Lead Opinion
OPINION
David Yetman petitioned us to review a court of appeals opinion affirming the trial court’s refusal to instruct the jury on the issue of punitive damages in his defamation action against William English. English filed a cross-petition for review, claiming his remarks were absolutely protected expression under the first amendment to the United States Constitution and article 2, § 6 of the Arizona Constitution. Given the importance of the issues, we granted review only of the cross-petition to address the interplay between the constitutional protections of speech and the traditional law of defamation. See Rule 23, Ariz.R.Civ.App.P., 17B A.R.S. We have jurisdiction pursuant to Ariz. Const. art. 6, § 5(3), and A.R.S. § 12-120.24.
FACTS AND PROCEDURAL HISTORY
The facts set forth in the court of appeals’ opinion are essentially undisputed. See Yetman v. English,
In August 1985, Yetman, a Democrat, was an elected member of the Pima County Board of Supervisors, and English, a Republican, was an elected member of the Arizona House of Representatives. English was the invited speaker at a luncheon meeting of the Pima County Republican Club. At the end of his speech, English responded to questions from the audience. A member of a rural property owners’ association asked English his opinion of a proposed rural down-zoning change and whether he believed • Yetman was behind the proposal. English responded with a lengthy answer, during the course of which he specifically referred to Yetman’s alleged refusal to consider input from property owners and asked, “What kind of communist do we have up there that thinks it’s improper to protect your interests?”
Yetman sued English for defamation. The trial court refused to instruct the jury on the issue of punitive damages but found that English’s remark was libelous per se. The jury awarded Yetman $5,000 in damages.
Yetman appealed the trial court’s refusal to give the requested punitive damages instruction. English cross-appealed the trial court’s ruling that his remarks constituted libel per se. A divided court of appeals affirmed both rulings. In dissent, Judge Livermore viewed the comment as a “vigorous epithet” used to describe and “denigrate” Yetman’s opposition to the property owners. Id. at 76,
In his cross-petition for review, English urges us to adopt Judge Livermore’s dissent. We granted review to determine the extent to which the policies embodied in the state and federal constitutional protections of speech may limit recovery for injury to reputation otherwise actionable at common law.
DISCUSSION
The common law of defamation recognized no distinction between statements of fact on the one hand and opinion or hyperbole on the other. Milkovich v. Lorain Journal Co., — U.S.-,-,
A. Rhetorical Hyperbole, Free Expression and the First Amendment
English bases his claim for absolute protection on the decisions of the United States Supreme Court. In New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, the Court addressed the concern that the common law rule requiring a speaker to “guarantee the truth of his factual assertions” would impair criticism of government conduct and deter speech protected by the first and fourteenth amendments.
English argues that, despite the finding of actual malice, his comment is entitled to absolute protection under subsequent opinions extending constitutional protection to certain types of speech. For instance, he relies on Greenbelt Cooperative Publishing Ass’n, Inc. v. Bresler, which involved a real estate developer who requested zoning variances from the city council for one parcel of land while holding a separate parcel the council wished to purchase.
The United States Supreme Court rejected the contention, stating that “the imposition of liability on such a basis was constitutionally impermissible—that as a matter of constitutional law, the word ‘blackmail’ in these circumstances was not slander when spoken, and not libel when reported in the [newspaper].” Id. The Court stated that no reader could have interpreted the articles to charge Bresler with committing a criminal offense; “even the most careless reader must have perceived that the word was no more than rhetorical hyperbole, a vigorous epithet used by those who considered Bresler’s negotiating position extremely unreasonable.” Id. at 14,
The Court reached similar results in two other cases. In Old Dominion Branch No. 496, Nat’l Ass’n of Letter Carriers v. Austin, it held that the use of the word “traitor” in trade union literature defining a “scab”
English’s claim for absolute protection under the federal constitution is based on a considerable body of federal law holding that the expression of opinion is absolutely privileged under the first amendment. This view emanated from dictum in Gertz v. Welch,
In rejecting an absolute privilege and the need for “an artificial dichotomy between ‘opinion’ and fact,” the Court listed the following protections as adequate to ensure that debate on public issues remains “uninhibited, robust, and wide open.” Id. at -,
Second, the Court stated:
[T]he Bresler-Letter Carriers-Falwell line of cases provide protection for statements that cannot “reasonably [be] interpreted as stating actual facts” about an individual. Falwell,485 U.S. at 50 ,108 S.Ct. at 879 . This provides assurance that public debate will not suffer for lack of “imaginative expression” or the “rhetorical hyperbole” which has traditionally added much to the discourse of our Nation.
