Lead Opinion
OPINION OF THE COURT
On March 9, 1992, the New York State Legislature voted to adopt a redistricting plan for the Senate and the Assembly (Senate Bill S 7280). On May 4, 1992, the Governor signed the plan, as approved and later amended, into law (L 1992, ohs 76, 77, 78). Within days, two separate challenges to the redistricting plan were mounted in State court, pursuant to article III, § 5 of the State Constitution and section 4221 of McKinney’s Unconsolidated Laws of NY (L 1911, ch 773, § 1). The first of these, Wolpoff v Cuomo, was commenced by order to show cause filed in Supreme Court, Bronx County, on or about May 8, 1992. Petitioners, four residents and registered voters of Bronx County, claimed that the plan for redistricting the Senate violated article III, § 4 of the State Constitution. Petitioners alleged that the Senate redistricting plan unconstitutionally fragments Bronx County into six separate Senate districts, only two of which are contained wholly within Bronx County, despite the fact that by virtue of population, Bronx County could support four wholly self-contained Senate districts.
In Wolpoff, the Senate Majority Leader, a named party, had the case removed to Federal court pursuant to 28 USC § 1443 (2). The United States District Court, Southern District of New York, however, sent the case back to State court (Wolpoff v Cuomo,
Meanwhile, the Majority Leader, who was not a named party in Dixon v Cuomo, moved to intervene in that case and his request was granted, but was conditioned upon his agreement not to seek removal of the case to Federal court. On June 15, Supreme Court, New York County, having considered the arguments in Dixon v Cuomo, similarly declared the redistricting plan unconstitutional.
The Majority Leader appealed pursuant to CPLR 5601 (b) (2). In addition, the Assembly Speaker has filed a direct appeal challenging the decision in Wolpoff to invalidate the Assembly plan along with the Senate plan, even though the Assembly plan had not been challenged.
In the interim, a three-Judge Federal court issued its Per Curiam opinion, acknowledging its "independent obligation” in such matters, but also declaring that it was "fully cognizant of the primacy of the state legislature and state judi
We begin our analysis by turning to the constitutional provision implicated by this litigation. Article III, §4 of the State Constitution states that "each senate district shall contain as nearly as may be an equal number of inhabitants, excluding aliens, and be in as compact form as practicable, and * * * shall at all times consist of contiguous territory, and no county shall be divided in the formation of a senate district except to make two or more senate districts wholly in such county.”
In Matter of Orans (
Redistricting plans must also comply with the requirements of the Federal Voting Rights Act (42 USC § 1973 et seq.). 42 USC § 1973 (b) specifically provides that a voting rights violation occurs if "based on the totality of circumstances, it is shown that the political processes leading to nomination or election in the State * * * are not equally open to participation by members of a [protected] class of citizens * * * in that its members have less opportunity than other members of the electorate to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice.” It should be noted that the Senate redistricting plan at issue in this case was reviewed for compliance with the Voting Rights Act by the United States Department of Justice and was subsequently approved.
The issue before us on these appeals is not whether the Senate redistricting plan technically violates the express language of the State Constitution. No one disputes that such a technical violation has occurred, and in Matter of Orans, we recognized that such violations were inevitable if the Legisla
This is no simple endeavor. We first address petitioners’ concerns regarding the integrity of counties. An examination of the redistricting plan reveals the following: 28 Senate districts out of 61 cross county lines; 11 minor counties and 12 major counties are divided. For purposes of the current plan, a minor county has fewer than 294,925 citizens, which is the figure obtained by dividing the State’s citizen population (17,990,455) by the number of Senate seats (61). Further, and apparently for the first time in State history, there are four pairs of bi-county districts. Thus, two separate Senate districts cross the county line between Nassau County and Suffolk County, another two districts cross between Bronx County and New York County, another two between Bronx County and Westchester County and another two between Orange County and Ulster County. We note that the plan challenged here is not markedly different from the plan upheld in Schneider, (supra). In Schneider, 26 out of 60 Senate districts crossed county lines, splitting 9 minor counties and 10 major counties.
The Majority Leader has marshaled a considerable amount of statistical and demographic data to support his contention that these districts were drawn in a "good faith effort” (Matter of Schneider v Rockefeller, supra, at 428) to comply with
Petitioners, by contrast, have submitted four alternative plans, all of which have higher population deviations, but all of which divide fewer counties. In addition, none of the proffered alternative plans create pairs of bi-county districts, as does the current plan. Petitioners contend that the Legislature could have drafted a plan that had a higher, but still acceptable, population deviation and thereby done less damage to the integrity of county lines.
We are not here to determine whether the Legislature complied with the Federal Voting Rights Act. The Justice Department has already determined that the plan meets Federal requirements in that regard. Nor is it our role to assess the equal population deviations contained in the plans before us and determine which plan best balances Federal equal population and State constitutional directives. We are here to decide whether in complying with Federal mandates, the Legislature unduly undermined article III, § 4 of the State Constitution. That an alternative plan might have been devised that conflicted less with article III, § 4 but did greater violence to the equal representation principle is no basis for rejecting the Senate plan. Further, we cannot focus solely on the challenged districts and ignore the fact that a redistricting plan must form an integrated whole.
Balancing the myriad requirements imposed by both the State and the Federal Constitution is a function entrusted to the Legislature. It is not the role of this, or indeed any, court to second-guess the determinations of the Legislature, the elective representatives of the people, in this regard. We are hesitant to substitute our own determination for that of the Legislature even if we would have struck a slightly different balance on our own. Having considered the competing demographic and statistical data submitted by all of the parties in these cases, we find that the petitioners have not overcome the presumption of constitutionality that attaches to the redistricting plan.
