This high-profile case involves a constitutional challenge to a Massachusetts law proscribing the sale, transfer, and possession of certain semiautomatic assault weapons and large-capacity magazines (LCMs).
See
We assume, without deciding, that the proscribed weapons have some degree of protection under the Second Amendment. We further assume, again without deciding, that the Act implicates the core Second Amendment right of self-defense in the home by law-abiding, responsible individuals. We hold, however, that the Act's burden on that core right is minimal and,
I. BACKGROUND
We start by rehearsing the background and travel of the case. The Massachusetts legislature modeled the Act on the 1994 federal Public Safety and Recreational Firearms Use Protection Act (the federal regulation), Pub. L. No. 103-322, §§ 110101-06,
Four years after Congress enacted the federal regulation, the Massachusetts legislature passed a counterpart statute, which made it a crime to sell, transfer, or possess semiautomatic assault weapons as defined by the federal regulation, copies or duplicates of those weapons, and LCMs capable of holding more than ten rounds of ammunition.
See
Congress allowed the federal regulation to expire in 2004, but the Massachusetts legislature struck out in a different direction and made the Massachusetts assault weapons regulation permanent that year. In signing the bill into law, then-Governor Romney declared that semiautomatic assault weapons and LCMs "are not made for recreation or self-defense. They are instruments of destruction with the sole purpose of hunting down and killing people."
We fast-forward to 2016 when the Massachusetts Attorney General, Maura Healey, issued a public enforcement notice designed to "provide[ ] guidance on the identification of weapons that are 'copies' or 'duplicates' of the enumerated Assault weapons that are banned under Massachusetts law." Approximately six months later, the plaintiffs - a diverse group consisting of Massachusetts firearm owners, prospective firearm owners, firearm dealers, and a firearm advocacy association - brought suit in the federal district court, alleging constitutional violations and seeking declaratory and injunctive relief. They named an array of defendants
After some procedural skirmishing, not relevant here, the parties cross-moved for summary judgment. The district court heard arguments of counsel and reserved decision. The court subsequently handed down a rescript in which it rejected the plaintiffs' challenges and explained why it was granting the defendants' summary judgment motion.
See
Worman
,
II. ANALYSIS
We review the grant of a motion for summary judgment de novo, taking the facts and all reasonable inferences therefrom to the behoof of the non-moving parties (here, the plaintiffs).
See
Hightower
v.
City of Boston
,
A. The Legal Framework .
The Second Amendment states that "[a] well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." U.S. Const. amend. II. In a seminal decision, the Supreme Court held that the Second Amendment protects an individual's right to keep and bear arms (unconnected to service in the militia).
See
District of Columbia
v.
Heller
,
The law challenged in
Heller
constituted an "absolute prohibition of handguns held and used for self-defense in the home," which (the Court ruled) transgressed the Second Amendment.
2
We glean from the teachings of
Heller
that four data points determine the level of protection, if any, that the Second Amendment provides. The first data point involves the person who is asserting the right; the second data point involves the purpose for which the right is being asserted; the third data point involves the place where the right is being asserted; and the fourth data point involves the type of weapon.
Heller
's most meaningful message touches all four data points. Refined to bare essence, its message is that the Second Amendment "elevates above all other interests the right of law-abiding, responsible citizens to use arms in defense of hearth and home."
As applied here, this message checks off the first three data points. It is undisputed that the individual plaintiffs are not prohibited persons but, rather, law-abiding, responsible citizens. Similarly, it is undisputed that they seek to use the proscribed assault weapons and LCMs for self-defense. And, finally, it is undisputed that they seek to effectuate this usage in their homes. We are, therefore, left to focus on the fourth data point: the arms proscribed and the extent (if at all) that those arms are protected by the Second Amendment.
In conducting this inquiry, we do not write on an entirely pristine page. Our recent decision in
Gould
v.
Morgan
mapped out a two-step approach for analyzing Second Amendment challenges.
See
B. The Scope of the Second Amendment Right .
This brings us to the question of whether the conduct restricted by the Act falls under the protective carapace of the Second Amendment. To answer this question, we must determine whether possession of the proscribed assault weapons and LCMs in the home for self-defense is safeguarded by the Second Amendment. 3
That the proscribed weapons were not in existence, let alone in common use, at the time of ratification, does not end the matter.
Heller
left no doubt that "the Second Amendment extends, prima facie, to all instruments that constitute bearable arms, even those that were not in existence at the time of the founding."
Relatedly, the
Heller
Court acknowledged that "if weapons that are most useful in military service - M-16 rifles and the like - may be banned," it might be argued that "the Second Amendment right is completely detached from the prefatory clause."
Viewed against this backdrop, the relevant question is neither whether the proscribed weapons were commonly used at the time of ratification nor whether they are among the types of weapons used by today's militias. Instead, the question is whether the proscribed weapons are in common use for lawful purposes like self-defense.
