Lead Opinion
In this сase, we consider an appeal from a district court judgment after a lengthy trial adverse to the plaintiffs in a class action brought under both the Federal Civil Rights Act and the Iowa Civil Rights Act against the State of Iowa and various executive branch departments. The plaintiffs generally allege that the State of Iowa unlawfully discriminates against African Americans in employment. For the reasons expressed below, we affirm the decision of the district court.
I. Factual and Procedural Background.
There are thirty-seven departments within the executive branch of the State of Iowa. Each exercises its own hiring authority. The State employs a merit hiring system, which establishes “a system of human resource administration based on merit principles and scientific methods to govern the appointment, compensation, promotion, welfare, development, transfer, layoff, removal, and discipline of its civil employees, and other incidents of state employment.” Iowa Code § 8A.411(1) (2007). The Code further directs that “[a]ll appointments and promotions to positions covered by the state merit system shall be made solely on the basis of merit and fitness, to be ascertained by examinations or other appropriate screening methods.” Id. § 8A.411(3).
The Iowa Department of Administrative Services (DAS) is responsible for ensuring that hiring decisions are made in accordance with the merit system. See id. § 8A.104(12) (“The director [of DAS] shall ... [ejxamine and develop best practices for the efficient operation of government and encourage state agencies to adopt and implement these practices.”). DAS is tasked with providing rules for the departments to follow. See id. § 8A.413(1) (DAS adopts rules for the administration of the merit employment system). DAS collects statewide data and monitors compliance. In order to comply with the stated goals of the merit system, DAS has a wide range of options, including retaining independent consultants.
Applicants to executive branch positions, as well as current employees applying for promotions, submit applications to DAS, either online or by hard copy. DAS maintains electronic data on every applicant and application in their database, the BrassRing.
Although all departments follow the general practices of the merit system, their practices in the hiring process vary. These varied practices include: using a second résumé screen, requiring candidates to more fully explain how their experiences qualify them for a specific job function, or requiring a typing test. Each department maintains data relating to each applicant, which is stored in paper hiring files, unlike the DAS data system, which is electronic. Each paper hiring file contains a BrassRing registration number so a correlation between a specific job posting and the applicant’s performance on the screening devices and/or interview records can be correlated.
In this case, fourteen
In their petition, the plaintiffs alleged that the State of Iowa, including the thirty-seven different executive branch departments, engaged in practices that resulted in a failure to maintain a diverse, nondiscriminatory workplace through its merit employment system. The plaintiffs contend that because of the State’s failure to enforce extant statutory and regulatory policies, a disproportionate number of African Americans were denied an equal opportunity for employment. They claim this was the natural unintended consequences of the State’s failure to follow rules designed to ensure equal opportunity in the workplace and was not done intentionally or with malice.
Further, the plaintiffs alleged that in May of 2006 they provided the State of Iowa with a document entitled “Initial Evi-dentiary Report,” alleging systemic racial bias and a pattern of retaliation by top managers and officials of the State of Iowa. The plaintiffs further alleged that the State hired a consultant to study employment practices in late 2006 or early 2007 who produced a report known as the CPS Report. The plaintiffs alleged that the Initial Evidentiary Report and the CPS Report put the State on notice that the hiring practices of the State imposed barriers to equal employment opportunities for African Americans.
On September 28, 2010, on stipulation of the parties, the district court ordered certification of the case as a class action. The class definition and class claim were:
CLASS DEFINITION: All African American applicants or employees who sought appointment to or held a merit-system position with an Executive Branch agency (not including Board of Regents) at any point from July 1, 2003 through [date of Court’s decision regarding liability].
CLASS CLAIM: Disparate Impact or Adverse Impact discrimination with respеct to hiring and promotion decisions and/or unequal terms and conditions of*6 employment associated with those decisions under Title VII and the Iowa Civil Rights Act arising from subjective, discretionary decision-making permitted by the State’s abdication of statutory or regulatory responsibilities and obligations and/or failure to follow its own policies.
The case came to trial on September 12, 2011. The plaintiffs offered evidence relating to the efforts of the State to document its employment practices, expert testimony by a statistical expert, labor economist Mark Killingsworth, social science testimony from psychology professors Anthony Greenwald and Cheryl Kaiser, testimony from DAS representatives and personnel, and anecdotal testimony from various plaintiffs related to their experience with state government.
In support of the plaintiffs’ claims, Kill-ingsworth testified that based on his statistical work employing conventional and probit regression analysis
[I]t's not that it’s incapable of being separated, but I think there are very serious questions about whether it can reliably be separated, which is a different story. Mechanically, one could certainly separate it. And I know [this] because [the State’s] experts have done [it.]
The plaintiffs offered social science evidence through two psychology professors: Anthony Greenwald and Cheryl Kaiser. Greenwald’s field of study is implicit social cognition, a phrase which he introduced in a coauthored article in 1995. According to Greenwald, implicit bias, also known as hidden or unconscious bias, is a person’s automatic preference for one race over another. He asserted that it was possible that implicit bias affected Iowa decision-makers in this case, although he did not review any of the hiring files, nor any specific employment decisions relating to any class members. He could not rule out other racе-neutral causes for the statistical imbalance in the State’s hiring system. In his opinion, even in the best case scenario, bias could still unconsciously invade the State’s hiring process.
Kaiser studies stereotyping and prejudice and their effects on decision-making. She testified that she viewed implicit bias as pervasive and believed all people fall within a spectrum with explicit bias on one end and limited implicit bias on the other. She opined that training and accountability, including recordkeeping, are means of
Additionally, several class members, referring to documents relating to their applications for hire or promotion, testified at trial and offered examples in which, they claim, the hiring system did not function as intended. These examples included: a qualified African-American applicant who was not referred to a department by DAS, due to DAS incorrectly reporting the applicant was not qualified; in some cases, résumés of African Americans were marked to highlight spelling and grammatical errors; and some hiring files contained African-Americans’ résumés, but not the screening devices used to score or evaluate them.
The plaintiffs buttressed the testimony of their witnesses with the CPS Report, a review of the State’s hiring practices commissioned by the State, prepared by human resources consultants in response to expressed concerns about racial discrimination in state employment. The CPS Report found, among other things, that during fiscal years 2004-2006, qualified minority applicants were interviewed less frequently than qualified white applicants (13.46% for minorities and 20.24% for whites), figures which the authors noted “may support the perception of discriminatory hiring practices.” Further, the report noted that while African Americans constituted six percent of the total qualified pool, they represented no more than 2.8% of the total hires for fiscal years 2004-2006. By comparison, whites represented eighty-eight percent of the qualified applicants and ninety-one percent of the total hires. The CPS Report noted that the statistical difference in employment appeared to arise from the process between the referral step and the interview step (African Americans were reduced from 5.95% referred to 3.47% interviewed of the total applicant pool- for fiscal years 2004-2006 combined) and the process between the interview step and the hire decision (African Americans were reduced to 2.82% while whites increased to 91.52%). According to the CPS Report, “The actual personnel decisions may create a rebuttable inference of adverse impact.” It recommended that DAS “institute a policy of regular and' systematic oversight ... to ensure compliance with [required] policies and procedures.” The CPS Report cautioned, however,' that because the State’s application tracking system (the BrassRing) did not track, individual people, but rather applications, it was difficult to identify with any certainty the exact makeup of the applicant pool or the actual number of applicants.
The State offered evidence related to the decision-making process in state government. It also offered the testimony of economist Robert Miller, who was tasked by the State with analyzing Killingsworth’s findings and examining the employment outcomes in Iowa state government to determine if African Americans were systemically disadvantaged. Miller found Kill-ingsworth’s reports to be incomplete and his conclusions not well-founded. He testified that, in his opinion, there was no statistically significant evidence of system wide racial discrimination in the merit employment system in the State of Iowa. Miller also testified that it was possible for the plaintiffs to break down the aggregate analysis into more discrete consideration of employment decisions by department or by other classifications.
On April 17, 2012, the district court filed a detailed and thoughtful fifty-six page decision in favor of the State. The district court first noted that with regard to the plaintiffs’ first theory, even assuming that
Alternatively, looking to the plaintiffs’ statistical and implicit bias evidence, the district court noted that the plaintiffs failed to prove the causation element of their disparate impact claim. The plaintiffs appealed.
