*662 This case involves a constitutional challenge to the Massachusetts firearms licensing statute, as implemented in the communities of Boston and Brookline. All of the individual plaintiffs sought and received licenses from one of those two communities to carry firearms in public. The licenses, though, were restricted: they allowed the plaintiffs to carry firearms only in relation to certain specified activities but denied them the right to carry firearms more generally.
The plaintiffs say that the Massachusetts firearms licensing statute, as implemented in Boston and Brookline, violates the Second Amendment. The district court disagreed, and so do we. Mindful that "the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited,"
District of Columbia
v.
Heller
,
I. BACKGROUND
We start by rehearsing the applicable statutory and regulatory scheme and then recount the travel of the case. In Massachusetts, carrying a firearm in public without a license is a crime.
See
purchase, rent, lease, borrow, possess and carry: (i) firearms, including large capacity firearms, and feeding devices and ammunition therefor, for all lawful purposes, subject to such restrictions relative to the possession, use or carrying of firearms as the licensing authority deems proper; and (ii) rifles and shotguns, including large capacity weapons, and feeding devices and ammunition therefor, for all lawful purposes; provided, however, that the licensing authority may impose such restrictions relative to the possession, use or carrying of large capacity rifles and shotguns as it deems proper.
The Massachusetts statute describes the circumstances in which a license to carry may be granted, denied, revoked, or restricted to particular uses.
See
Once the licensing authority satisfies itself that the applicant is not a prohibited person, it may issue a license to carry as long as "the applicant can demonstrate a 'proper purрose' for carrying a firearm."
Ruggiero
v.
Police Comm'r of Bos.
,
An applicant who dоes not demonstrate a good reason to fear injury either to himself or to his property may still receive a license to carry a firearm; subject, however, to such restrictions as the licensing authority deems meet.
See
Not all communities offer the same types of restricted licenses. Boston offers licenses restricted to employment, hunting and target practice, or sport. For its part, Brookline offers licenses subject to restrictions for employment, hunting, target practice, sport, transport, domestic (use only in and around one's home), or collecting. A license restricted to employment allows the licensee to carry a firearm for all employment-related purposes, that is, while working and while traveling to and from work. A license restricted to hunting allows the licensee to carry a firearm for lawful hunting of game and fowl. Similarly, a license restricted to sport allows the licensee to carry a firearm while partaking in hunting, target practice, and a wide variety of outdoor recreational activities (such as hiking, camping, and cross-country skiing).
In Boston, slightly more than forty percent of all licenses are issued without restrictions of any kind. In Brookline, the number shrinks to approximately thirty-five percent. 1 Every such license (whether or not restricted) permits the licensee to keep and carry firearms for personal protection in the home.
Once issued, a license may be revoked or suspended "upon the occurrence of any event that would have disqualified the holder from being issued such license or from having such license renewed" or "if it appears that the holder is no longer a suitable person to possess such license."
Against this backdrop, we turn to the particulars of the case at hand. The individual plaintiffs (none of whom is a prohibited person) all reside in either Boston or Brookline. In each community, the local licensing authority is the chief of police.
For present purposes, the firearms licensing policies of the two communities are not materially different. Both policе departments review applications for firearms licenses individually, giving careful attention to each applicant and to his stated reasons for wanting a license. Each police chief has promulgated a policy to the effect that a generalized desire to carry a firearm for self-defense, without more, will not constitute "good reason" sufficient to warrant the issuance of an unrestricted license. Instead, Boston and Brookline require an applicant to articulate a reason to fear injury to himself or his property that distinguishes him from the general population. Applicants who are employed in certain vocations (specifically, physicians, attorneys, and police officers)
*665 are more likely to be granted unrestricted licenses in both communities. 2
The individual plaintiffs all sought and obtained licenses to carry firearms, but those licenses were issued with а variety of restrictions:
• Plaintiff Michael Gould is a professional photographer who lives in Brookline. In 2014, the Brookline Police Department granted him a license to carry firearms, restricted to employment and sport. These restrictions allow him to carry firearms on his person at home and whenever he is working with his high-priced photography equipment or when engaged in a range of recreational activities.
