Cpr for Skid Row v. City of Los AngelesCpr for Skid Row v. City of Los Angeles
Lead Opinion
OPINION
This appeal presents the question of whether
I. Background
Plaintiffs are an organization, CPR for Skid Row, and two of its members, Hamid Khan and Pete White (collectively “CPR” or “Plaintiffs”). CPR was founded in 2011 to advocate for the rights of people who reside in the area of downtown Los Ange-les known as Skid Row. White is also a founder and co-director of the Los Angeles Community Action Network.
CPR and its members oppose walks through the Skid Row neighborhood sponsored by the Central City East Association (“CCEA”). CCEA is a non-profit corporation that administers two Business Improvement Districts in downtown Los An-geles and “servefs] as the principal voice of industrial downtown.” In conjunction with the Midnight Mission and Los Angeles City Councilperson Jan Perry, the CCEA in 2005 began organizing community neighborhood walks through Skid Row (the “Walks”). According to the CCEA, the Walks are attended by public officials, law enforcement, members of the judiciary, students, academics, local business owners, social service providers, and the media. The Walks take place on the public sidewalks of the Skid Row neighborhood and, according to the CCEA, allow participants “to see for themselves and learn about the challenges, not through a windshield, but from the experience of walking through [Skid Row] and interact
Members of CPR, in contrast, believe that the Walks “support[ ] and promote[ ] the criminalization of homelessness and poverty and [are] comprised only of those from outside of [the Skid Row] community.” According to CPR, the Walks are “dominated by police officers and representatives of the business community,” which are “exactly the same institutions that are promoting the unprecedented levels of police presence, citations and arrests in Skid Row that have made many homeless and poor residents less safe and/or less stable.” The Walks “do not represent the interests of the low-income community, nor [CPR’s] vision for public safety.”
CPR members believe that “the public officials who participate [in the Walks] are demeaning and depersonalizing homeless individuals in order to gain support for repressive measures against the low-income residents of Skid Row who need critical assistance.”
CPR thus began staging protests of the Walks. In preparation for the July 6, 2011, Walk, Lieutenant Shannon Paulson, the Los Angeles Police Department officer in charge of the Central Area Safer Cities Initiative Task Force in Skid Row, held a meeting with her officers and distributed photographs of particular individuals who had engaged in what she had deemed to be “aggressive” behavior at previous Walks in violation of
At the July 6, 2011, Walk, CPR protestors shouted chants, including: ‘We are not resisting. This is our First Amendment Right.” They also banged on drums, often in close proximity to the Walk participants. Lieutenant Paulson and Captain Todd Chamberlain spoke with legal observers from the National Lawyers Guild, informing them that the protestors could demonstrate but that “if it gets to the point when it is disturbing a lawful public meeting, just like we wouldn’t let anyone do it to you, we can’t let anyone do it to them.” They warned the protestors that they could be arrested under § 408. Eventually, White, who was filming the Walk and the protest, was arrested by the LAPD for violating
CPR filed a lawsuit against the City of Los Angeles asserting that
II. Void for Vagueness Challenge
Every person who, without authority of law, willfully disturbs or breaks up any assembly or meeting that is not unlawful in its character, other than an assembly or meeting referred to in Section 302 of the Penal Code or Section 18340 of the Elections Code, is guilty of a misdemeanor.
The first exception identified in
Every person who intentionally disturbs or disquiets any assemblage of people met for religious worship at a tax-exempt place of worship, by profane discourse, rude or indecent behavior, or by any unnecessary noise, either within the place where the meeting is held, or so near'it as to disturb the order and solemnity of the meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor....
The second exception listed in
Every person who, by threats, intimi-dations, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meetings for the consideration of public questions is guilty of a misdemeanor.
The Elections Code defines “elector” as
any person who is a United States citizen 18 years of age or older and ... is a resident of an election precinct at least 15 days prior to an election!, or is not a resident but either]
(1) He or she was a resident of this state when he or she was last living within the territorial, limits of the United States or the District of Columbia!, or],
(2)He or she was born outside of the United States or the District of Columbia, his or her parent or legal guardian was a resident of this state when the parent or legal guardian was last living within the territorial limits of the United States or the District of Columbia, and he or she has not previously registered to vote in any other state.
Cal. Elec.Code § 321.