II. Standard of Review.
In this appeal of a trial to the court, the standard of review on all issues is. for correction of errors at law and for findings of fact not supported by substantial evidence. Iowa R.App. P. 6.907; Falczynski v. Amoco Oil Co.,
Reversal is required when an error of law or fact materially affects other findings or rulings. See Falczynski,
III. Overview of Legal Framework Established by Modern State and Federal Civil Rights Acts.
A. Context of State and Federal Legislation. The issues raised in this case cannot be approached without consideration of the larger context in which they arise. The legacy of slavery and Jim Crow may be in the past, but their effects cast a shadow into the present. Specifically, African Americans continue to be underrepresented in many categories of employment. While the days of “Whites Only Need Apply” signage are fortunately long passed, institutional barriers to equality of economic opportunity remain intractable. See Susan Sturm, Second Generation Employment Discrimination: A Structural Approach, 101 Colum. L.Rev. 458, 459-60 (2001) (“Smoking guns — the sign on the door that ‘Irish need not apply5 or the rejection explained by the comment that ‘this is no job for a woman’ — are largely things of the past.... Cognitive bias, structures of decision making, and patterns of interaction have replaced deliberate racism and sexism as the frontier of much continued inequality.”); see also gen
The purposes of both the Iowa Civil Rights Act and the Federal Civil Rights Act are designed to address these ongoing problems. The United States Supreme Court has declared that the primary purpose of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 is “ ‘to assure equality of employment opportunities and to eliminate those discriminatory practices and devices which have fostered racially stratified job environments to the disadvantage of minority citizens.’ ” Int’l Bhd. of Teamsters v. United States,
B. Historical Development of Disparate Impact. There are two distinct theories of liability under civil rights laws for discrimination in employment, namely, cases involving disparate treatment and cases involving disparate impact. See Int’l Bhd. of Teamsters,
In the alternative, however, a civil rights claim may be brought based on disparate impact. In a disparate impact case, what matters is not the subjective motivation of the employer, but the effects of an employment practice. See Teal,
It is sometimes asserted that disparate impact analysis of civil rights claims is outside the “core” of civil rights statutes and represents a novel legal development. See Stewart J. Schwab & Steven L. Willburn, Reasonable Accommodation of Workplace Disabilities, 44 Wm. & Mary L.Rev. 1197, 1201 (2003) (characterizing disparate impact cases as “non-core cases of discrimination under Title VII”). But this is at least somewhat misleading. Concern about institutional barriers to equal opportunity in employment predated civil
C. Treatment of Disparate Impact Analysis Under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by the United States Supreme Court.
1. Introduction. Although federal law is not controlling on state law questions, we begin substantive discussion of disparate impact analysis with an overview of cases of the United States Supreme Court. The reason for this is simple: in a series of disparate impact cases, the Supreme Court has developed doctrine in both majority and dissenting opinions in considerable detail. Further, one of the claims in this case was brought under federal law. On the federal law claim, of course, the decisions of the United States Supreme Court constitute binding authority which we must faithfully apply in our interpretation of federal law. With respect to the state law claim, the reasoning of the United States Supreme Court opinions, and the dissenting opinions, may well be persuasive, although it is certainly not binding upon us. As a result, understanding the range of interpretive options for state courts in intеrpreting state law can be enhanced by analysis of majority and dissenting opinions of the United States Supreme Court.
2. Griggs: A unanimous court’s broad construction of the Federal Civil Rights Act. The first decision of the United States Supreme Court which considered a case based on disparate impact was Griggs,
A unanimous Supreme Court found for the plaintiffs. As noted by Chief Justice Burger, “[Practices, procedures, or tests neutral on their face, and even neutral in terms of intent, cannot be maintained if they operate to ‘freeze’ the status quo of prior discriminatory employment practices.” Id. at 430,
Griggs clearly established that a civil rights claim could be based on disparate impact without proving discriminatory animus or motivation in cases involving objective standardized tests or employment criteria. See id. at 436,
3. Watson: The court divided. The first United States Supreme Court case to consider a federal civil rights claim based upon a subjective decision-making process was Watson v. Fort Worth Bank & Trust,
Speaking for four members of the Court, Justice O’Connor laid out the stark alternatives presented by the parties. According to the plaintiffs, if disparate impаct analysis were confined to objective tests, an employer would be able to simply substitute subjective criteria having substantially identical effects. Id. at 989,
Justice O’Connor seemed to agree with the arguments of both parties. In section IIB of her opinion, which was joined by all members of the Court, she recognized that Griggs “could largely be nullified if disparate impact analysis were applied only to standardized selection practices.” Id. She further wrote that disparate impact analysis is in principle “no less applicable to subjective employment criteria than to objective or standardized tests.” Id. at 990,
Justice O’Connor then turned to the employer’s concern in parts IIC and IID of her opinion. Now writing for only four members of the Court, she pivoted to express concerns about the use of “bare statistics” in a subjective decision-making
To avoid impossible defenses and surreptitious quotas, Justice O’Connor went well beyond the question posed in the petition for writ of certiorari
Justice O’Connor next cautioned that courts should not assume “that plaintiffs’ statistical evidence is reliable.” Id. at 996,
Justice O’Connor next turned to the nature of the business necessity defense. Id. at 997-98,
Justice Blackmun, joined by two colleagues, took exception to Justice O’Con-nor’s notion that the burden of proof and production in disparate impact cases remained with the plaintiff on the business necessity defense. Id. at 1002-03,
Justice Blackmun was also concerned about language in Justice O’Connor’s opinion suggesting that “[i]n the context of subjective or discretionary employment decisions, the employer will often find it easier than in the case of standardized tests to produce evidence of a manifest relationship to the employment in question.” Id. at 1006,
In sum, the Watson opinions clearly stood for the proposition that disparate impact could, at least in some circumstances, apply to subjective employer decision-making. An evenly divided court, however, had different visions of the scope and contour of disparate impact analysis on subjective decision-making. The plurality, joining Justice O’Connor, was prepared to modify the burdens of proof in order to enhance the ability of an employer to defend disparate impact claims arising from subjective decision-making, while Justice Blackmun feared the modification of law proposed by Justice O’Connor would provide an escape hatch for employers from potential liability.
4. Wards Cove: Narrow construction prevails. A year after Watson was decided, the Supreme Court decided Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Atonio,
Wards Cove dealt with employment practices of two companies that operated salmon canneries in remote areas of Alas
As previously mentioned, the majority opinion by Justice White in Wards Cove basically converted Justice O’Connor’s plurality opinion in Watson into a majority opinion. Compare Watson,
It should be emphasized that nothing in the language of Title VII compelled the result in Wards Cove or the position of the dissents. Instead, as one commentator has noted, the battle over proper interpretation of open-ended language of Title VII was over understandings about “whether discrimination is still happening” in the modern workplace, about “how it manifests
5. The Civil Rights Aet of 1991: Congress reacts to narrow construction by the Supreme Court. Because it was decided over two decades ago, it is easy to forget the controversy that Wards Cove engendered. Civil rights advocates were outraged by the decision and other decisions of what seemed to be an increasingly hostile Supreme Court. The decision in Wards Cove was compared to the 1883 Civil Rights Cases and was said to foretell the end of the Second Reconstruction that commenced with Brown v. Board of Education,
In response, Congress passed legislation overruling Wards Cove and other 1989 Supreme Court rulings in the Civil Rights Act of 1990; S. 2104, 101st Cong. (1990); see 136 Cong. Rec. S991-01 (1990) (statement of Sen. Kennedy) (“In the past year, however, the Supreme Court has issued a series of rulings that mark an abrupt and unfortunate departure from its historic vigilance in protecting civil rights.... The Civil Rights Act of 1990 is intended to overturn these Court decisions and restore and strengthen these basic laws.”); see also Philip S. Runkel, Note,. The Civil Rights Act of 1991: A Continuation of the Wards Cove Standard of Business Necessity?, 35 Wm. & Mary L.Rev. 1177, 1177 n. 5, 1186 (1994)
One provision of the Civil Rights Act of 1990 is particularly noteworthy for the discussion in this case. The vetoed bill exprеssly addressed the situation where an employer fails to keep sufficient records to allow for disparate impact analysis. The relevant provision stated:
(iii) the complaining party shall be required to demonstrate which specific practice or practices are responsible for the disparate impact in all cases unless the court finds after discovery (I) that the respondent has destroyed, concealed or refused to produce existing records that are necessary to make this showing, or (II) that the respondent failed to keep such records ...