• Plaintiffs Christopher Hart, John Stanton, Danny Weng, and Sarah Zesch live in Boston. Each of them applied for an unrestricted firearms license but received a restricted license (containing hunting and target-practice restrictions).
The complaint alleges that each of the individual plaintiffs seeks an unrestricted license to carry firearms in public for the purpose of self-defense.
The individual plaintiffs are joined by plaintiff Commonwealth Second Amendment, Inc. (Comm2A), a non-profit organization dedicated to advancing the right to keep and bear arms. All of the individual plaintiffs are members of Comm2A.
Although all of the individual plaintiffs wish to have unrestricted firearms licenses for personal protection, none of them has tried to show that his or her fear of injury is in any way distinct from that of the general population. Thus, none of them has been able to satisfy Boston's or Brookline's "good reason" standard.
Invoking
On motion, the district court allowed the Office of the Attorney General of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to join the fray as an intervenor-defendant.
See
Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a)(1). After the close of discovery, the parties cross-moved for summary judgment. The district court, in a thoughtful rescript, granted summary judgment for the defendants.
See
Gould
v.
O'Leary
,
This timely appeal ensued. The parties have filed exemplary briefs, and those submissions have been supplemented by a myriad of helpful amicus briefs.
II. FRAMING THE ISSUE
Before plunging into the merits of the plaintiffs' claims, we pause for some additional stage-setting. To begin, we note that the plaintiffs' appeal hinges on the answers to two central questions: Does the Second Amendment protect the right to carry a firearm outside the home for self-defense? And if they prevail on that question, may the government condition the exercise of the right to bear arms on a showing that a citizen has a "good reason" (beyond a generalized desire for self-defense) for carrying a firearm outside the home? Undergirding the plaintiffs' proposed answers to these questions is their claim that the manner in which Boston and Brookline have interpreted the Massachusetts "good reason" requirement offends the Second Amendment. Importantly, though, the plaintiffs do not challenge the Massachusetts firearms licensing statute as a whole, nor do they challenge the Commonwealth's requirement that an individual must have a license to carry firearms in public.
Because the plaintiffs' appeal is based exclusively upon the Second Amendment, our analysis follows suit. Consequently, we do not consider-let alone foreclose-any other potential challenges to the manner in which Boston and Brookline have chosen to exercise their discretion under the Massachusetts firearms licensing statute. By the same token, even though we rеcognize that the majority of Massachusetts communities have firearms licensing policies that are more permissive than those adopted in Boston and Brookline, we do not regard those policies as relevant to our analysis.
Next, we think it is useful to draw a distinction between two types of firearms licensing regulations. Location-based regulations limit where firearms may be carried. In contrast, applicant-based regulations identify prohibited persons (such as felons) who may be barred from carrying firearms anywhere. The policies at issue here fall into the former category. Thus, we do not pass upon the validity of "prohibited person" regulations. After all, the plaintiffs have not challenged the Commonwealth's requirement, followed fastidiously in Boston and Brookline, that a license to carry firearms may be issued only to a suitable person.
Finally, we deem it helpful to offer a glossary of sorts, defining сertain terms as those terms are used in this opinion.
• When we say the "Massachusetts statute," we mean (unless otherwise indicated) the "good reason" requirement of the Massachusetts firearms licensing statute.
• When we refer to the "Boston and Brookline policies," we mean the administration and implementation of the "good reason" requirement by those two municipalities.
• When we say "firearm," we mean a conventional handgun. SeeMass. Gen. Laws ch. 140, § 121 (defining "firearm" as "a stun gun or a pistol, revolver or other weapon of any description, loaded or unloaded, from which a shot or bullet can be discharged and of which the length of *667 the barrel or barrels is less than 16 inches or 18 inches in the case of a shotgun as originally manufactured"). We do not use this term to refer to assault weapons, which have a separate definition under Massachusetts law. Seeid.