Milkovich, — U.S. at-,
Third, the Court stated that the malice requirements set forth in New York Times, Curtis Publishing Co. v. Butts,
Finally, the Court stated that the enhanced appellate review required by Bose Corp. v. Consumers Union, Inc.,
We must examine English’s statement in light of these principles to determine whether it is absolutely protected expression under the first amendment to the United States Constitution.
B. Actionability
English’s argument touches on two of these factors. Milkovich requires us to examine English’s claim for absolute privilege by considering two closely related questions: whether the statement, considering its content and context, could reasonably be interpreted as stating actual facts about Yetman under Bresler-Letter Carriers-Falwell, and whether the statement was provable as false under New York Times and Hepps.
1. Statement of Actual Fact
In Milkovich, the Supreme Court dealt with a sports column that charged that “Milkovich and Scott lied at the hearing after each having given his solemn oath to tell the truth.” The Court held as a matter of law that the words were actionable because, though the statement reflected the writer’s opinion, it was nonetheless a statement of actual fact—a charge that Milkovich had committed perjury. Milkovich, 497 U.S. at-,
The key inquiry is whether the challenged expression, however labeled by defendant, would reasonably appear to state or imply assertions of objective fact. In making this inquiry, courts cannot stop at literalism. The literal words of challenged statements do not entitle a media defendant to “opinion” [“hyperbole”] immunity or a libel plaintiff to go forward with its action. In determining whether speech is actionable, courts must additionally consider the impression created by the words used as well as the general tenor of the expression, from the point of view of the reasonable person.
Immuno, A.G. v. Moor-Jankowsky, 77 N.Y.2d 235,
With these principles in mind, we turn to the present case. Was English’s remark— “what kind of communist do we have up there that thinks it’s improper to protect your interests?”—one that stated or implied an assertion of objective fact “from the point of view of the reasonable person” hearing it at the time and under the circumstances under which it was made? Id. We doubt that the average person would interpret the remark as an assertion that Yet-man was a card-carrying member of the Communist Party or otherwise connected in some formal capacity. However, such explicit charges have never been a prerequisite for actionability.
It is precisely this lack of explicitness that accounts for the sting of remarks associating an individual with communist beliefs or practices. As Judge Learned Hand explained, “it is not uncommon for [those alarmed about communism] to feel less concern at avowed propaganda than at what they regard as the insidious spread of the dreaded doctrines by those who only dally and coquet with them, and have not the courage openly to proclaim themselves.” Grant v. Readers Digest Ass’n,
This court previously examined the factual content of a statement imputing communism in Phoenix Newspapers, Inc. v. Church,
We recognize that the standards of defamation necessarily fluctuate with the vicissitudes of time and public opinion. 2 F. HARPER, F. JAMES & O. GRAY, supra § 5.1. We, of course, have no brief to determine when and whether societal attitudes should change. We must consider actual damage to reputation in the real world by measuring the defamatory aspect of a publication by its natural and probable effect on the mind of the average recipient. Church,
Thus, if a reasonable listener could have taken English’s comment as stating or implying factual assertions that Yetman espoused and applied communist doctrine or ideology, then it was not absolutely privileged. We must turn, therefore, to interpret the comment or, at the very least, to decide who must interpret the comment.
