ARIZONA DEMOCRATIC PARTY; DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE; DSCC, Plaintiffs-Appellees, v. KATIE HOBBS, in her official capacity as Arizona Secretary of State, Defendant-Appellee, STATE OF ARIZONA, Intervenor-Defendant-Appellant, and EDISON WAUNEKA, et al., Defendants.
No. 20-16759, No. 20-16766
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT
October 6, 2020
FOR PUBLICATION; D.C. No. 2:20-cv-01143-DLR, District of Arizona, Phoenix; FILED OCT 6 2020, MOLLY C. DWYER, CLERK, U.S. COURT OF APPEALS
ORDER
Before: O‘SCANNLAIN, RAWLINSON, and CHRISTEN, Circuit Judges.
In
I
The Arizona law at issue is straightforward. First, Arizona requires early voters to return their ballots along with a signed ballot affidavit in order to guard against voter fraud—a requirement the plaintiffs do not challenge.
II
In evaluating a motion for a stay pending appeal, we consider whether the applicant has made a strong showing of likelihood of success on the merits, whether the applicant will be irreparably injured without a stay, whether a stay will substantially injure the other parties, and where the public interest lies. Al Otro Lado v. Wolf, 952 F.3d 999, 1006–07 (9th Cir. 2020) (citing Nken v. Holder, 556 U.S. 418, 434 (2009)).
Here, as explained below, the factors weigh in favor of a stay.
A
First, the State has shown that it is likely to succeed on the merits. As observed by the district court, Arizona‘s Election Day signature deadline imposes, at most, a “minimal” burden on those who seek to exercise their right to vote. Under the familiar “Anderson-Burdick” framework for evaluating ballot-access laws, a nondiscriminatory, minimally burdensome voting requirement will be upheld so long as it reasonably advances important regulatory interests. See Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U.S. 351, 358 (1997); De La Fuente v. Padilla, 930 F.3d 1101, 1105 (9th Cir. 2019). The State has made a strong showing that its ballot-signature deadline does so. All ballots must have some deadline, and it is reasonable that Arizona has chosen to make that deadline Election Day itself so as to promote its unquestioned interest in administering an orderly election and to facilitate its already burdensome job of collecting, verifying, and counting all of the votes in timely fashion. Indeed, though the parties dispute the magnitude of the additional burden, there can be no doubt (and the record contains evidence to show) that allowing a five-day grace period beyond Election Day to supply missing signatures would indeed increase the administrative burdens on the State to some extent.
The plaintiffs argue that the State‘s interest is undermined by the fact that Arizona recently enacted a narrow exception to the general Election Day deadline for instances in which a polling official believes that the signature on a ballot affidavit does not match the voter‘s signature in the voter registration record. In such a case, the voter will be notified and he or she may
B
The standard for granting a stay is a “sliding scale.” Al Otro Lado, 952 F.3d at 1007. Under this approach, the elements of the test are “balanced, so that a stronger showing of one element may offset a weaker showing of another.” Id. (citing Alliance for the Wild Rockies v. Cottrell, 632 F.3d 1127, 1131 (9th Cir. 2011)). This consideration drives our decision here: even though the plaintiffs contend that the changes to Arizona‘s law will likely affect only a small number of voters and create a relatively low administrative burden on the State, the State‘s probability of success on the merits is high. See also Abbott v. Perez, 138 S. Ct. 2305, 2324 & n.17 (2018) (recognizing irreparable harm to a State‘s interests where a court order “barr[ed] the State from conducting this year‘s elections pursuant to a [constitutionally permissible] statute enacted by the Legislature“). And, as we rapidly approach the election, the public interest is well served by preserving Arizona‘s existing election laws, rather than by sending the State scrambling to implement and to administer a new procedure for curing unsigned ballots at the eleventh hour. Indeed, the Supreme Court “has repeatedly emphasized that lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of an election.” Republican Nat‘l Committee v. Democratic Nat‘l Committee, 140 S. Ct. 1205, 1207 (2020) (per curiam); see also, e.g., North Carolina v. League of Women Voters of N.C., 574 U.S. 927 (2014) (mem.) (staying a lower court order that changed election laws thirty-two days before the election); Husted v. Ohio State Conference of NAACP, 573 U.S. 988 (2014) (mem.) (staying a lower court order that changed election laws sixty-one days before the election); Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1 (2006) (per curiam) (staying a lower court order that changed election laws thirty-three
III
The appellants’ Emergency Motions for a Stay Pending Appeal (Docket Entry No. 4 in 20-16759 and Docket Entry No. 2 in 20-16766) are GRANTED.2