S. 2104, 101st Cong. § 4(k)(B)(iii).
A group of moderate Republican Senators, however, determined that notwithstanding the failure to override the President’s veto, a compromise could be struck between Congress and the President. See Runkel, 35 Wm. & Mary L.Rev. at 1198. In the end, after an intense period of diplomacy between warring factions, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1991. Pub.L. No. 102-166, 105 Stat. 1071 (1991) (codified at 42 U.S.C. § 2000e to 2000e-16 (Supp. III 1991)). According to the statute, the purpose of the Act was “to codify the concepts of ‘business necessity’ and ‘job related’ enunciated by the Supreme Court in Griggs v. Duke Power Co., ... and in other Supreme Court decisions pri- or to Wards Cove Packing Co.” and to “respond to recent decisions of the Supreme Court by expanding the scope of relevant civil rights statutes in order to provide adequate protection to victims of discrimination.” Id. § 3(2), (4). The Act also addressed the Wards Cove ruling regarding the general requirement of identification of particular employment practices. Id. § 105(a) (codified at 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(k)(1)). While Congress generally required that a plaintiff identify particular employment practices that cause disparate impact, Congress also provided that the decision-making process could be challenged as a whole under certain circumstances. Specifically, Congress provided:
With respect to demonstrating that a particular employment practice causes a disparate impact ... the complaining party shall demonstrate that each particular challenged employment practice causes a disparate impact, except that if the complaining party can demonstrate to the court that the elements of a respondent’s decisionmaking process are not capable of separation for analysis, the decisionmaking process may be analyzed as one employment practice.
Id. § 105(a) (codified at 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(k)(1)(B)(i)).
The language in the Civil Rights Act of 1991 did not include the specific language regarding record keeping that was present in the unsuccessful Civil Rights Act of 1990, but the general language used in the Civil Rights Act of 1991 to establish an exception to the identification of particular employment practices was stated in terms broad enough to cover situations where an employer fails to keep records.
6. Wal-Mart: Sharp divisions again. The last significant United States Supreme Court case regarding disparate impact is Wal-Mart. In this case, the Supreme Court considered a nationwide class action brought by female employees on behalf of some 1.5 million current and former female employees of Wal-Mart stores. Wal-Mart, 564 U.S. at -,
On appeal, a bare majority of the Supreme Court reversed. In an opinion written by Justice Scalia, the majority held that the class should not have been certified under the applicable federal rules. Id. at -,
Justice Ginsburg dissented in part and was joined by Justices Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan. Id. at -,
We have not, however, explicitly adopted under state law either the teaching of Wards Cove or Wal-Mart. It is true that in Hy-Vee, we cited Wards Cove in describing the differences between discriminatory treatment and discriminatory impact cases. See Hy-Vee,
Similarly, with respect to Wal-Mart, we have had no occasion to consider whether the majority or minority opinion in this 5-4 decision has the most persuasive power. We thus have a number of interpretive options under the Iowa Civil Rights Act. Do we follow the majority or the minority in Wards Cove or Wal-Mart? Or, do we follow a third path?
While Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1991 in response to Wards Cove, no similar amendment has been made to the Iowa Civil Rights Act. The fact that Congress enacted a legislative change in response to a binding majority opinion of the United States Supreme Court does nót háve persuasive force in the interpretation of the Iowa Civil Rights Act. We have not adopted the principles of Wards Cove in the construction of the Iowa Civil Rights Act and are not bound to do so. Congressional reaction to a specific case decided by the United States Supreme Court does not shed light on the meaning of state law when there has been no comparable narrow state court precedent to stimulate a legislative override.
E. Academic Literature on Disparate Impact in the Setting of Subjective Decision-Making. There is a body of literature grappling with disparate impact theory in the context of subjective decision-making. In a ground breaking article in 1993, David Benjamin Oppenheimer suggested that negligence theory might be a basis for disparate impact theory. See David Benjamin Oppenheimer, Negligent Discrimination, 141 U. Pa. L.Rev. 899, 899 (1993) (examining “psychological and sociological data on racism [to] demonstrate why discrimination is more closely analogous to negligent cоnduct than it is to intentional conduct”). This article has spawned significant offspring in the literature. See generally, e.g., Elizabeth Tippett, Robbing a Barren Vault: The Implications of Dukes v. Wal-Mart for Cases Challenging Subjective Employment Practices, 29 Hofstra Lab. & Emp. L.J. 433 (2012).
There is reason to believe that at least some members of the United States Su
IV. Discussion of Specific Employment Practice and Incapable of Separation for Analysis Issues.
A. Positions of the Parties.
1. The plaintiffs. The plaintiffs generally claim that the district court erred in finding that the plaintiffs failed to show that the State’s job selection process was not capable of separation for analysis. According to the plaintiffs, the primary issue on appeal is “whether Defendants’ common hiring and promotion system permitted [the Plaintiffs] to perform statistical analysis of [selection methods or protection practices] or elements of decision-making.”
In support of their argument, the plaintiffs claim that the defendants failed to properly record the use or lack of use of any specific employment practices applied by any of the thirty-seven executive branch departments, thus making a statistical analysis of any separate element impossible. The plaintiffs challenge both the lack of aggregate data maintained by DAS and the underlying documentation in department hiring files.
The plaintiffs point out that DAS is responsible for the oversight of merit and affirmative action in employment. Yet, according to the plaintiffs, the information maintained by DAS did not contain data sufficient to allow analysis of specific employment practices. The plaintiffs note that the district court correctly found that “DAS retains no data, computerized or otherwise, that allows one to see how a certain person was screened and/or scored as compared to another applicant by a department.” Thus, the information maintained by DAS was not capable of separation for analysis because you could not compare the treatment of one applicant to another in any objective way, a necessary foundation in aggregate statistical analysis.
The plaintiffs then turn to the underlying, hard copy records maintained by the departments. The plaintiffs note that under applicable administrative regulations, agencies are required to
keep records as required by the direсtor ... [which] shall, at a minimum, include tracking of the composition of applicant groups, their movement through steps in the hiring processes, and the impact of personnel actions on various group members when records are not otherwise available in centralized information systems.
Iowa Admin. Code r. 11—68.2(3).
Yet, the plaintiffs assert that the record shows that the underlying department records are inadequate for three reasons. First, many of the underlying employment files simply have missing documents. Second, many of the underlying files reveal that the agencies did not create documents in the first place showing why employees were chosen or not chosen after having been screened by DAS and being minimally qualified for the position. Finally, the plaintiffs assert that the agencies did not
In support of their claim that the departmental records were inadequate to allow separation for analysis by a specific employment practice, the plaintiffs cite two types of evidence in the record. First, the plaintiffs point to admissions in the record by state employees or agents. When consultant CPS conducted a review of state hiring practices for the State in 2007, it noted that files it reviewed “were not complete and did not indicate why some applicants were interviewed and others were not.” CPS declared that its studies confirmed that the selection of persons for interviews from DAS lists of minimally qualified applicants created “a rebuttable inference of adverse impact” but noted that inconsistencies in the State’s records within the same department prevented a more detailed analysis. When DAS attempted to do an employment audit pursuant to Executive Order No. 4, DAS officials indicated that they found more lack of documentation than CPS. See Exec. Order No. 4 (2007), available at http://www. statelibraryofiowa.org/services/collections/ law-library/govexecorders/copy_of_exec ordculver. Further, while Executive Order No. 4, among other things, required agencies to assess the impact of screening methods on employee groups in the selection process, see id., a DAS official, when asked if DAS was incapable of complying with Executive Order No. 4, responded, “Right. We needed to do more.” Ultimately, DAS abandoned its effort to conduct an audit in compliance with Executive Order No. 4.
Second, the plaintiffs analyzed the 667 hiring files produced by the State in discovery. The plaintiffs assert that an analysis of the files reveals that fifty percent did not include résumé review screening devices, over one in ten did not include interview questions, nearly one in five did not include interview notes, and over twenty-five percent did not include an interview scoring matrix.
The plaintiffs recognize that the aggregate data can be divided into smaller parts. The plaintiffs concede that it is possible to sort the data by Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) job category, by year, and by step in the hiring process. But the plaintiffs maintain that such division of the data into smaller units does not anchor the statistical analysis in specific employment practices, but simply lessens the size of the sample for statistical analysis.
In other words, stacking documents by year does not help focus on an employment practice nor does stacking documents by EEO job category or step in the hiring process. The main effect of such slicing and dicing is to lessen the size of the sample, thereby reducing the power of aggregate statistical analysis without achieving any increase in focus.