.2. Interpretation
We note first that in interpreting such comments, the publication is to be measured not by the “critical analysis of a mind trained in the law, but by the natural and probable effect upon the mind of the average [listener].” MacLeod v. Tribune Publishing Co.,
As noted previously, the comment was not explicit. If interpreted as nothing more than rhetorical political invective criticizing Yetman's political techniques, then the comment was privileged. Bresler,
In recent years, since Gertz, courts have tended to characterize the fact/opinion-hyperbole determination as one of constitutional law for the judge to decide and not for the jury. See, e.g., Amcor Inv. Corp. v. Cox Arizona Publications,
Because Milkovich explicitly rejects the Gertz dictum that there is a separate constitutionally based privilege for opinion, we believe it helpful to look to pre-Gertz authority. The first Restatement of Torts clearly states that the jury is the entity to determine whether the offensive comment is a statement of fact. Restatement of Torts § 618 comment b (1938). “Thus, the jury determines whether what appears to be comment is actually statement implying the existence of facts which can be justified only by proof of their truth or the privileged character of the occasion____” Id. Leaving the question to the jury also comports better with the statement in Milkovich that the dispositive question is whether “a reasonable factfinder could conclude” that' the comment at issue stated or implied actual facts. — U.S. at-,
In our view the article is ambiguous and we cannot as a matter of law characterize it as either stating a fact or an opinion. In these circumstances, it is for the jury to determine whether an ordinary reader would have understood the article as a factual assertion charging Hogard with crime, or whether the statements were generally understood as an opinion respecting his public conduct____
Good Government Group v. Superior Court,
This conclusion is not contrary to our statement [in the previous case] that the distinction between fact and opinion is a question of law; that remains the rule if the statement unambiguously constitutes either fact or opinion. Where, as here, however, the allegedly libelous remarks could have been understood by the average reader in either sense, the issue must be left to the jury’s determination.
We believe also that the better weight of authority supports the view taken in Good Government Group. See, e.g., King v. Globe Newspaper Co.,
Thus, we believe Milkovich contemplates that the trial court should determine whether a statement is an actionable factual assertion in a manner analogous to the common law determination of defamatory content. The trial court decides, in the first instance, whether, under all the circumstances, a statement is capable of bearing a defamatory meaning. Restatement § 614. The jury then decides whether the defamatory meaning of the statement was in fact conveyed. Id. But,
[i]n some cases imputations are so clearly innocent or so clearly defamatory that the court is justified in determining the question itself. On the other hand, if, in the opinion of the court, the question is one on which reasonable men might differ, it is for the jury to determine which of the two permissible views they will take.
Id. comment d.
Thus, only in the clearest cases may courts, applying the principles laid down in Milkovich, determine as a matter of law that the assertions before them state or imply actual facts and are therefore entitled to no constitutional protection. See White v. Fraternal Order of Police,
There remains the category of cases involving assertions to which reasonable people might clearly give conflicting interpretations. In these cases, the question must be left to the jury. Good Government Group,
Given the rigorous scrutiny required by the first amendment at both the trial and appellate levels (see Dombey v. Phoenix Newspapers, Inc.,
b. Application
We must examine English’s remark with these principles in mind and determine into which category it falls. Invective used by one politician about another at a meeting of the former’s political adherents and the latter’s opponents is often unrestrained. Such lack of restraint, indeed incivility, is both regrettable and protected by the first amendment. Thus, we believe that the comment, made in such a setting and in such a context, could easily be interpreted as nothing more than rhetorical political invective or hyperbole. We reject, therefore, Yetman’s submittal that as a matter of law the comment could only have been reasonably interpreted as a non-privileged assertion of fact.
English contends, on the other hand, that the comment could only reasonably have
Given all of this, we must also reject English’s contention that as a matter of law the comment could only have been reasonably interpreted as invective or hyperbole and not as an assertion or implication of actual fact.
We believe, therefore, that the comment in issue was sufficiently equivocal that its interpretation should have been left to the jury, under proper instructions. The remark was simply one that had no bright line meaning and that, given the circumstances and context, could reasonably be interpreted either way. Notwithstanding stringent application of the legal standards at both trial and appellate stages of litigation, we believe this is truly a question on which reasonable minds might often differ and that the seventh amendment therefore requires that the issue of interpretation be left to the jury.
Given the constitutional protections that must be considered, however, “leaving the issue to the jury” requires that the jury be properly instructed that if the comment is not interpreted as asserting or implying actual fact, but only as “mere
This brings us to the question of waiver.