• When we say in "public," we mean outside of one's home, excluding "sensitive places such as schools and government buildings," where the Supremе Court has cautioned that the regulation of firearms is "presumptively lawful." Heller ,554 U.S. at 626-27 & n.26,. 128 S.Ct. 2783
• The terms "carry" and "carriage" refer to "wear[ing], bear[ing], or carry[ing]" a firearm "upon the person or in the clothing or in a pocket, for the purpose ... of being armed and ready for offensive or defensive action in a case of conflict with another person."Id. at 584 ,(quoting Muscarello v. United States , 128 S.Ct. 2783 , 143, 524 U.S. 125 , 118 S.Ct. 1911 (1998) (Ginsburg, J., dissenting) ). Unless otherwise specified, we use these terms to include both open and concealed carriage. We caution, however, that laws restricting concealed carriage alone may call for a somewhat different analysis. See Hightower , 141 L.Ed.2d 111 (finding "[l]icensing of the carrying of concealed weapons" to be "presumptively lawful"). 693 F.3d at 73-74
III. ANALYSIS
The plaintiffs mount two principal claims of error. First, they contend that the right to carry firearms in public for self-defense lies at the core of the Second Amendment and, thus, admits of no regulation. Second, they contend that the Boston and Brookline policies fail under any level of scrutiny that might arguably apply. We approach these claims of error mindful that our review of the district court's entry of summary judgment is de novo.
See
A. Legal Framework .
The Second Amendment provides that "[a] well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." U.S. Const. amend. II. For over two centuries, the Supreme Court said very little either about the meaning of these words or about the scope of the guaranteed right. In 2008, though, thе Court made pellucid that the Second Amendment protects the right of an individual to keep and bear arms (unconnected to service in the militia).
See
Heller
,
These decisions merely scratched the surface: they did not provide much clarity as to how Second Amendment claims should be analyzed in future cases. In
Heller
, for example, the Court considered the District of Columbia's near-complete ban on keeping operable handguns in the
*668
home.
See
In the plaintiffs' view, it follows directly from
Heller
that the Second Amendment guarantees them an unconditional right to carry firearms in public for self-defense. On this basis, they urge us to find that the Boston and Brookline policies are unconstitutional. We are not so sanguine:
Heller
simply does not provide a categorical answer to whether the challenged policies violate the Constitution. Put another way, nothing in
Heller
"impugn[s] legislative designs that comprise ... public welfare regulations aimed at addressing perceived inherent dangers and risks surrounding the public possession of loaded, operable firearms."
Powell
v.
Tompkins
,
Indeed,
Heller
itself made precisely this point. The majority opinion there stated that "[l]ike most rights, the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited" and thus does not рrotect "a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose" or "for any sort of confrontation."
Even so, the
Heller
Court never presumed "to clarify the entire field" of permissible Second Amendment regulation.
In the decade since
Heller
was decided, courts have adopted a two-step approach for analyzing claims that a statute, ordinance, оr regulation infringes the Second Amendment right.
See
,
e.g.
,
Young
v.
Hawaii
,
Although we have not yet explicitly adopted this two-step approach, 4 we do so today. This approach results in a workable framework, consistent with Heller , for evaluating whether a challenged law infringes Second Amendment rights.
B. Scope of Second Amendment Right .
The framework requires that we start by pondering "whether the conduct at issue was understood to be within the scope of the right at the time of ratification."
Woollard
,
The view through this wider-angled lens tells a different tale. A comprehensive survey of the historical record-including the laws of Massachusetts, which "first adopted a good cause statute in 1836"-reveals that "states and their predecessor colonies and territories have taken divergent
*670
approaches to the regulation of firearms."
Young
,
The short of it is that the national historical inquiry does not dictate an answer to the question of whether the Boston and Brookline policies burden conduct falling within the scope of the Second Amendment. Since we have previously exhibited considerable hesitancy to extend the Second Amendment right beyond the home,
see
Powell
,
The Supreme Court's seminal decision in
Heller
guides our voyage. The
Heller
Court left no doubt that the right to bear arms "for dеfense of self, family, and property" was "most acute" inside the home.
Withal, Heller did not supply us with a map to navigate the scope of the right of public carriage for self-defense. For example, Heller did not answer whether every citizen has such a right, or whether (as Boston and Brookline have concluded) the right is more narrowly circumscribed to those citizens who can establish an individualized reason to fear injury. In the absence of such guidance, we decline to parse this distinction today and proceed on the assumption that the Boston and Brookline policies burden the Second Amendment right to carry a firearm for self-defense.