In short, the plaintiffs claim they did the best they could with the available data and that the aggregate analysis of disparate impact was “as specific as the choices the employer permitted.” Based on the aggregate data, they point out that the racial disparity in the hiring of applicants deemed qualified for the job by DAS was statistically significant and that the likelihood of the result occurring in a race-neutral environment was as much as two billion to one, depending on the data set used. Further, the plaintiffs assert that the record showed that African Americans would have a forty percent better chance of being hired or promoted if they were white.
The plaintiffs point to Port Authority Police Asian Jade Society v. Port Authority, in support of their argument.
Finally, in addition to lack of record keeping, the plaintiffs note that the subjective manner in which the State makes its personnel decisions prevents separation for analysis of more specific personnel practices. See Watson,
In support of its assertion that decision-making processes that combine objective and subjective decision-making should be considered as one employment practice under federal law, the plaintiffs cite Stender v. Lucky Stores, Inc.,
In Stender, the district court considered a class action brought by Afriсan American and female employees working in the approximately 150 to 185 retail stores within Lucky’s Northern California Food Division.
In support of its opinion, the Stender court cited Allen v. Seidman,
In Lufkin, the district court considered the issue of class ■ certification in a case where African Americans sued an employer on a disparate impact theory. Lufkin,
2. The State. The State begins its discussion by asserting that whether the State’s decision-making process is capable for separation for analysis is a question of fact. The State asserts-that the plaintiffs’ claim that the decision-making process was not capable of separation fails because the plaintiffs never attempted to make such an analysis and because they received voluminous amounts of data and hiring files.
The State claims that the evidence demonstrates that the plaintiffs never tried to identify and analyze any particular employment practice or decision-making process. For example, the State suggests that the plaintiffs did not attempt to analyze hard documents in the departments because they were not in a convenient digital format. In any event, the State maintains that it provided substantial information in digital form in the BrassRing system, and the Human Resource Information System (HRIS) data system, which were maintained by DAS. In short, the State claims that the plaintiffs were not forced to engage in system-wide analysis because the decision-making process was not capable of separation for analysis, but instead simply chose to engage in a system-wide challenge.
The State emphasized that thé plaintiffs had the affirmative burden of showing that the process was not capable of separation for analysis. The State emphasizes the factual nature of the inquiry. The State further claims that at trial the plaintiffs did not offer testimony that the decision-making process was not capable of separation for analysis. The State asserts that the plaintiffs never tried to analyze separate practices or processes, but simply preferred to proceed on a system-wide basis. The State highlights the staggering amount of information that was presented to the plaintiffs in the BrassRing files and in the HRIS data system. The State notes that Killingsworth engaged in analysis of the data by EEO category, by year, and by step in the hiring process.
B. Analysis of Specific Employment Practice and Incapable of Separation for Analysis Under Title VII, as Amended by the Civil Rights Act of 1991. Under the Civil Rights Act of 1991, a plaintiff in a disparate impact case must identify a “particular employment practice” being challenged or, in the alternative, demonstrate why an employer’s decision-making process is “not capable of separation for analysis.” 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(k)(1)(B)(i). The district court held that the plaintiffs failed to show that the State’s hiring practice was not capable of separation for analysis.
A few preliminary matters should be discussed. First, the mere fact that the class involves a number of departments and different positions over a period of years by one employer does not necessarily demonstrate that the State’s decision-making process is capable of separation for analysis. To the extent relevant, the class in this case is much more compact than in Wal-Mart, where 1.5 million employees were located in 8400 stores in all fifty states. See id. at -,
Nor does the fact that the State flooded the plaintiffs with computerized data and documents decide the case. There is no question that the State databases provided to the plaintiffs contain thousands and thousands of bits of data. Conclusory statements by witnesses and lawyers regarding the nature of the information presented yield little value. And, the mere fact that a trial lasted seventeen days does not mean there must be substantial evidence supporting key findings of fact.
We must put the conclusory rhetoric aside and consider, first, what does it mean for an employer’s decision-making to be incapable of separation for analysis? Then, once we understand the meaning of the statutory phrase, we must examine the record to determine if the plaintiffs have met their burden in this case.
On. the issue of what is meant by a decision-making process that is incapable of separation for analysis, the parties provide us with little guidance. No one disputes that the plaintiffs bear- the burden of proof on the issue. But what does it mean to be “incapable” of “separation” for “analysis”?
We begin with a review of the three key statutory words: incapable, separation, and analysis. None are statutorily defined.' The word incapable generally refers to something that cannot be done. See Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary 585 (10th ed.2002). Separation has several different but related meanings, including “a point, line, or means of division,” or “an intervening space.” Id. at 1064 (“separate” used as a verb means to set or keep apart, to remove from a mixture or to isolate). In the context of disparate impact, we believe the term analysis must mean statistical analysis.
While an understanding of these three statutory terms is helpful, we still need to probe the statutory context. What kind
Given these statutory terms and their common sense definitions, it seems that a decision-making process may be incapable of separation for analysis under at least three circumstances. First, the substantive features of the decision-making process itself may be such that the decision-making process is incapable of separation for analysis into specific employment practices. That is the teaching of Stender. See
Second, even well-defined employment practices may be so intertwined as not capable of meaningful analysis separately. The classic example is Dothard v. Rawlinson,
Third, the failure of the employer to keep adequate records can make an employment decision incapable of separation for analysis. See Port Auth. Police Asian Jade Soc.,
Although the point is not always clear, the plaintiffs on appeal in this case do not make an argument based solely upon one of the above scenarios. Instead, the plaintiffs offered a hybrid argument, based upon a combination of the above factors. The plaintiffs argue that a combination of (1) ill-defined subjective practices, (2) intertwined elements of decision-making,
Based on the above discussion, some of the analysis of the district court on the separation issue appears off the mark. For example, the district court declared that the analysis of employment practice or process is focused on the “job specific” level. But this is not necessarily true. A plaintiff is not required to focus on a job specific level if it can be shown that any potential job specific employment practices are not capable of separation for analysis. Indeed, such a contention is antithetical to system-as-a-whole attacks that are permitted under the statutory exception in 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(k)(1)(B)(i). Thus, the mere fact that the data could be broken down by EE 0-4 categories, for instance, does not mean the plaintiff cannot proceed on a system-as-a-whole theory.
Similarly, there is language in the district court ruling suggesting that the existence of separate departments within an employer prevented the plaintiffs from proceeding on a deeision-making-as-a-whole theory. The mere fact that there are departments within an employer, however, does not in itself mean that a plaintiff cannot show that the decision-making process is not capable of separation for analysis. If the plaintiff can demonstrate, for instance, that the departments do not operate under separate and identifiable employment practices, or that the records are so deficient the alleged department practices cannot be separately analyzed, then the plaintiff may be able to proceed on a decision-making process as a whole theory.
In short, the fact that the plaintiffs were provided with lots of data that сan mechanically be sliced and diced in numerous ways proves nothing; massive data can always be divided into countless different piles. But the key question is not whether the massive data can be divided up into piles, the question is whether the plaintiffs demonstrated any resulting piles that might be formed do not reveal particular employment practices that are capable of separation for statistical analysis.
Consider the following hypothetical. Suppose a class of African Americans challenged a state merit system of thirty-seven departments which hired thousands of persons over a ten-year period over many EEO categories of jobs. Suppose further that the State admitted that the hiring decisions were made at the unfettered discretion of individual managers in each department. Assuming no other facts, the plaintiffs would be entitled to bring their class action under Title VII because there would be no identifiable particular employment practices that were capable of separate (statistical) analysis.
Take the above hypothetical and add the fact that the State provided the plaintiff with a number of databases with hundreds of thousands of data points. Suppose further that these documents included numerous job résumés, many miscellaneous descriptions of the job positions, dates the interviews were conducted, and the names of managers who made the decisions. Would this barrage of data mean the plaintiff was barred from proceeding on a system-as-a-whole basis?
The answer might be no. Even if the data contains thousands or even millions of bits of information, the plaintiff may show the data does not provide a basis for a plaintiff to identify particular employment practices in an employer’s decision-making process that are subject to separate (statistical) analysis. In short, the amount of information produced is irrelevant. It is the quality of the information that is key.
