prior system is an appropriate benchmark, Plaintiffs necessarily contend that the alternative practice the State should have followed was to refrain from creating the challenged municipalities. Thus, their position effectively is that the State cannot create a majority-white municipality within a majority-black county, such as Fulton or DeKalb.
When determining whether a proposed benchmark is a reasonable alternative practice, “a state’s interest in maintaining the challenged system is a legitimate factor to be considered.” S. Christian Leadership Conference of Ala. v. Sessions,
In Georgia, municipalities are an integral part of the State’s system of government. See Ga. Const, art. IX. If the Court were to adopt Plaintiffs’ proposed benchmark, it would effectively prohibit the State from creating a municipality in any area that is predominantly white but is located within a majority-black county.
3. Other Possible Benchmarks
Plaintiffs could have set forth an alternative practice that would have been within the confínes of the State’s system of government. For example, they might have alleged that the municipalities could have reasonably been created such that black voters would have constituted a majority, i.e., that the boundaries of the municipalities were gerrymandered to exclude black voters. But the complaint is devoid of any such allegations. Indeed, it says nothing about the boundaries of the challenged municipalities or the racial composition of the unincorporated areas of Fulton and DeKalb counties. The Court can only speculate as to whether it would have been feasible to create municipalities in those counties with greater minority populations than the ones challenged here. As a result, the Court has no basis for considering any other potential benchmarks under § 2.
III. Conclusion
Because Plaintiffs have failed to postulate a reasonable alternative practice that can be used as a benchmark to establish vote dilution, they have failed to state a claim for vote dilution under either the Voting Rights Act or the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause. Moreover, vote dilution is not a cognizable claim under Fifteenth Amendment. Thus, Plaintiffs have failed to state any claims upon which relief can be granted, and the Court need not reach the remaining arguments in Defendant’s motion to dismiss.
Defendant’s motion to dismiss [5] is GRANTED, and all of Plaintiffs’ claims are DISMISSED. The Clerk is DIRECTED to close the case.
Notes
. In Randall v. Scott,
. Of course, municipal boundaries may be taken into account in the creation of state or county voting districts, but Plaintiffs do not allege that the municipalities at issue in this case determine any such districts.
. Actually, Plaintiffs allege that Fulton County is only 44.1% black, which calls into doubt Plaintiffs' ability to satisfy the first Gingles precondition with respect to that county. See Bartlett,
. Plaintiffs allege that "Fulton and DeKalb counties are racially polarized geographically, with distinct blocks of minority and white populations being geographically clustered in each county.” Compl. ¶ 52.