C. Level of Scrutiny .
This conclusion brings into sharp relief the next step in our inquiry, which requires us to evaluate the challenged policies under an appropriate level of scrutiny. The plaintiffs argue that any law regulating the carriage of firearms for self-defense should be subject to strict scrutiny because the Second Amendment right is specifically articulated in the Constitution. This argument bites off more than the plaintiffs reasonably can expect to chew. Strict scrutiny does not automatically attach to every right enumerated in the Constitution.
See
,
e.g.
,
Kelo
v.
City of New London
,
In our judgment, the appropriate level of scrutiny must turn on how closely a particular law or policy approaches the core of the Second Amendment right and
*671
how heavily it burdens that right.
See
NRA
,
This gets us to the heаrt of the matter: whether public carriage of firearms for self-defense is a core Second Amendment right? In an earlier case, we identified the core of the Second Amendment right as "the possession of operative firearms for use in defense of the home" by responsible, law-abiding individuals.
Hightower
,
We make explicit today what was implicit in
Hightower
: that the core Second Amendment right is limited to self-defense in the home. This holding finds support in a number of out-of-circuit cases.
See
,
e.g.
,
United States
v.
Focia
,
To be sure, some courts have formulated broader conceptions of the core of the Second Amendment-conceptions that include carrying firearms in public for self-defense.
See
Young
,
We think that the weight of circuit court authority has correctly identified the core of the Second Amendment, and our own precedent fits comfortably within those boundaries. We think, too, that this configuration of the Second Amendment's core interest is consistent with
Heller
, in which the Court declared that the home is where "the need for defense of self, family, and property is most acute," such that the Second Amendment "elevates above all other interests the ... defense of hearth and home."
Societal considerations also suggest that the public carriage of firearms, even for the purpose of self-defense, should be regarded as falling outside the core of the Second Amendment right. The home is where families reside, where people keep their most valuable possessions, and where they are at their most vulnerable (especially while sleeping at night). Outside the home, society typically relies on police officers, security guards, and the watchful eyes of concerned citizens to mitigate threats. This same panoply of protections is much less effective inside the home. Police may not be able to respond to calls for help quickly, so an individual within the *672 four walls of his own house may need to provide for the protection of himself and his family in case of emergency. Last-but surely not least-the availability of firearms inside thе home implicates the safety only of those who live or visit there, not the general public.
Viewed against this backdrop, the right to self-defense-upon which the plaintiffs rely-is at its zenith inside the home. This right is plainly more circumscribed outside the home. "[O]utside the home, firearm rights have always been more limited, because public safety interests often outweigh individual interests in self-defense."
United States
v.
Masciandaro
,
This sort of differentiation is not unique to Second Amendment rights. Many constitutional rights are virtually unfettered inside the home but become subject to reasonable regulation outside the home.
See
,
e.g.
,
Lawrence
v.
Texas
,
To sum up, we hold that the core right protected by the Second Amendment is-as
Heller
described it-"the right of law-abiding, responsible citizens to use arms in defense оf hearth and home."
This holding does not end our journey. Heller left open-and we have yet to address-what level of scrutiny applies to laws that burden the periphery of the Second Amendment right but not its core. For the reasons that follow, we decide today that intermediate scrutiny supplies the appropriate test.
To begin, our decision in
Booker
points us toward this conclusion. There, we applied an unnamed level of scrutiny in evaluating the constitutionality of a law prohibiting domestic violence misdemeanants from possessing firearms.
See
*673
Finally, our conclusion that intermediate scrutiny is appropriate to evaluate firearms regulations that burden rights on the periphery of the Second Amendment fits comfortably in the lacuna left by
Heller
. The
Heller
Court found that the District of Columbia's ban on handguns in the home failed under "any of the standards of scrutiny" historically applied by the Court "to enumerated constitutional rights."