Nonetheless, the above discussion does not mean the plaintiffs must prevail. Under Wards Cove and Wal-Mart, the plaintiffs still must show there were not specific employment practices within the universe of the state merit employment system with sufficient aggregate numbers that they could be separated out for meаningful statistical analysis. See Wal-Mart, 564 U.S. at -,
The district court seems to have found that the plaintiffs may have inadvertently done just that. The plaintiffs’ expert Mark Killingsworth testified he could statistically analyze the disparate impact at what the parties called step two of the analysis, namely, at the stage where DAS cleared minimally qualified applicants and passed them onto the individual departments for selection for an interview. But, we doubt step two is an employment practice “capable of separation for analysis.” All employment processes have chronological or procedural steps, but these are not the equivalent of an employment practice with sufficient definition that is subject to statistical analysis. Further, Killings-worth testified step two could not really be separated from step three, the final decision-making step in the process. The district court did not make a specific finding regarding whether step two could be separated or isolated from step three.
Nonetheless, as the district court pointed out, the plaintiffs have a further problem. While the parties utilized central databases maintained by DAS for what the district court accurately called “slicing and dicing” of the statistical data, the databases may have been inadequate to engage in analysis of specific employment policies for disparate impact by department or other nonsystem-wide approaches. Even so, the departments themselves maintained hard file copies of employment records that may have included more information than was available on the database. The question arises whether the plaintiffs adequately proved this information could not have been utilized to separate out employment practices by the various departments or agencies that would be capable of separation for analysis. While the plaintiffs claim the hiring data in the hard files was incomplete, the question remains whether there was sufficient information in the hiring files to construct a meaningful database to analyze specific employment practices.
The district court made findings related to the underlying documents. It declared that “the hiring files themselves permit a focused view of the different screening devices and practices in the referral, interview, or hiring of applicants for any given job between the departments.” Further, the district court stated that “one can focus on any number of discrete employment decisions made as individual, separate, dis
Read in a fashion to support the district court’s verdict, these findings demonstrate the district court found that employment practices could be extracted from the underlying documentary files and statistically analyzed in a meaningful way. There is, however, no requirement the defendants prove that employment practices are capable of separation for meaningful statistical analysis. The precise legal issue is whether the plaintiffs met their burden in showing that the particular employment practices could not be separated and analyzed from the documentary files maintained by the State. See 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2 (k)(1)(B)(i). In short, at least under the theory of the case as litigated by the parties, the plaintiffs have the burden of proving the negative.
We conclude the district court correctly resolved the issue adversely to the plaintiffs and that such a finding is supported by substantial evidence in the record. Killingsworth did not review the underlying documentary files and offered no testimony indicating specific employment practices could not be extracted from the underlying files for statistical analysis notwithstanding the flaws in some of the files. The State’s expert, Miller, suggested the underlying documents were capable of separation for analysis. Dr. Green-wald characterized the hiring files as “a gold mine that hasn’t been analyzed.” While it is true the underlying files were often incomplete and flawed, that does not necessarily mean employment practices could not be identified and statistically analyzed in a meaningful way.
The bottom line, on the record before us, is that while the plaintiffs demonstrated the recordkeeping was sometimes incomplete, the district court on the record before it could conclude 'that the plaintiffs failed to show the negative, namely, that employment practices could not be extracted from the underlying documents and analyzed in a statistically significant manner. On this issue, the district court got it right. As a result, under applicable federal law, the State was entitled to summary judgment on the record developed in the district court on the plaintiffs’ claim under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
V. Discussion of Specific Employment Practice and Incapable of Separation Analysis Under the Iowa Civil Rights Act.
We now turn to the question of whether the defendant was entitled to summary judgment under the Iowa Civil Rights Act. See Iowa Code § 216.6. Although it is often said that state civil rights acts were patterned after the Federal Civil Rights Act, in fact more than twenty state civil rights acts predated the Federal Act. See Arthur E. Bonfield, State Civil Rights Statutes: Some Proposals, 49 Iowa L.Rev. 1067, 1107 & n. 140 (1964) (listing states). In an important article advocating the passage of the-Iowa Civil Rights Act, Bonfield relied extensively on state models in proposing legislative action in Iowa. See id. at 1082 (discussing states’ antidiscrimination laws). Thus, though the Iowa Civil Rights Act was enacted in the year following the enactment of the Federal Civil Rights Act, the Iowa Civil Rights Act draws on substantial state as well as federal legislative precedent. See id. at 1095-1123 (reviewing states’ antidiscrimination laws and proposing statutes for Iowa).
The substantive provisions of the Iowa Civil Rights Act and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 are often similar though not identical. With respect to dis
There are, however, differences between the state and federal acts. For instance, the Iowa legislature has declared that the Iowa Civil Rights Act “shall be construed broadly to effectuate its purposes.” Iowa Code § 216.18(1). There is no similar language in the Federal Civil Rights Act and, indeed, the case can be made that the recent cases of the United States Supreme Court, particularly Wards Cove and Wal-Mart, tend to construe the federal counterpart narrowly. Other state courts have interpreted similar legislative directions to mean that the remedies afforded by the state civil rights statutes require the “widest constitutional application.” Fair Emp’t Practices Comm’n v. Rush-Presbyterian-St. Luke’s Med. Ctr.,
Even where language in a state civil rights statute is parallel to the Federal Civil Rights Act, a state court is under no obligation to follow federal precedent. As noted by the Vermont Supreme Court, federal civil rights decisions may be persuasive, but they are not the only sources of persuasive authority on the interpretation of state civil rights statutes. Lavalley v. E.B. & A.C. Whiting Co.,
Recognition of the independent character of state civil rights statutes is particularly important when Congress passes legislation designed to overcome decisions of the United States Supreme Court narrowly interpreting civil rights statutes. For instance, when the United States Supreme Court held in General Electric Co. v. Gilbert that discrimination based on pregnancy was not sex discrimination, Congress overrode the decision.
The failure of the Iowa legislature to enact similar curative legislation, however, is of no particular moment when there
The above principles are consistent with our caselaw. For example, in Hubbard v. State, we noted that
[although decisions and interpretations of federal courts may be illustrative and instructive to state courts in construing statutes patterned after those enacted by Congress and entitled to great weight in determining construction to be given the same phrase in subsequently enacted state statutes, they are neither conclusive nor compulsory, especially when it appears earlier statutes substantially similar have also been enacted in other states.
Consistent with Hubbard, we look to federal caselaw, and the caselaw of other states under their state civil rights statutes, for persuasive guidance. For example, in Pecenka, we noted that we may look to federal interpretations in construing the Iowa Civil Rights Act but are not bound by them.
The bottom line is that the Iowa Civil Rights Act is a source of law independent of the Federal Civil Rights Act. In construing the Act, we may look to federal and state court precedent, none of which are binding, but which may persuade us in the interpretation of the Iowa statute. In making choices under the Iowa Civil Rights Act, we must be mindful of the legislative direction that the Act be broadly interpreted to effectuate its purposes. See Iowa Code § 216.18(1).
The plaintiffs in their brief, however, do not explicitly invite us to interpret the Iowa Civil Rights Act in a fashion different than Title VII of the Federal Civil Rights Act. Thе plaintiffs declare that “generally speaking,” the same burden-shifting approach is applied under the Iowa Civil Rights Act as is applied under Title VII of the Federal Civil Rights Act. But the plaintiffs go even further. They seem to take the view that the criteria established in the Civil Rights Act of 1991 also apply under the Iowa Civil Rights Act even though there was no comparable statutory amendment. Plaintiffs simply state that under “the law,” a plaintiff must identify a specific employment practice or show that the decision-making process is not capable of separate analysis. Thus, the plaintiffs do not appear to make the substantive argument that Iowa law should embark on a different path than reflected in Wards Cove and the subsequent amendments to Title VII adopted by Congress or from Wal-Mart.
In the constitutional context, we have stated when a party raises both federal and state constitutional claims, but does not establish a different substantive standard between the state and federal constitutions, we assume the federal standard applies, but reserve the right to apply that standard in a fashion different from federal courts. See State v. Edouard,
In this case, the plaintiffs structured the litigation and advanced arguments solely based upon federal law standards. Had the plaintiffs advanced an argument under state law departing from the federal precedent, for example, that a particular employment practice is not a requirement under the Iowa Civil Rights Act
Nonetheless, even when the parties have not argued for different substantive principles, we still may apply the principles advocated by the parties in a fashion different than the federal courts. See Edouard,
VI. Conclusion.
For the above reasons, the district court judgment is affirmed. AFFIRMED.
Notes
. Violation of the human-resources subchap-ter of Iowa Code chapter 8A or DAS’s regulations is a simple misdemeanor. Iowa Code § 8A.458. Further, "[t]he director may institute and maintain any action or proceeding at law or in equity that the director considers necessary or appropriate to secure compliance with this subchapter and the rules and orders under this subchapter.” Id. § 8A.453(1).
