REQUESTED BY: Senator Ray Janssen Nebraska State Legislature You have requested our opinion concerning the constitutionality of an amendment to LB 759, AM 1376. The amendment extends Nebraska's sales tax to "[t]he gross income received for casino advertising" when "the seller of the advertising is located" in Nebraska and the advertising is "broadcast, circulated, or displayed" in Nebraska. "Casino" is defined as "any establishment conducting games of chance which are illegal in the State of Nebraska." "Casino advertising" is defined as "purchasing air time on television or radio, purchasing advertising space in newspapers, magazines, or billboards, purchasing or circulating pamphlets or fliers, purchasing or displaying store signs or window displays, or purchasing any product or media time or space to sell or promote the activities of a casino."
"Casino advertising does not include consulting, designing artwork or advertising campaigns, or performing any other creative processes that may result in the purchase of casino advertising." Your question is whether the imposition of sales tax on casino advertising under AM 1376 violates the guarantee of freedom of speech in the
For the reasons set forth below, we conclude that the proposed tax on casino advertising likely inhibits free speech rights in violation of the
Generally, society . . . may have a strong interest in the free flow of commercial information. Even an individual advertisement, though entirely `commercial', may be of general public interest.
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Advertising, however tasteless and excessive it sometimes may seem, is nonetheless the dissemination of information as to who is producing and selling what product, for what reason, and at what price. So long as we preserve the predominantly free enterprise economy, the allocation of our resources in large measure will be made through numerous private economic decisions. It is a matter of public interest that those decisions, in the aggregate, be intelligent and well informed. To this end, the free flow of commercial information is indispensable.
The commercial marketplace, like other spheres of our social and cultural life, provides a forum where ideas and information flourish. Some of the ideas and information are vital, some of slight worth. But the general rule is that the speaker and the audience, not the government, assess the value of the information presented. Thus, even a communication that does no more than propose a commercial transaction is entitled to the coverage of the
Since advertising is commercial speech protected by the
In Minneapolis Star and Tribune Co. v. Minnesota Comm'r of Revenue,
A power to tax differentially, as opposed to a power to tax generally, gives a government a powerful weapon against the taxpayer selected. When the State imposes a generally applicable tax, there is little cause for concern. We need not fear that a government will destroy a selected group of taxpayers by burdensome taxation if it must impose the same burden on the rest of its constituency. . . . When the State singles out the press, though, the political constraints that prevent a legislature from passing crippling taxes of general applicability are weakened, and the threat of burdensome taxes becomes acute. That threat can operate as effectively as a censor to check critical comment by the press, undercutting the basic assumption of our political system that the press will often serve as an important restraint on government.
Minnesota's asserted interest justifying the tax was "the raising of revenue." Id. at 586. While recognizing "that interest is critical to any government . . .," the Court held it could not "justify the special treatment of the press, for an alternative means of achieving the same interest without raising concerns under the
In Arkansas Writers' Project, Inc. v. Ragland,481 U.S. 221 (1987), on remand
A few years after its decision in Arkansas Writers' Project, the Court upheld the constitutionality of Arkansas' sales tax on cable television services, even though newspapers and other print media were exempt, against a
These cases demonstrate that differential taxation of
First Amendment speakers is constitutionally suspect when it threatens to suppress the expression of particular ideas or viewpoints. Absent a compelling justification, the government may not exercise its taxing power to single out the press. . . . The press plays a unique role as a check on government abuse, and a tax limited to the press raises concerns about censorship of critical information and opinion. A tax is also suspect if it targets a small group of speakers. . . . Again, the fear is censorship of particular ideas or viewpoints. Finally, for reasons that are obvious, a tax will trigger heightened scrutiny under theFirst Amendment if it discriminates on the basis of the content of taxpayer speech.
The Court in Leathers found the Arkansas sales tax on cable television "present[ed] none of these types of discrimination." Id. "The Arkansas sales tax [was] a tax of general applicability . . ." which "applie[d] to receipts from the sale of all tangible personal property and a broad range of services, unless within a group of specific exemptions." Id. The tax did "not single out the press . . .," and did not "target a small number of speakers . . .," as it applied to approximately 100 cable systems in the State of Arkansas. Id. at 447-48. Finally, the tax "[was] not content based. . . ." Id. at 449.
Since the Arkansas tax "present[ed] none the
Taken together, Regan, Mabee, and Oklahoma Press establish that differential taxation of speakers, even members of the press, does not implicate the
First Amendment unless the tax is directed at, or presented the danger of suppressing, particular ideas. That was the case in Grosjean, Minneapolis Star, and Arkansas Writers', but it is not the case here. The Arkansas Legislature simply chose to exclude or exempt certain media from a generally applicable tax. Nothing about that choice has ever suggested an interest in censoring the expressive activities of cable television. Nor does anything in this record indicate that Arkansas' broad-based, content-neutral sales tax is likely to stifle the free exchange of ideas. We conclude that the State's extension of its generally applicable sales tax to cable television services alone, or to cable and satellite systems, while exempting the print media, does not violate theFirst Amendment.