A. CPR’s Challenge
CPR contends that
This is significant, argues CPR, because § 18340 sets forth a standard for a misdemeanor that is different from, and higher than, the standard for a misdemeanor under
A penal statute must “define the criminal offense with sufficient definiteness that ordinary people can understand what conduct is prohibited and in a manner that does not encourage arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement.” Kolender v. Lawson,
“[W]here a vague statute abuts upon sensitive areas of basic First Amendment freedoms, it operates to inhibit the exercise of those freedoms. Uncertain meanings inevitably lead citizens to steer far wider of the unlawful zone than if the boundaries of the forbidden areas were clearly marked.” Grayned v. City of Rockford,
“[A] plaintiff seeking to vindicate his own constitutional rights may argue that an ordinance is unconstitutionally vague or impermissibly restricts a protected activity.” Santa Monica Food Not Bombs v. City of Santa Monica,
The California Supreme Court has interpreted
In so construing
B. Interpretation of
Because no state or federal court has expressly construed
By its express terms,
We turn to the legislative history for guidance as to the legislature’s intent in excluding meetings covered by § 18340 from coverage by
Originally enacted in 1872 as part of the first
Every person who, without authority of law, willfully disturbs or breaks up any assembly or meeting, not unlawful in its character, other than such as is mentioned in Sections 59 and 302, is guilty of a misdemeanor.
CaLPenal Code
The assembly specified in Sec. 59 is a meeting of electors, held for the discussion of public questions, and that in Sec. 302 a religious meeting. This section includes funerals, and like lawful meetings, and corresponds with the N.Y. Penal Code, Sec. 473.
CaLPenal Code
In 1872, § 302, the religious-meetings exception to
Every person who willfully disturbs or breaks up any public meeting of electors or others, lawfully being held for the purpose of considering public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor.
CaLPenal Code § 59 (1874). This section is not the historical predecessor of the current political meetings exception, Elections Code § 18340, however. Section 18340 derived from a different section of the original 1872 Penal Code, specifically § 58. That section was not, in 1872, ex
Every person who, by threats, intimi-dations, or unlawful violence, willfully hinders or prevents electors from assembling in public meeting for the consideration of public questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor.
CaLPenal Code § 58 (1874). This is identical to the language in current Elections Code § 18340, exempted from
In short, §§ 58 and 59 both applied to “public meetings for the consideration of public questions,” but the two sections had different standards for a misdemeanor. Under § 58, it was a misdemeanor to hinder such a meeting “by threats, intimi-dations, or unlawful violence,” while under it was a misdemeanor simply to “willfully disturb[ ] or break[ ] up” such a meeting. Only § 59 was referred to and excluded from the coverage of
How did it happen that the original 1872 version of
In 1939, Penal Code §§ 58 and 59, among others, were repealed as part of the adoption of California’s first Elections Code. Section 58 (“Preventing public meetings”) became Elections Code § 5004, and § 59 (“Force, violence, or restraint used to influence vote”) was split among Elections Code §§ 11581, 11582, 11584-86. See Cal. Elec.Code §§ 11581-82, 11584-86 (Deering Supp. 1939).
Finally, in 1949, the California Special Crime Study Commission on Criminal Law and Procedure reported that “[a] study of the code indicates that the reference to Section 59 of the Penal Code contained in
Thus, § 18340, which is currently exempted from coverage by
In the face of this tortuous history of
C. Application of § 4,03 to CPR’s Activities
The plain language of the statute and its legislative history demonstrate that § 408 does not cover political meetings, including the meeting at issue here. It is a misdemeanor to disrupt such meetings only under § 18340 and only if the disruption consists of “threats, intimidations, or unlawful violence.”
The “meeting” at issue here involved the consideration of public questions, namely the conditions on Skid Row, and involved people within the broad definition of “electors.” Those invited to participate in the Walk were people whom the CCEA refers to as “stakeholders” in downtown business. As discussed below at 29, this conclusion leads us to reverse the judgment of the district court in part and remand for further proceedings.
D. The Voidr-for-Vagueness Challenge Falls Short
Based on this understanding of the statute, though, we affirm the portion of the district court’s judgment that rejected CPR’s facial challenge to
As expressed in his concurring opinion, Judge Reinhardt takes the position that the construction given to
We agree that the text and legislative history of
There is no indication in Kay that either party raised the question of the applicability of
Moreover, the Kay court concluded that the conduct of the defendants did not substantially impair or disturb the public meeting. Kay concerned an Independence Day celebration in a public park with a speech by a congressman who was also a candidate for reelection.