. DAS converted to the BrassRing system between 2004 and 2006. Before this, the State used the AS-400 system.
. The plaintiffs’ lawsuit was filed in October 2007 and subsequently amended three times, adding nine additional plaintiffs, for a total of twenty-three named plaintiffs.
. The district court described the difference between conventional and probit regression analysis as follows:
a [conventional] regression analysis seeks to predict or forecast how a dependent variable might change based upon changes in one or more independent variables. The probit analysis differs primarily in that the dependent value in that context may only have one of two values.
. The question posed in the Petition for Writ of Certiorari was: "Is the racially adverse impact of an employer’s practice of simply committing employment decisions to the unchecked discretion of a white supervisory corps subject to the test of Griggs v. Duke Power Co.,
. Footnote 5 states:
Civil rights advocates wanted to overturn five Supreme Court decisions that worked to restrict employees’ ability to successfully sue employers over workplace discrimination. The most important of these Supreme Court decisions was Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Atonio,490 U.S. 642 ,109 S.Ct. 2115 ,104 L.Ed.2d 733 (1989).... Other important cases included: Patterson v. McLean Credit Union, [491 U.S. 164 , 188,109 S.Ct. 2363 , 2379,105 L.Ed.2d 132 , 158 (1989)] (holding that discrimination in the performance of employment contracts is not prohibited explicitly under existing federal law); Lorance v. AT & T Technologies, Inc., [490 U.S. 900 , 911,109 S.Ct. 2261 , 2268,104 L.Ed.2d 961 , 975 (1989)] (limiting the previous interpretation of federal law regarding the ability of workers to challenge discriminatory seniority systems); Martin v. Wilks, [490 U.S. 755 , 759,109 S.Ct. 2180 , 2183,104 L.Ed.2d 835 , 842 (1989)] (expanding the ability of workers not affected by discrimination to challenge agreements made between previously discriminatory employers and the discriminated party); and Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins, [490 U.S. 228 , 258,109 S.Ct. 1775 , 1795,104 L.Ed.2d 268 , 293 (1989)] (holding that employment decisions based on both discriminatory and nondiscriminatory reasons may be valid if the employer proves it would have made the same decision based solely on the non-discriminatory factors).
Runkel, 35 Wm. & Mary L.Rev. at 1177 n. 5.
. See, e.g., Meyer v. U.S. Tennis Ass'n,
. "Also troubling is the Court’s apparent redefinition of the employees’ burden of proof in a disparate-impact case.” Wards Cove,
Concurrence Opinion
(concurring specially).
I respectfully concur in the result only. I am unable to join the majority opinion’s affirmance of the district court’s thorough, well-reasoned decision on the merits in favor of defendants. See Pippen v. State, No. 05771 LACL107038,
Plaintiffs are a certified class of over 5000 members defined as “[a]ll African American applicants and employees who sought appointment to or held a merit-system position with an Executive Branch agency (not including Board of Regents) at any point from July 1, 2003, through April 17, 2012.” They brought disparate impact racial discrimination claims under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Iowa Civil Rights Act of 1965 (ICRA). These civil rights laws were enacted to eliminate discriminatory practices, provide remedies for discrimination, and allow equal opportunities in employment. Defendants are the State of Iowa and its thirty-seven executive branch departments. There are over 700 types of employment positions within the executive branch. During the relevant period, nearly 500,000 applications were submitted by 100,000 applicants for 20,000 openings. Approximately 2000 supervisors within the executive branch have authority in the hiring process. Plaintiffs sought to prove at trial that the State’s overall hiring system during the relevant time period discriminated on the basis of race.
Disparate impact law generally requires plaintiffs to prove a particular employment practice caused a disparate impact. The majority fails to discuss the purpose of this proof requirement, which is to enable the district court to fashion a remedy correct
Following a month-long bench trial, the district court found the State’s employment decision-making process was capable of separation for analysis. For the reasons explained below, I conclude the “capable of separation” finding is supported by substantial evidence and is dispositive. I therefore agree the district court judgment must be affirmed.
I. Additional Background Facts and Proceedings.
As required under our standard of review in our appellate role, we review the trial evidence in the light most favorable to the judgment. Falczynski v. Amoco Oil Co.,
As the majority notes, plaintiffs presented testimony from three expert witnesses. Anthony Greenwald and Cheryl Kaiser testified regarding the social science of implicit-bias stereotyping and how implicit biases affect decision-making. Kaiser explained the difference between explicit and implicit bias: explicit bias is “conscious, deliberate, controlled animosity,” whereas implicit bias is due to unconscious negative associations — stereotypes—that people have developed over time.
Killingsworth chose to limit his analysis to applications referred by DAS to the departments (thus effectively excluding applicants who did not satisfy minimum qualifications from his review).
Robert Miller, another labor economist and the State’s statistical expert, also performed regression analyses. With regard to wages and promotion, he found no statistically significant differences between races after taking into account experience and the pay grade of the job for which the individual applied. He criticized Killings-worth’s regressions as inadequate because they failed to adjust for these other factors.
With regard to hiring, Miller subdivided his work into the three steps that the State followed to get to its actual hire. Thus, unlike Killingsworth, who considered only steps two and three and combined them, Miller separately considered steps one, two, and three. At step three, i.e., what occurs after the applicant is granted an in-person interview, Miller found no statistically significant difference between whites and blacks in their success in being hired.
At step one, Miller found no statistically significant difference between white and black applicants in getting a referral. On a per application basis, though, African
At step two — referral to interview — Miller’s findings were more nuanced. On the whole, he found that African Americans were statistically less likely to receive a department job interview after their application was referred by DAS. Probing more deeply, he found this was only true for about one-third of State departments. It was not true for the remaining two-thirds of departments. As Miller explained,
[t]he overall conclusion with respect to step two is that a common factor could not or does not appear to be operating across all the departments in the same way, because our results show that there are clear departmental differences.
For the specific jobs that the thirteen named plaintiffs had applied for, Miller found that African Americans were not statistically less likely to get interviews than whites.
The plaintiffs reviewed paper hiring files produced by the State for 667 separate positions that were filled. Based on the examples in the record, these files contained items such as applicant résumés, score sheets for résumé reviews, score sheets for interviews, and letters asking for authority (and justifying the decision) to hire the successful applicant. For instance, for the position of workforce advis- or in the unemployment insurance service center, Iowa Workforce Development used a résumé review worksheet that awarded a maximum of fifty-nine points. There were a maximum of twenty points potentially available for education, ten points potentially available for unemployment insurance claims experience, fourteen points potentially available for possessing various computer skills, five points available for being a veteran (or ten for being a disabled veteran), and five points available for “ability to follow resume and cover letter submission directions.” These files were not provided to or reviewed by Killings-worth. As Killingsworth put it, “I don’t have any access or haven’t had any hiring files.”
Miller testified that the data were “absolutely” capable of separation for analysis, and in fact, he separated them to the extent noted.
II. Analysis.
On appeal, plaintiffs do not argue that the State’s failure to follow its own equal-employment-opportunity policies constituted a discrete employment practice. Instead, plaintiffs challenge the district court’s determination that the State’s overall hiring process was capable of separation for analysis. Plaintiffs argue the hiring process could not be analyzed in terms of separate practices. Plaintiffs also assert on appeal that the district court erred in determining they failed tо prove causation. Because the district court correctly decided the dispositive separation issue, we need not reach the causation issue. I will provide an overview of the governing law to place the separation issue into context.