Here, all roads lead to Rome. Following this roadmap, we find that a law or policy that restricts the right to carry a firearm in public for self-defense will withstand a Second Amendment challenge so long as it survives intermediate scrutiny. To pass constitutional muster in this case, then, the defendants must show that the Massachusetts firearms licensing statute, as implemented by the Boston and Brookline policies, substantially relates to one or more important governmental interests. It is to this question that we now turn.
D. Applying Intermediate Scrutiny .
The Massachusetts firearms licensing statute allows (but does not compel) local licensing authorities to issue licenses to applicants who "ha[ve] good reason to fear injury to [themselves] or [their] property."
It cannot be gainsaid that Massachusetts has compelling governmental interests in both public safety and crime prevention.
See
,
e.g.
,
Schenck
v.
Pro-Choice Network of W.N.Y.
,
In answering this question, we start with the premise that courts ought to give "substantial deference to the predictive judgments" of a state legislature engaged in the enactment of state laws.
Turner Broad. Sys., Inc.
v.
FCC
(
Turner II
),
We caution, however, that deference should not be confused with blind
*674
allegiance. There must be a fit between the asserted governmental interests and the means chosen by the legislature to advance those interests.
See
Woollard
,
Here, the fit between the asserted governmental interests and the means chosen to advance them is close enough to pass intermediate scrutiny. The challenged regime does not infringe at all on the core Second Amendment right of a citizen to keep arms in his home for the purpose of self-defense. Outside the home, the regime arguably does burden a citizen's non-core Second Amendment right.
See
supra
Sections III.B, III.C. But in allocating this burden, the Massachusetts legislature was cognizant that firearms can present a threat to public safety. Striving to strike a balance, the legislature took note that some individuals might have a heightened need to carry firearms for self-defense and allowed local licensing authorities to take a case-by-case approach in deciding whether a particular "applicant has good reason to fear injury."
Nor do the Boston and Brookline policies result in a total ban on the right to public carriage of firearms. In this respect, the policies coalesce with the Massachusetts statute to form a regime that is markedly less restrictive than the regimes found unconstitutional by the Seventh and Ninth Circuits. The Illinois ban on public carriage struck down by the Seventh Circuit did not give the slightest recognition to the heightened need of some individuals to arm themselves for self-protection,
see
Moore
,
The Massachusetts regime is more akin to those regimes upheld in the Second, Third, and Fourth Circuits.
See
Drake
,
The sockdolager, of course, is that the defendants have forged a substantial link between the restrictions imposed on the public carriage of firearms and the indisputable governmental interests in public safety and crime prevention. Massachusetts *675 consistently has one of the lowest rates of gun-related deaths in thе nation, and the Commonwealth attributes this salubrious state of affairs to its comprehensive firearms licensing regime. To buttress this point, the defendants have cited several studies indicating that states with more restrictive licensing schemes for the public carriage of firearms experience significantly lower rates of gun-related homicides and other violent crimes. See , e.g. , Cassandra K. Crifasi et al., Association Between Firearm Laws and Homicide in Urban Counties , 95 J. Urban Health 383 (2018); Michael Siegel et al., Easiness of Legal Access to Concealed Firearm Permits and Homicide Rates in the United States , 107 Am. J. Pub. Health 1923, 1923-29 (2017); John J. Donahue et al., Right-to-Carry Laws and Violent Crime: A Comprehensive Assessment Using Panel Data, the LASSO, and a State-Level Synthetic Controls Analysis , 3, 63 (Nat'l Bureau of Econ. Research, Working Paper No. 23510, 2018). They also cite statistics indicating that gun owners are more likely to be the victims of gun violence when they carry their weapons in public. See Charles C. Branas et al., Investigating the Link Between Gun Possession and Gun Assault , 99 Amer. J. Pub. Health 2034 (2009). Finаlly, the defendants have expressed a credible concern that civilians (even civilians who, like the plaintiffs, are law-abiding citizens) might miss when attempting to use a firearm for self-defense on crowded public streets and, thus, create a deadly risk to innocent bystanders. 5
Several other courts of appeals have conducted similar inquiries and have concluded that "good reason" laws are substantially related to the promotion of public safety and the prevention of crime.