3. Procedural Default
English did not request a trial court ruling or a jury instruction on the actionability of his remark. However, given first amendment obligations to independently review the record to prevent any intrusion on free expression, we find no procedural waiver under the peculiar circumstances of this case. Milkovich, — U.S. at-,
At the time this case was tried and at the time it was argued on appeal, the leading cases spoke only of absolute privilege for statements of opinion, including hyperbole. Milkovich was decided two months after we heard oral argument in this case. We cannot fault English or his counsel for failing to request the trial judge to instruct the jury on a fundamental principle of law that had not yet been clearly articulated by the United States Supreme Court or by this court. See MacConnell,
4. Provable Falsity
Implicit in the Supreme Court’s rejection of an absolute privilege for opinion is the assumption that the existing requirement of proving falsity already insulates from liability many statements that would ordinarily be characterized as opinion. For instance, the statement that “Jones is a contemptible human being” would be non-actionable because Jones’s contemptibility, vel non, is not the kind of empirical question a fact-finder can resolve.
The Court has also recognized that some statements of fact, as a practical matter, simply cannot be proven conclusively true or false. E.g., New York Times,
We believe that if English’s remarks were interpreted to convey actual facts, those facts do not fall within the zone of unprovable statements. A reasonable fact-finder could determine from evidence presented whether Yetman did, in fact, espouse and practice communist philosophy
C. Arizona Constitution
English also argues that his remark was absolutely privileged under article 2, § 6 of the Arizona Constitution. Article 2, § 6 provides for the freedom of speech and press in the following terms:
Section 6. Freedom of speech and press
• Every person may freely speak, write, and publish on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right.
The provision undeniably imposes responsibility on those exercising their rights to free speech for any abuse thereof. The first amendment to the United States Constitution contains no similar liability-imposing language. See Brown v. Kelly Broadcasting Co.,
None of the language in article 2, § 6 of the Arizona Constitution even remotely suggests an absolute privilege to damage the reputation of another person. Early Arizona cases interpreting article 2, § 6 emphasize the availability and adequacy of a civil defamation action for those injured by the abuse of free speech. See, e.g., Truax v. Bisbee Local No. 380,
Indeed, we have an independent constitutional obligation to ensure that the right to recover damages for injury to reputation is not unduly impinged. Article 18, § 6 of the Arizona Constitution provides that the “right of action to recover damages for injuries shall never be abrogated, and the amount recovered shall not be subject to any statutory limitation.” Nothing in the text or history of article 2, § 6 tends to establish any absolute privilege for defamatory and malicious assertions of fact. If anything, text and history proscribe any abrogation of the right to recover damages for injury to reputation. Boswell v. Phoenix Newspapers, Inc.,
We conclude that, whatever its scope of application in other areas,
CONCLUSION
We find that English’s remarks are not absolutely protected under article 2, § 6 of the Arizona Constitution. We also reject English’s claim that as a matter of law his remarks are absolutely protected under the first amendment of the United States Constitution. On the other hand, we recognize that the first amendment forbids us to affirm if English’s remarks could reasonably have been understood by the average listener as merely hyperbolic or figurative language. We believe, however, that the comment is one that reasonable people might interpret differently. We must therefore reverse for a new trial in which the jury will determine whether the average listener would have interpreted Eng-, lish’s remark to state or imply actual facts about Yetman.
We vacate the court of appeals’ opinion, reverse the judgment, and remand for proceedings consistent with this opinion.
. The vitriolic definition is generally attributed to author Jack London. Letter Carriers,
. The origin of the opinion privilege comes from Gertz:
Under the First Amendment there is no such thing as a false idea. However pernicious an opinion may seem, we depend for its correction not on the conscience of judges and juries but on the competition of other ideas. But there is no constitutional value in false statements of fact.
Circuit Judge Henry Friendly aptly noted that this passage "has become the opening salvo in all arguments for protection from defamation actions on the ground of opinion, even though [Gertz ] did not remotely concern the question.” Cianci v. New Times Publishing Co.,
. The trial court did rule in the present case that the accusation that Yetman espoused communist ideology or had adopted communist methods was libelous per se. This ruling, of course, is in accord with the holding in Church.
Under the Church rule, the comment would be libelous per se if it accused Yetman of adher
. The Court distinguished the case before them from Bresler, pointing out that in Bresler the context of the remark made it clear that the terms "blackmail” and "extortion” could not have been understood as charging a crime. Good Government Group,
. Q: Do you—and do you think David Yetman follows a communist philosophy?
A: I believe I have explained previously that there are certain philosophies which I believe he follows which fall in that category. But to say that he follows that philosophy across the board, I certainly cannot say that, and I have never said that at all.