A. Disparate Impact Law. Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act’s “central statutory purposes [are] eradicating discrimination throughout the economy and making persons whole for injuries suffered through past discrimination.” Albemarle Paper Co. v. Moody,
Title VII and the ICRA each provide two principal ways to prove employment discrimination: disparate impact and disparate treatment. Hy-Vee Food Stores, Inc. v. Iowa Civil Rights Comm’n,
Disparate impact, the theory plaintiffs presented at trial, presents an avenue for addressing inequalities in the absence of intentional discrimination. In a disparate impact case, what matters is not the subjective motivation of the employer, but the effects of an employment practice. Griggs v. Duke Power Co.,
A three-step burden-shifting framework applies to disparate impact claims. In the first stage, to establish a prima facie case, a plaintiff must show that the employer “ ‘uses a particular employment practice that causes a disparate impact’ on one of the prohibited bases.” Lewis v. City of Chicago,
The identification of a particular employment practice in the first stage helps the court ascertain and remedy the cause of racial disparities. Proof focused on a particular employment practice enables the relevant comparison between “qualified persons in the labor market and the persons holding at-issue jobs.” Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Atonio,
The United States Supreme Court cautioned that using overbroad statistics to prove a disparate impact claim “would result in employers being potentially liable for ‘the myriad of innocent causes that may lead to statistical imbalances in the composition of their work forces.’ ” Id. at 657,
Wards Cove highlighted that racial disparities revealed in aggregated statistics at times could be justified by a closer examination of the qualified labor pool. Similarly, disparities shown by statistics aggregated at the departmental level may be explained by the specific employment practices of a given department. See Wal-Mart, 564 U.S. at-,
The particularity requirement allows the court to fashion an appropriate remedy: if a particular employer practice is identified as causing discriminatory impact, the court can order the employer to correct it. Title VII “arm[s] the courts with full equitable powers” in order to address violations. Albemarle,
For example, the record shows that African Americans actually comprise a higher percentage of the State executive branch workforce than they do in the Iowa workforce as a whole. Yet, it would be wrong to conclude from that overall number that the State is not discriminating on the basis of race. One has to focus on actual employment practices.
While Congress generally required that a plaintiff identify particular employment practices that cause disparate impact, Congress also provided that the decision-making process could be challenged as a whole under certain circumstances. Specifically, Congress provided:
With respect to demonstrating that a particular employment practice causes a disparate impact ... the complaining party shall demonstrate that each particular challenged employment practice causes a disparate impact, except that if the complaining party can demonstrate to the court that the elements of a respondent’s decisionmaking process are not capable of separation for analysis,*38 the decisionmaking process may be analyzed as one employment practice.
42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(k)(l)(B)(i). This law codifies an exception to the requirement that a plaintiff identify a particular employment practice, thereby ensuring that employers cannot avoid liability for disparate impact simply by making it difficult for a plaintiff to separately analyze the decision-making elements. See Griffin v. Carlin, 755 F.2d 1516, 1525 (11th Cir. 1985). This statutory exception balances the concern that employers could evade liability against the need for particularity by requiring the plaintiff to first demonstrate the employer’s process is incapable of separation. As the majority acknowledges, the burden was on plaintiffs to prove the State’s decision-making process is incapable of separation for analysis before proceeding to attack the process as a whole. See Grant v. Metro. Gov’t of Nashville,
The ICRA does not have a counterpart to the 1991 congressional amendment.
The majority, relying on Hubbard v. State,
The Iowa bench and bar has long understood federal authorities provide guidance to interpret the ICRA. This lends predictability to an important area of the law, particularly when the legislature has long acquiesced in our interpretations of the ICRA based on federal interpretations of the counterpart federal statutory language. See Ackelson v. Manley Toy Direct, L.L.C.,
In the majority’s view, if it does not like how federal decisions were decided, it can freely disregard them. The cost of this new approach is the stability and predictability of our law. See State v. Short,
B. Does Substantial Evidence Support the District Court’s Finding that the State’s Decision-Making Process Was Capable of Separation for Analysis? The district court specifically found the State’s decision-making process was capable of separation for analysis. I agree with the majority that this is a question of fact. See, e.g., McClain v. Lufkin Indus., Inc.,
Plaintiffs assert that the State’s record-keeping practices precluded separate analysis of the decision-making process because (1) subjective assessments pervaded the decision-making process; (2) subjective assessments have a “ripple effect,” whereby the discriminatory impact accumulates as applicants move through the hiring process; and (3) the State did not retain some records regarding applicant evaluations.
The district court rejected all three theories based on the factual record developed at trial. To put the district court’s dispositive factual finding into its legal context, I construe the operative statutory language. The phrase “each particular challenged employment practice” in 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2 (k)(l)(B)(i) indicates that a particular employment practice is distinct from a decision-making process. A particular employment practice is considered an element within the larger decision-making process. Congress’s choice to use the singular form, combined with the words “particular” and “each” demonstrates that the challenged practice must be individually identified. “This syntax would be strange if a plaintiff could bundle a number of discrete steps of a multi-phase hiring process together, based on a common characteristic.” Davis v. Cintas Corp.,
I first consider plaintiffs’ contentions regarding subjective decision-making. How subjective decision-making plays into hiring and promotion depends on the type of job and the process used to fill it. Thus, subjective conduct may serve as the “particular employment practice” underlying a disparate impact claim if plaintiffs can prove that the conduct operates uniformly throughout an employer’s decision-making process to cause a disparate impact. For example, in Davis, the Sixth Circuit rejected plaintiffs argument that the defendant’s decision-making process was incapable of separation when “not all of the system’s subjective elements are the same.” Id. at 497. The court noted “[e]ach different interview ... has a specific interview guide, and different manag
Chin v. Port Authority is a good example of a subjective process that was incapable of separation for purposes of analysis.
Wal-Mart, filed shortly before this case went to trial, is instructive. There, the Supreme Court decertified a nationwide class of 1.5 million current and former employees of Wal-Mart alleging gender discrimination. Wal-Mart, 564 U.S. at -, -,
The district court here found that “[t]he State’s system has both objective and subjective components” which are “not so confused ... as to prevent Plaintiffs from honing in on one particular employment practice.” This finding is supported by the record. For example, the DAS screen that occurred at step one, the résumé score sheets that were part of step two in some departments, the second résumé screens and spelling and grammar screens that were part of step two in some departments, and the interview score sheets that were part of step three in some departments were objective components that could have been separately analyzed. This was not a purely subjective process.
Furthermore, while there undoubtedly was subjectivity and — as the plaintiffs credibly demonstrated — implicit bias in multiple State hiring decisions during the relevant time period, this case is a far cry from Chin, in which the decision-making process ultimately came down to a single individual’s discretion. By contrast here, the State’s hiring decisions were in the hands of numerous department managers.
No witness affirmatively testified the process was incapable of separation for analysis. To the contrary, the State’s expert, Miller, “emphatically” testified that the State’s hiring system was capable of separation for analysis. Plaintiffs on appeal do not challenge the admissibility of Miller’s testimony. His testimony alone constitutes substantial evidence supporting the district court’s finding. Furthermore, Miller actually did separate the process into the three steps for purposes of his analysis.
Additionally, plaintiffs’ own experts testified that the State’s decision-making process could be separated for analysis. The district court noted that Greenwald conceded the State’s employment process could be separated to individually analyze each step of the process and commented “that one ‘could determine whether or not there was bias at each one of the independent stages of the hiring process.’ ” Kaiser discussed how written résumés and in-person interviews can trigger implicit racial biases differently. The State’s statistical expert, Killingsworth, utilized a regression analysis to evaluate the State’s hiring process using data from different stages of the process and different departments. The district court summarized:
Dr. Killingsworth was capable of separating data for the referral stage, the interview stage, and the hiring stage for African Americans as compared to whites over a period of years. His work permits a fact finder to analyze the departments of the executive branch in each of those years at each of those stages. This charting of State data allows a fact finder to compare the various departments and draw important conclusions as to how the individual departments compare to each other at the various stages. While he elected not to begin his analysis at the application stage, the data available would permit this. And it could be used to track applicant flow from that first stage to the hiring of one applicant for the specific job opening in any given department — including the progress of each applicant through the various stages and examining the particular screening-devices used.
Further, Killingsworth “could limit his models by new applicants or incumbent State employees, initial pay, and performance evaluations.” However, he did not correlate any of his findings to a particular screening device.
This does not foreclose the possibility of further separation, as the district court found. For example, the record revealed other employment practices with potentially discriminatory effects such as résumé screens could have been isolated and separately analyzed. But, in' any event, the record supports' the district court’s finding that the plaintiffs did not meet their burden. Plaintiffs did not even attempt to challenge an actual employment practice and simply argued that the “total result” (to use Killingsworth’s phrase) was discriminatory.
In response to plaintiffs’ “ripple effect” argument, the district court found “the fact that one errant practice compounds a problem at a later stage of the process does not prevent investigation of either the earlier or later separate stage or practice.” I agree. Though the use of a discriminatory criterion at one stage may impact applicants throughout a decision-making process, such a “ripple effect” does not preclude separate analysis. In some cases, subjective and objective criteria may be so intertwined as to prevent separation. See McClain v. Lufkin Indus., Inc.,
Finally, substantial evidence supports the district court’s finding that the plaintiffs failed to show the condition of the paper files precluded separate analysis of specific employment practices within the State’s hiring process. Killingsworth never looked at the hiring files. Significantly, as the majority notes, the district court found “the hiring files themselves permit a focused view of the different screening-devices and practices in referral, interview or hiring of applicants for any given job between the departments.” Plaintiffs make much of the missing documents from the files, but eighty-six percent of the files included interview questions, eighty-one percent had interview notes, and seventy-three percent provided an interview scoring matrix. Half of the files had reference checks. Eighty-four percent of the files also contained an individual’s application, résumé, and cover letter. As the majority recognizes, Greenwald commented, “The hiring files of the State are a gold mine that hasn’t been analyzed.” There is no evidence that the plaintiffs took even one of the objective standards the Statе employed and tried to determine whether it had a disparate impact using the available records.