The United States Supreme Court's decisions concerning
The City of Baltimore defended the validity of the taxes by asserting that, while not reaching all advertising, the taxes were "broad enough in their nature and character so as to escape the designation of being `single in kind' and therefore [did] not violate the immunities of freedom of speech or of the press." Id. at 283,
In an advisory opinion issued at the request of the Governor, the Supreme Court of Florida concluded that legislation extending Florida's sales tax to previously untaxed services, including advertising, did not facially violate the freedom of speech and press guarantees in the
City of Baltimore v. A. S. Abell Co. and In re Advisory Opinion to the Governor indicate that the question of whether a tax impermissibly impacts commercial speech such as advertising may, to some degree, appropriately be analyzed by resort to the standards used by the Supreme Court in cases such as Grosjean, Minneapolis Star, Arkansas Writers', and Leathers, to evaluate the constitutionality of taxes on noncommercial speech. Basically, the relevant considerations are whether the tax is "generally applicable," and does not "single out" particular speakers or "target only a small number" of speakers. Leathers,
Judged by these standards, the casino advertising tax is constitutionally suspect. The tax is part of Nebraska's sales and use tax scheme, which imposes a tax on the sale or use of tangible personal property and certain services, subject to specific exemptions. In that respect, it could be argued that the tax, although limited to "casino" advertising, is "generally applicable." While this argument has facial appeal, it fails to properly recognize the extremely narrow and limited application of the tax. The tax is not imposed on advertising generally, but applies only to the extraordinarily limited subject of "casino advertising." By "singling out" commercial speech relating only to casino advertising for taxation, while all other advertising remains exempt from taxation, the tax does not appear to truly be one of "general application." Also, while the bill does apply to advertising by all media, limiting the tax to casino advertising appears to target the tax towards a small number of speakers. Since, as noted in the legislation, casino gambling in Nebraska is illegal, the casino advertising to be taxed likely relates to advertising by casinos in surrounding states which permit casino gambling. While we obviously have no empirical data concerning the scope and nature of advertising activity in Nebraska by out-of-state casinos, it is logical to conclude that the bulk of such advertising involves marketing by the three casinos located in Council Bluffs, Iowa, and directed towards the large metropolitan population in Omaha, Nebraska, as well as eastern Nebraska as a whole. If the primary impact of the tax would, as we surmise, fall almost exclusively on these three casinos in Iowa, it may well violate the
In Central Hudson, the Court invalidated regulations prohibiting advertising and other promotional activities by electric utilities. Confirming prior precedents recognizing that "[t]he Constitution . . . accords a lesser degree of protection to commercial speech than to other constitutionally guaranteed expression . . .," the Court adopted the following four-part analysis for evaluating the constitutionality of commercial speech regulations:
At the outset, we must determine whether the expression is protected by the
First Amendment. For commercial speech to come within that provision, it at least must concern lawful activity and not be misleading. Next, we ask whether the asserted governmental interest is substantial. If both inquiries yield positive answers, we must determine whether the regulation directly advances the governmental interest asserted, and whether it is not more extensive than is necessary to serve that interest.
The Court has applied the Central Hudson analysis in a variety of contexts. In Posadas de Puerto Rico Associates v. Tourism Co. of Puerto Rico,
In United States v. Edge Broadcasting Co.,
In subsequent decisions, the Court has retreated from the deferential standard of review taken in Posadas and Edge relating to the requirements of Central Hudson that restrictions on commercial speech must "directly advance" the government's interest and must not be more extensive than necessary to serve that interest. In Rubin v. Coors Brewing Co.,
In 44 Liquormart, Inc. v. Rhode Island,
The Court again applied Central Hudson in the context of considering a restriction on gambling advertising in Greater New Orleans Broadcasting Ass'n, Inc. v. United States,
In Lorillard Tobacco Co. v. Reilly,
Applying these aspects of Central Hudson, the Lorillard Court struck down regulations prohibiting outdoor advertising for smokeless tobacco and cigars within a certain distance of schools or playgrounds, finding the regulations were "more extensive than necessary to advance the State's substantial interest in preventing underage tobacco use." Id. at 565. In addition, regulations which restricted indoor, point-of-sale advertising for cigars and smokeless tobacco by placing a height requirement on such advertising in retail establishments a certain distance from schools or playgrounds were held invalid because they did not satisfy the third and fourth prongs of Central Hudson. Id. at 566-67. The height requirement did not directly advance the state's goals of preventing minors from using tobacco products or curbing demand by limiting youth exposure to advertising, nor did it "constitute a reasonable fit" to achieve those goals. Id.
Evaluating the proposed casino advertising tax under the four part test set forth in Central Hudson and its progeny, there is no question that part 1 is satisfied. While the term "casino," as defined in the amendment, refers to an establishment which conducts games of chance which would be illegal if conducted in Nebraska, the advertising to be taxed obviously pertains to advertising in Nebraska by casinos located in states in which such gambling activity is lawful. Presumably, this advertising would be truthful and not misleading. As to part 2 of Central Hudson, the tax would raise revenue, which can be considered a "substantial" governmental interest.2 Accepting raising revenue as a substantial governmental interest, then the requirement of part 3 that the commercial speech restriction "directly advance" the government's interest is necessarily met. Part 4 of the Central Hudson test, however, likely is not satisfied. In considering application of this aspect of Central Hudson, the Court's evaluation of the validity of taxes on noncommercial speech is instructive. Because the casino advertising tax is not truly general, but narrowly targets a specific category of advertising and a limited group of speakers, it is more extensive than necessary to achieve the governmental interest, as more narrowly tailored alternatives which avoid the selective taxation proposed could be enacted to further the state's need to raise revenue. For example, the tax could be imposed on all advertising, thus avoiding the disproportionate impact on specific commercial speech implicated by the narrow "casino advertising" tax. As a result, we do not believe that the casino advertising tax proposed under AM 1376 would be likely to survive scrutiny if challenged as violating the
Very truly yours,
JON BRUNING Attorney General
L. Jay Bartel Assistant Attorney General
APPROVED:
________________________________ Attorney General
pc: Patrick O'Donnell, Clerk of the Legislature