Q: Well, let me ask you, if I—if I asked you the following questions and answers on July 2, 1986.
******
[Yetman’s counsel impeaches English with statements from his previous deposition.]
Q: So I would like, if you could, to define for me what it means if someone’s a communist.
A: First of all, I didn't say that David Yetman is a communist. First of all, and in spite of what the newspaper and paragraph four likes to say, communism to me is a philosophy which essentially involves some form of total government or something approaching total government control over land, control over lives, control over the marketplace, control over business and that type of thing.
Q: Anything more?
A: I think that basically covers it.
Q: Do you think David Yetman believes in the specific thing that you have enumerated?
A: Yes.
Q: Do you think he believes in total government?
A: Yes.
Q: And total control over lives?
A: Yes.
Q: And control by the government, I take it, over the marketplace?
A: Yes.
Q: And over business?
A: And—
Q: And total control over business?
A: Yes.
Q: So then let me ask you again, do you think David Yetman is a communist?
A: I would say again I have answered that question to the best of my ability.
Q: Were those questions asked and those answers given?
A: Yes, I believe that’s consistent with what I told you already today.
Reporter’s Transcript, Oct. 22, 1987, at 185-87.
. Professors John Schwarz and John Crow testified about the results of highly respected studies concerning public intolerance toward those who have been alleged to be communists and stated that English’s remark could have been interpreted by members of the public as an allegation that Yetman was a communist. RT, Oct. 22, 1987, at 82, 115.
. See supra note 3. The libel per se issue bears on damage questions (Restatement § 569), but before reaching that question, the jury must be instructed to first determine whether the comment was absolutely privileged or actionable instead as an assertion of fact.
. According to English, this means "total government control over land ... lives ... market place [and] business.” See supra note 5.
. See, e.g., Mountain States Tel. & Tel. Co. v. Arizona Corp. Comm'n, 160 Ariz. 350,
Concurrence Opinion
dissenting in part and concurring in part:
For the reasons stated by Judge Liver-more in his dissent, I dissent as to that
As to the rest of the opinion of this court, I concur.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting:
I respectfully dissent. The Constitution of the United States tells us that:
Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.
U.S. Const. amend. I. The Arizona Declaration of Rights provides that:
Every person may freely speak, write, and publish on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right.
Ariz. Const. art. 2, § 6. The Declaration also provides that:
The right of petition, and of the people peaceably to assemble for the common good, shall never be abridged.
Ariz. Const. art. 2, § 5.
In this case, English, a Republican-elected member of the Arizona House of Representatives, is sued by Yetman, a Democrat-elected member of the Pima County Board of Supervisors, for defamation. The facts are adequately set forth in the court of appeals’ opinion and dissent.
The dispute arises out of a proposed zoning change that might have diminished the value of land owned by members of English’s audience, the Pima County Republican Club. English was asked his opinion of the proposed zoning change and whether he believed Yetman was behind the proposal. English gave a lengthy answer, during which he asked rhetorically:
What kind of communist do we have up there that thinks it’s improper to protect your interests?
This puerile generic invective has spawned a tempest in a teapot. English did not accuse Yetman of being a member of the Communist Party U.S.A., Communist Party U.S.S.R., a Marxist-Leninist, a Maoist, or anything of that kind. The statement by English is no more defamatory than the following retort would have been:
What kind of fascist do we have down there that thinks it’s improper to protect the common good?
This comment does not refer to alleged membership in'the National Socialist Party or of being a Brown Shirt, or a Black Shirt. By using this example, I do not imply that politicians should attempt to equal or exceed their adversaries in political denigration, but only to point out that the converse statement is equally as innocuous.
This kind of juvenile vituperation has been and is epidemic in politics. The law of defamation, however, should not be used to impose a code of conduct on unruly politicians in an attempt to elevate their discourse. This obnoxious hyperbole, unfortunately, is here to stay.
The majority reverses and sends this case back for yet another trial. To allow this lawsuit, which is here being reviewed by the third level of the judicial system, to start all over again is to permit the misuse of principles of defamation to intimidate and flog political opponents. I agree with my colleague, Justice Cameron, and with Judge Livermore, who dissented in the court of appeals. The complaint should be dismissed.