As to this question,
Heller
provides only meager guidance.
Heller
made plain that handguns, which the Court described as "the most popular weapon chosen by Americans for self-defense in the home," are protected.
The parties strive mightily to fill this void. On the one hand, the plaintiffs have shown that, as of 2013, nearly 5,000,000 people owned at least one semiautomatic assault weapon. They also have shown that between 1990 and 2015, Americans owned approximately 115,000,000 LCMs. On the other hand, the defendants have shown that only three percent of guns in the United States are assault weapons and only one percent of Americans own such a weapon. In all events, the record evidence is sparse as to actual use of any of the proscribed weapons or LCMs for self-defense in the home.
The district court avoided this question entirely. It abjured the "in common use" test, concluding that "
Heller
... presents us with a dispositive and relatively easy
Mindful that "[d]iscretion is often the better part of valor,"
United States
v.
Gonzalez
,
C. The Level of Scrutiny .
The next phase of our inquiry "requires us to evaluate the [Act] under an appropriate level of scrutiny."
Gould
,
As is true in many Second Amendment inquiries, our starting point is
Heller
. There, the Court unequivocally rebuffed the argument "that it is permissible to ban the possession of handguns so long as the possession of other firearms (
i.e.
, long guns) is allowed."
This same logic leads us to conclude that the Act's restriction on semiautomatic assault weapons and LCMs does not heavily burden the core right of self-defense in the home. As an initial matter, the Act does not ban all semiautomatic weapons and magazines. Instead, it proscribes only a set of specifically enumerated semiautomatic assault weapons, magazines of a particular capacity, and semiautomatic assault weapons that have certain combat-style features. Furthermore, the record shows that semiautomatic assault weapons do not share the features that make handguns well-suited to self-defense in the home.
Cf.
This conclusion fits seamlessly with our decision in
Hightower
. Although that opinion did not directly address what restrictions may be deemed to heavily burden the core Second Amendment right, we stated that the fact that the plaintiff sought a license that "allowed carrying of large capacity weapons weaken[ed] the Second Amendment claim, as [
Heller
] was concerned with weapons of the type characteristically used to protect the home."
Hightower
,
We have yet to consider what level of scrutiny applies to a law that implicates the core of the Second Amendment right, but does not "heavily ... burden[ ] that right."
Gould
,
In our view, intermediate scrutiny is appropriate as long as a challenged regulation either fails to implicate the core Second Amendment right or fails to impose a substantial burden on that right.
See
Fyock
v.
Sunnyvale
,
D. Applying Intermediate Scrutiny .
To survive intermediate scrutiny, a statute "must be substantially related to an important governmental objective."
Gould
,
We have said before, and today reaffirm, that "few interests are more central to a state government than protecting the safety and well-being of its citizens."
Gould
,
In our view, the Act survives under intermediate scrutiny. This view comports with the unanimous weight of circuit-court authority analyzing Second Amendment challenges to similar laws.
See,
e.g.
,
Ass'n of N.J. Rifle & Pistol Clubs
,
The record contains ample evidence of the unique dangers posed by the proscribed weapons. Semiautomatic assault weapons permit a shooter to fire multiple rounds very quickly, allowing him to hit more victims in a shorter period of time. LCMs exacerbate this danger, allowing the shooter to fire more bullets without stopping to reload.
Cf.
Heller II
,
The record also contains the affidavit of a seasoned trauma surgeon, who has treated victims of several mass shootings. This affidavit confirms what common sense suggests: semiautomatic assault weapons cause wounds that "tend to be higher in complexity with higher complication rates than those injuries from non-assault weapons. They tend to cause far greater damage to the muscles, bones, soft tissue, and vital organs."
Cf.
Panagiotis K. Stefanopoulos, et al.,
Gunshot Wounds : A Review of Ballistics Related to Penetrating Trauma
, 3 J. Acute Disease 178, 181-82 (2014). A number of articles, written by physicians who have cared for assault-weapon victims, substantiate the extreme damage that such weapons are prone to cause.
See,
e.g.
, Gina Kolata & C.J. Chivers,
Wounds from Military-Style Rifles? 'A Ghastly Thing to See'
, N.Y. Times (Mar. 4, 2018), https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/04/health/parkland-shooting-victims-ar15.html ("The tissue destruction is almost unimaginable. Bones are exploded, soft tissue is absolutely destroyed. The injuries to the chest or abdomen - it's like a bomb went off."); Tim Craig et al.,
As the Wounded Kept Coming, Hospitals Dealt with Injuries Rarely Seen in U.S.