The California Courts of Appeal following Kay have not addressed the interaction between
Premising a conclusion that
III. Other Facial Challenges
CPR also argues that
We “consider a rule content-based when it establishes a general ban on speech, but maintains exceptions for speech on certain subjects.” Glendale Assocs., Ltd. v. N.L.R.B.,
The exceptions here, however, distinguish certain types of meetings, not speech on certain subjects at those meetings. Neither Penal Code § 302 nor Elections Code § 18340 pertains to speech itself. They pertain to the contexts in which speech is regulated. The statute is silent with respect to what subject matter of speech may or may not be spoken at such meetings. Indeed, the exemptions from
A statute may also be content based if it “would allow or disallow speech depending on the reaction of the audience.” Center for Bio-Ethical Reform, Inc. v. Los Angeles Cnty. Sheriff Dep’t,
A content-neutral time, place, or manner restriction on speech is narrowly tailored if it “does not burden substantially more speech than is necessary to achieve a substantial government interest.... [T]he existence of obvious, less burdensome alternatives is a relevant consideration in determining whether the ‘fit’ between ends and means is reasonable.” Berger v. City of Seattle,
The government interest at stake in this statute is “ensuring that some individuals’ unruly assertion of their rights of free expression does not imperil other citizens’ rights of free association and discussion.” Kay,
A time, place, or manner restriction on speech must leave open ample alternatives for communication.
We therefore agree with the district court that
IV. As-Applied Challenge
Although
In rejecting CPR’s as-applied challenge, the district court did not discuss that question. Rather, it focused on whether White was arrested based on the content of his speech. It concluded that “there can be no serious dispute that Mr. White was arrested because his conduct substantially impaired the conduct of the Skid Row Walk and was not based upon, in any manner whatsoever, the content of his chant.” That was true, but it does not speak to the threshold question of whether
V. Conclusion
We hold that
Each party to bear its own costs.
AFFIRMED IN PART, REVERSED IN PART, AND REMANDED.
Notes
. CPR notified the California Attorney General that it was challenging the constitutionality of
. The court quoted an expurgated version of
. See Farraher v. Superior Court of Kern County, Dept. 3,
. Compare to the current version of
Every person who, without authority of law, willfully disturbs or breaks up any assembly or meeting that is not unlawful in its character, other than an assembly or meeting referred to in Section 302 of the Penal Code or Section 18340 of the Elections Code, is guilty of a misdemeanor.
. Section 473 stated:
Every person who, without authority of law, willfully disturbs or breaks up any assembly or meeting, not unlawful in its character, other than such as are mentioned in sections 55, 79, and 359, of this Code, is guilty of a misdemeanor.
Draft of a Penal Code for the State of New York ("Fields Draft”) § 473 (1864). The annotation to the Fields Draft explains that "The assemblies specified in the sections referred to are religious meetings, meetings of electors held for discussion of public questions, and funerals.” Id. The California version of the statute does not have a separate statutory section covering funerals and instead incorporates funerals into
. The 1872 version of § 302 provided:
Every person who willfully disturbs or disquiets any assemblage of people met for religious worship by noise, profane discourse, rude, or indecent behavior, or by any unnecessary noise, either within the place where such meeting is held, or so near it as to disturb the order and solemnity of the meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor.
Cal.Penal Code § 302 (Haymond & Burch 1874). Compare to the current version of § 302 (deletions indicated by strike-through; additions indicated by bold):
(a) Every person who intentionally disturbs or disquiets any assemblage of people met for religious worship at a tax-exempt place of worship, by [noise,] profane discourse, rude or indecent behavior, or by any unnecessary noise, either within the place where the meeting is held, or so near it as to disturb the order and solemnity of the meeting, is guilty of a misdemeanor punishable by a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars ($1,000), or by imprisonment in a county jail for a period not exceeding one year, or by both that fine and imprisonment.
The current statute also contains sections (b)—(f), which provide additional details on penalties for violation of § 302.
. The full title was "An Act to promote the purity of elections by regulating the conduct thereof, and to support the privilege of free suffrage by prohibiting certain acts and practices in relation thereto, and providing for the punishment thereof.” 1893 Cal. Stat. 12.