Plaintiffs argue that the sample sizes would get smaller and statistical reliability would decline as one tries to analyze the effect of a practice that was only employed in certain areas at certain times. This may be correct, but does not excuse the failure to try. The statute does not permit courts to aggregate a collection of different hiring practices across different times and
The only case plaintiffs cite in support of their argument that a lack of records can prevent separate analysis is the district court opinion in Chin. Notably, the Second Circuit on appeal relied on a different rationale from the district court — i.e., that the process was basically entirely subjective and the final decision rested with one person. Chin,
[t]he State’s data — its recordkeeping— while not perfect, was sufficient for both Dr. Killingsworth and Dr. Miller to conduct their analyses. The presence in the record of their models and opinions dispels the argument that the State’s recordkeeping is such that it precludes anything but a “systemic employment practice.”
I conclude substantial evidence supports the district court’s findings regarding the State’s record keeping.
I reiterate the importance of separately analyzing the different processes used by the various departments. In some departments, African-American applicants fared better than white applicants at certain stages; in others they fared worse, even much worse. This suggests that the different screening processes used by the departments may have had different impacts on applicant success. As the district court noted, these “[vjarying outcomes between the departments and stages of the process invite[ ] localized scrutiny.”
For example, based on the record in this case, I have concerns about the various résumé screening devices used by State departments at the step-two level. It is certainly possible that inappropriate screening devices may have been used in some of the departments in which Miller fоund a statistically significant disparity between blacks and whites at step two. But, it is just a possibility and not an aspect of the case that the plaintiffs chose to pursue.
Here, the district court observed that “the hiring files themselves permit a focused view of the different screening-devices and practices in referral, interview or hiring of applicants for any given job between the departments.” For example, as the court pointed out, DAS has a system-wide applicant screening manual, and an analysis could have been performed based on the manner in which DAS instructs managers on the use of the manual.
The district court went on to comment that “one can focus on any number of discrete employment decisions made as individual, separable, identifiable particular employment practices” and then gave two more examples:
One example of the separability of the process is the “second résumé screen” that had been utilized by some departments. It was a particular employment practice that was evaluated, determined to be inappropriate, and curtailed at the suggestion of DAS. Similar refinement of the hiring process by focusing on the*45 inappropriate use of “spelling and grammar screening” is another example of DAS having addressed a particular employment practice. The record reflects not only the ability to focus on these particular employment practices but when and which separate agencies responded to the suggested changes by DAS.
The foregoing has shown why I am confident the court reached the right conclusion. The district court methodically went through the record, focused appropriately on the testimony of statistical experts for each side, and identified various employment practices that could have been separately analyzed, including the three steps in the employment practice (separately analyzed by Miller) and more specific practices within those steps.
For all these reasons, I conclude substantial evidence supports the district court’s finding that the plaintiffs failed to show the State’s employment practices are not capable of separation for purposes of analysis. I close with three observations.
First, it is significant that the NAACP, in a well-argued amicus brief, relies on some of the same data that plaintiffs dismiss as inadequate. Thus, the NAACP asserts that Miller’s findings show there was an adverse impact at step two in eight departments that employed approximately fifty-eight percent of the State workforce. On that basis, it asks us to reverse the district court.
In my view, the NAACP’s brief raises serious questions as to whether the State committed unlawful discrimination. The problem with this argument is that it is not the case the plaintiffs elected to pursue. For instance, we do not know whаt practices were followed in those eight departments during step two. This seems like a relatively straightforward inquiry that could have been pursued in discovery. We also do not know which representative plaintiffs — if any — applied for jobs with those departments. And, the remedies sought by the plaintiffs would apply not only to those departments but to the State as a whole.
Instead of narrowing their focus, plaintiffs brought a class action alleging a common pattern of discrimination by the entire state executive branch of government. Having brought such a large case, it was then up to the plaintiffs to undertake the considerable work required to prove it. Under the prevailing law, this included analysis of specific hiring practices and their impact. Plaintiffs did not meet their burden.
Second, I do not downplay what this case has shown. Even according to Miller, it appears African Americans on the whole were disadvantaged in getting job interviews from some agencies, including some large departments like the department of human services and the department of transportation. This conclusion, from a defense expert, is disturbing although inconclusive. The district court, in my view correctly, questioned why “given all this data held by the State, it did not on a regular basis review it, as did these experts, with an eye toward measuring impact.”
Third, it bears emphasis that the defeat of this class action does not bar a person who believes he or she was a victim of discrimination from bringing an individual lawsuit on his or her own against the State for new acts of discrimination. What is clear here is that plaintiffs failed to prove, because they ultimately did not try to prove, that the State of Iowa engaged in specific employment practices that had discriminatory effects against African-American job applicants and that would allow for class-wide relief.
MANSFIELD and ZAGER, JJ., join - this special concurrence. ■
. Research into the process of socialization and development of social norms [has] led to an understanding that the development of stereotypes — and consequent biases and prejudices — is not a function of an aberrational mind, but instead an outcome of normal cognitive processes associated with simplifying and storing information of overwhelming quantity and complexity that people encounter daily.
Melissa Hart, Subjective Decisionmaking and Unconscious Discrimination, 56 Ala. L.Rev. 741, 746 (2005) (internal quotation marks omitted). Implicit-bias research and its application to legal theories has been thoroughly reviewed in legal scholarship. See Jerry Kang, Trojan Horses of Race, 118 Harv. L.Rev. 1489, 1515 & n. 122 (2005) (providing summary of employment-related implicit-bias studies, including experiment where résumés with "white names” received fifty percent more callbacks than résumés with "black names”); see also Judge. Mark W. Bennett, Unraveling the Gordian Knot of Implicit Bias in Jury Selection: The Problems of Judge-Dominated Voir Dire, the Failed Promise of Bat-son, and Proposed Solutions, 4 Harv. L. & Pol'y Rev. 149, 151-158 (2010) (discussing implicit-bias rеsearch as it relates to jury selection); L. Song Richardson, Arrest Efficiency and the Fourth Amendment, 95 Minn. L.Rev.2035 (2011) (discussing implications of implicit bias for police-citizen interactions and Fourth Amendment jurisprudence, and proposing "debiasing strategies" for police departments).
. Notably, Greenwald is an inventor of the Implicit Association Test, a widely used method of measuring implicit bias. See Project Implicit, About Us, https://www.projectimpli cit.net/about.html (last visited July 10, 2014).
. Notably, the CPS study mentioned by the majority did not perform regression analyses that excluded other possible variables that could account for the differences it reported. After pointing out the disparity between referrals and interviews, CPS acknowledged, “There could be ... very legitimate reasons why the percentage of African Americans is reduced so dramatically between referral and interview” and acknowledged that "the team was unable to determine a definitive reason(s) for these outcomes.”
. Both Killingsworth and the State’s expert, Robert Miller, used applications — as opposed to applicants — as their unit of analysis. As the CPS study noted, it is difficult to identify the exact makeup of the applicant pool or the actual number of applicants because the State’s tracking system did not track individual people, but rather applications. Both the State's and plaintiffs' experts acknowledged African-American applicants applied on average for 1.6 more jobs than white applicants. In short, both parties agreed that African-American applicants, on average, followed a strategy of casting a wider State job search net than white applicants.
.Killingsworth acknowledged that he looked only at ”[t]he total result,” not any particular employment practice other than "hiring” as a whole. He did not offer any opinions that the disparities he observed were the result of subjective as opposed to objective hiring practices.
. An act of Congress amending Title VII does not amend the ICRA. The ICRA requires the plaintiff to prove a specific employment practice caused the disparate impact. Hy-Vee,
. The same majority has ignored an even longer line of cases adhering to our court’s long-standing practice of relying on federal decisions under the Fourth Amendment when interpreting the nearly identical search-and-seizure provision in the Iowa Constitution. See State v. Short,