, Wash. Post (Oct. 3, 2017), https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/as-the-wounded-kept-coming-hospitals-dealt-with-injuries-rarely-seen-in-the-us/2017/10/03/06210b86-a883-11e7-b3aa-c0e2e1d41e38_story.html?utm_term=.5a659eec267b
The defendants proffered evidence that the majority of individuals who have perpetrated mass shootings obtain their semiautomatic assault weapons legally. See, e.g. , Larry Buchanan et al., How They Got Their Guns , N.Y. Times (updated Feb. 16, 2018), https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/10/03/us/how-mass-shooters-got-their-guns.html; Mayors Against Illegal Guns, Analysis of Recent Mass Shootings (2013). This evidence lends support to the legislature's conclusion that a law proscribing semiautomatic assault weapons and LCMs - like the Act - will help curtail outbreaks of mass violence.
The plaintiffs do not dispute the extensive evidence regarding the lethality of the proscribed weapons and the frequency of their use in mass shootings. Instead, they argue that "[e]ven assuming the [Act] may curb criminal misuse of the Banned Firearms and Magazines," the Act fails intermediate scrutiny because it "make[s] no exception for law-abiding, responsible citizens to keep these arms for lawful purposes like self-defense in the home." According to the plaintiffs, the forbidden assault weapons and LCMs are "ideal" for domestic self-defense for many of the same reasons that such weapons are ideal for mass shootings - they are easier to hold and shoot, require less user accuracy, and allow a shooter to fire many times without reloading. Thus, the plaintiffs assert, any regulation prohibiting law-abiding, responsible citizens from possessing such weapons sweeps too broadly.
This assertion is too facile by half, and we reject it. Although we acknowledge that "[i]n dealing with a complex societal problem like gun violence, there will almost always be room for reasonable minds to differ about the optimal solution,"
Gould
,
Here, the Massachusetts legislature's conclusion that the Commonwealth's legitimate interests are best served by proscribing semiautomatic assault weapons and LCMs rests on substantial (although not incontrovertible) evidence regarding the inordinate dangers associated with the proscribed weapons. What is more, it strains credulity to argue that the fit between the Act and the asserted governmental interest is unreasonable. As we have said, the Act does not outlaw all semiautomatic firearms and magazines. Nor does it circumscribe in any way the fundamental right of law-abiding, responsible citizens to possess handguns in their homes for self-defense. Accordingly, we hold that although the Act may well "touch[ ] the right to keep and bear arms,"
Miller
,
This case concerns an issue of paramount importance. In the wake of increasingly frequent acts of mass violence committed with semiautomatic assault weapons and LCMs, the interests of state and local governments in regulating the possession and use of such weapons are entitled to great weight. Even so, we recognize that such interests must be balanced against the time-honored right of individuals to bear arms in self-defense - a right that is protected in varying degrees by the Second Amendment.
Holding this delicate balance steady and true is difficult but necessary work. Here, we find that even if the Act implicates the core of the Second Amendment right, it (at most) minimally burdens that right. Consequently, we are obliged to cede some degree of deference to the decision of the Massachusetts legislature about how best to regulate the possession and use of the proscribed weapons.
In this instance, that decision rests on a web of compelling governmental interests, and the fit between those interests and the restrictions imposed by the Act is both close and reasonable. It follows that the Act withstands intermediate scrutiny - and no more is exigible to blunt the plaintiffs' Second Amendment challenge.
We need go no further. For the reasons elucidated above, the judgment of the district court is
Affirmed .
Throughout this opinion, we use the terms "proscribed assault weapons and LCMs" and "proscribed weapons" interchangeably to describe the semiautomatic assault weapons and LCMs targeted by the Act.
Although the present plaintiffs attempt to characterize the Act as an "absolute prohibition" on an entire class of firearms, that characterization is inapt. The Act applies only to a set of enumerated semiautomatic assault weapons, to semiautomatic assault weapons with particular features, and to magazines of a specific capacity. Seen in this light, the plaintiffs' "absolute prohibition" argument is circular: essentially, it amounts to a suggestion that whatever group of weapons a regulation prohibits may be deemed a "class." By this logic - which we squarely reject - virtually any regulation could be considered an "absolute prohibition" of a class of weapons.
One of the amici advances the clever argument that LCMs, like other magazines, are not "arms" at all because they are not themselves "[w]eapons of offense, or armour of defence."
Heller
,
Here, however, there is a wrinkle. Because the plaintiffs' challenge is directed at a state statute,
Gould
points to 1868 (when the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified) as the date for any necessary historical inquiry.
See
We agree with the Seventh Circuit that measuring "common use" by the sheer number of weapons lawfully owned is somewhat illogical.
See
Friedman
v.
City of Highland Park
,
After we heard oral argument in this case, the Illinois Supreme Court held that a law prohibiting the carrying of tasers and stun guns was a "categorical ban" and, thus, was "facially unconstitutional under the [S]econd [A]mendment."
Illinois
v.
Webb
, --- Ill.Dec. ----, --- N.E. 3d ----, ---- (Ill. 2019) [