. The amended § 59 stated, in full:
It is unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, by himself or any other person in his behalf, to make use of, or threaten to make use of, any force, violence, or restraint, or to inflict or threaten the infliction, by himself or through any other person, of any injury, damage, harm, or loss, or in any manner to practice intimidation upon or against any person, in order to induce or compel such person to vote or refrain from voting at any election, or to vote or refrain from voting for any particular person or persons at any election, or on account of such person or persons at any election, or on account of such person having voted or refrained from voting at any election. And it is unlawful for any person, by abduction, duress, or any forcible or fraudulent device or contrivance whatever, to impede, prevent, or otherwise interfere with the free exercise of the elective franchise by any voter; or to compel, induce, or prevail upon any voter either to give or refrain from giving his vote at any election, or to give or refrain from giving his vote for any particular person or persons at any election. It is not lawful for any employer, in paying his employees the salary or wages due them, to inclose their pay in "pay envelopes” upon which there is written or printed the name of any candidate, or any political mottoes, devices, or arguments containing threats, express or implied, intended or calculated to influence the political opinions or actions of such employees. Nor is it lawful for any employer, within ninety days of any election, to put up or otherwise exhibit in his factory, workshop, or other establishment or place where his workmen or employees may be working, any hand-bill or placard containing any threat, notice, or information, that in case any particular ticket of a political party, or organization, or candidate shall be elected, work in his place or .establishment will lease, in whole or in part, or his place or establishment be closed up, or the salaries or wages of his workmen or employees be reduced, or other threats, express or implied, intended or calculated to influence the political opinions or actions of his workmen or employees. This section applies to corporations as well as individuals,and any person or corporation violating the provisions of this section is guilty of a misdemeanor, and any corporation violating this section shall forfeit its charter.
Cal.Penal Code § 59 (1905).
. In the 1915 edition of the California Penal Code, although the statutory text of
. A mysterious legislative comment appeared in 1976, stating that the Elections Code section (then § 12046, now § 18340) "is needed to prevent conduct which would prevent a meeting from taking place at all, including verbal threats, etc. since Penal Code 403 does not deal with verbal behavior.” Cal. Elec.Code § 29440 (Deering 1977): This comment contradicts all other indications of the legislative purpose of the exceptions to
. As it happens, the one Ninth Circuit decision cited in the concurring opinion, at 1117, to illustrate the application of Penal Code
Concurrence Opinion
concurring in part and dissenting in part:
I concur in the majority’s reversal of the district court’s judgment in favor of the defendant and its holding that
I.
Penal Code
The first exception, § 18340, governs political meetings, defined as “public meetings” in which people “assemble] ... for the consideration of public questions.”
I agree with the majority’s conclusion that the plain language of
Unlike the majority, I do not believe that we can simply disregard the consistent application of a state statute by the state courts, including its Supreme Court, and by the federal courts that have followed the state courts’ decisions. Because we must follow the state courts’ interpretation of the statute, Village of Hoffman Estates v. Flipside, Hoffman Estates, Inc.,
As to the controlling law, there is one California Supreme Court case, two Courts of Appeal cases and several federal cases applying
Recognizing that the application of
Although intended to bring (what it apparently thought to be)
The majority concludes that the Kay court’s application of
A.
Although it is of course true that courts are under no obligation either to address arguments the parties fail to raise in their briefs or provide alternative grounds for their holdings, it is also true that courts must interpret statutes with reference to the entire statutory scheme and seek to give meaning to every provision. People v. Pieters,
Here, the California Supreme Court was not required to review a set of complex provisions contained in a statutory scheme set forth in a lengthy section of a voluminous Code.
Generally, when an appellate court analyzes a statute in a precedential opinion, it is not simply resolving the parties’ dispute, but is explaining the law in a manner that ■will bind future litigants and courts. This is particularly true in a decision based on constitutional grounds. The majority’s reading of Kay in a manner that contravenes this rule might have some credence had the California Supreme Court stated that its decision was a narrow one applicable only to the case before it, or given some indication that its construction of
B.
Even were we to accept arguendo the majority’s unpersuasive explanation that the Kay court found it unnecessary to discuss Elections Code
The Court of Appeal affirmed. Id. It determined that the trial court’s jury -instruction on the elements of
The California Court of Appeal similarly relied on Kay in an unpublished decision, Saraceni v. City of Roseville, No. C041085,
.Even in the absence of Kay, we would be bound by the McMahon court’s construction of
Federal courts have likewise applied Penal Code
To what then does
Although I agree with the majority that the plain language and legislative history of Penal Code
II.
Although I do not find it necessary to reach the issue, I strongly question the majority’s determination that the statutory
The difference between my position and the majority’s does not simply reflect an intellectual or academic disagreement about judicial methodology. The case before us has important practical ramifications. California is a highly active political state with numerous political parties and volunteer political groups many of which' regularly hold political meetings, some of which are the object of fervent demonstrations or protests. Equally, if not more important, California has on a number of occasions, including six in the period between 1956 and 2000, been the site of national conventions of the two major political parties. . Some of these conventions have also been marked by major political protests or demonstrations, not all of which have been entirely peaceful. In view of the failure of the California courts to treat the question before us with the careful constitutional attention it deserves, it would be nice if our court could get the answer right. I am afraid that my colleagues in the majority fail to do so.
The holding that I believe we are required to reach—that