See
Drake
,
Withal, there are two sides to the story. Fairly viewed, the defendants' judgments about whether reasonable restrictions on the public carriage of firearms advance public safety and prevent crime are plausible, but not infallible. In short, those judgments are open to legitimate debate.
To this end, the plaintiffs present a profusion of countervailing studies and articles. Drawing on these materials, they argue that the increased presence of firearms on public streets would act as a deterrent to criminals, not as a menace to public safety. They alsо laud the perceived benefits attendant to the defensive
*676
use of firearms.
See
Gary Kleck & Marc Gertz,
Armed Resistance to Crime: The Prevalence and Nature of Self-Defense With a Gun
,
Taken in the ensemble, the disparate views expressed in these studies, articles, and other submissions aptly illustrate that we are dealing with matters of judgment, not with matters of metaphysical certainty. To a large extent, choosing among these disparate views is like choosing from a menu at a popular restaurant: something can be found to suit every palate and the diner's choice is more likely to reflect her particular taste than the absolute quality of the dish. In the process of crafting sound policy, a legislature often must sift through competing strands of empirical support and make predictive judgments to reach its conclusions.
See
Turner Broad. Sys., Inc.
v.
FCC
(
Turner I
),
We conclude that this case falls into an area in which it is the legislature's prerogative-not ours-to weigh the evidence, choose among conflicting inferences, and make the necessary policy judgments. In dealing with a complex societal problem like gun violence, there will almost always be room for reasonable minds to differ about the optimal solution. It follows, we think, that a court must grant the legislature flexibility to select among reasonable alternatives. It would be foolhardy-and wrong-to demand that the legislature support its policy choices with an impregnable wall of unanimous empirical studies. Instead, the court's duty is simply "to assure that, in formulating its judgments, [the legislature] has drawn reasonable inferences based on substantial evidence."
Turner I
,
Let us be perfectly clear. The problems associated with gun violence are grave. Shootings cut short tens of thousands of American lives each year. Massachusetts has made a reasoned attempt to reduce the risks of gun violence on public streets: it has democratically adopted a firearms licensing statute that takes account of the heightened needs of some individuals to carry firearms for self-defense and balances those needs against the demands of public safety. The Boston and Brookline policies fit seamlessly with these objectives.
To cinch the matter, the defendants have adduced evidence sufficient to show a substantial relationship between the challenged regime and important governmental interests. Though not incontrovertible, this evidence has considerable force-and the legislature was entitled to rely on it to guide its policy choices. The upshot is a "measured approach" that "neither bans
*677
public handgun carrying nor allows public carrying by all firearm owners ... [leaving] room for public carrying by those citizens who can demonstrate" good reason to do so.
Drake
,
IV. CONCLUSION
We need go no further. For the reasons elucidated above, we affirm the district court's entry of summary judgment in favor of the defendants.
Affirmed.
Notes
Boston and Brookline are not the only communities that make prolific use of restricted licenses. In 2015, fourteen communities (including Springfield, Lowell, New Bedford, Newton, and Medford) imposed restrictions on more than half of the licenses that they issued. Eleven other communities imposed restrictions on more than one-third of the licenses that they issued.
Boston (but not Brookline) also will grant unrestricted licenses to applicants who already have been issued unrestricted licenses by some other community in Massachusetts.
This date contrasts with the date of ratification of the Second Amendment itself (1791). It is not at all clear to us that the scope of the Second Amendment should be different when analyzing а federal law than when analyzing a state law. Here, however, we need not probe this point: our conclusion with respect to the historical record would be the same regardless of which ratification date was used.
On occasion, though, we have employed an analysis that resembled some part of the framework. Thus, in
United States
v.
Rene
E.
, we traced the historical roots of laws prohibiting minors from possessing firearms from the founding era through the early twentieth century and concluded that the challenged law was of a type historically understood to be consistent with the Second Amendment.
See
In support of this stated concern, the defendants cite a study finding that highly trained New York City police officers had an average accuracy rate of only eighteen percent in gunfights. See Bernard D. Rostker et al., RAND Ctr. on Quality Policing, Evaluation of the New York City Police Department Firearm Training and Firearm-Discharge Review Process 14 (2008).