We have considered the petitioners’ compactness and contiguity claims, and we find them to be without merit. Accordingly, in each case, the judgment of Supreme Court should be reversed, without costs, the petition dismissed, and judgment granted declaring chapters 76, 77 and 78 of the Laws of 1992 constitutional.
Dissenting Opinion
(dissenting). The issue here is, quite simply, the degree to which our State constitutional antigerrymandering provisions still have vitality in light of the evolving body of Federal law that both demands proportional representation (see, e.g., Mahan v Howell,
Article III, §4 of the State Constitution requires, among other things, that Senate district lines be drawn so that "no
The standard for judicial review in this context is thus one akin to the notion of reasonableness. Under Schneider, what appears to be an unconditional constitutional directive may be satisfied as long as any departures therefrom are fairly justifiable in view of the other legal and practical constraints to which the redistricting process is subject. Hence, while the strict county-integrity rule has been eased by precedent, the Legislature is not free to disregard it simply because it can point to other, legally sanctioned goals as the motivating force or benign motive behind its final product. And, contrary to the majority’s suggestion, the Legislature is not the sole arbiter of whether an appropriate balance has been struck between the strictures of that rule and the sometimes competing values of population equality and enhancement of minority voting strength. As important and deserving as those values unquestionably are, the Legislature is duty-bound to accommodate them within our own constitutional framework, and the courts have both the right and the obligation to ensure that the demands of the State Constitution are, to the extent practicable, respected (Matter of Sherrill v O’Brien,
The plan petitioners have challenged contains 28 out of a total of 61 Senate districts that cross county lines other than to create two or more districts wholly within the divided counties. A total of 11 minor and 12 major counties have been divided. Populous Kings and New York Counties are each divided by no less than three districts. Bronx County, which
Contrary to the majority’s analysis this derogation of the constitutional rule cannot be justified on the basis of the competing commands of the Federal equal-population requirement and the Voting Rights Act. As revealed by petitioners’ submissions, at least four alternative plans exist that satisfy all of the requirements of Federal law while dividing fewer counties and containing no bi-county districts. These plans establish that the Legislature’s county-dividing choices were not dictated by practical necessity.
Respondents’ efforts to combat the inferences to be drawn from the existence of these less divisive alternative plans are unavailing. First, relying on language in Matter of Schneider v Rockefeller (supra, at 427), respondents contend that the existence of alternative plans is not sufficient to overcome the presumption of constitutionality that ordinarily cloaks legislation and is, in fact, not even a proper subject for judicial consideration. The argument, however, misconstrues the Schneider analysis, which merely concluded that "it is not [the court’s] function to determine whether a plan can be worked out that is superior to that set up by [the challenged plan]” (id., at 427). Here, the alternative plans were not submitted as alternative or superior plans, but rather as a means of disproving respondents’ contention that the Legislature’s wholesale disregard for county integrity was compelled by the need to comply with Federal equal protection principles. Viewed in that context, the alternative plans provide a legitimate and, indeed, highly persuasive argument for holding the enacted plan unconstitutional.
Respondents next contend that the alternative plans petitioners submitted are an unsatisfactory ground for invalidating the enacted plan because although all four of them satisfy Federal requirements, they each contain average population deviations that are higher than the over-all percentage devia
Since Schneider was decided, the United States Supreme Court has held that a "rational state policy of respecting the boundaries of political subdivisions” is a valid ground for departing somewhat from the strict one-person-one-vote rule and that a "16-odd percent maximum deviation” was within "tolerable limits” (Mahan v Howell,
Furthermore, inasmuch as Schneider predates Mahan, that case can no longer be regarded as controlling to the extent that it suggests judicial tolerance for redistricting plans that freely divide counties in order to maximize population equality. Now that Mahan has established that Federal law does not require State Legislatures to maximize equality without regard to other local concerns, the Court’s view of what constitutes an "undue” incursion on the county-integrity prin
Finally, respondents’ reliance on the Federal Voting Rights Act to justify the Legislature’s departure from article III, § 4’s requirements is unpersuasive. While the Legislature was unquestionably required to guard against an apportionment plan that could dilute the voting strength of minority voters, respondents have not shown in specific terms how that goal necessitated the number and extent of county divisions that were adopted here.
In short, because the plan the Legislature adopted departs dramatically from State constitutional mandates and was not necessitated by Federal law, petitioners have made a prima facie showing that the Senate redistricting plan "unduly departed from our State constitutional command that the integrity of counties be preserved” (Matter of Schneider v Rockefeller, supra, at 428-429). Further, that constitutional command is not merely an outdated relic of another time that may be relegated to a secondary status or even disregarded entirely in light of modern Federal principles. Article III, § 4 was designed specifically to prevent "the possibility of unfair division of the State into * * * districts] so as to result in party or individual advantage” (Matter of Sherrill v O’Brien, supra, at 203; see, 3 Lincoln, Constitutional History of New York, at 135, 204, 218). That concern is as valid today as it was just before the turn of this century, when the Constitution of 1894 containing the present provision’s predecessor was adopted (see, McKinney’s Cons Laws of NY, Book 2, NY Const, art III, § 4, Historical Note, at 40). Indeed, even a brief review of the challenged plan’s treatment of Bronx County makes clear that the practice of gerrymandering is far from a dead letter.
With a population of 1,203,789, Bronx County is entitled to four wholly contained Senate districts. If the Legislature had drawn four whole Senate districts wholly enclosed within the
I am particularly concerned that the tolerance the majority has today expressed for a plan that all but disregards the integrity of county borders will be read by many as a signal that our State constitutional provisions no longer represent serious constraints on the critically important redistricting process. Certainly, although the majority has made passing reference to " 'the historic and traditional significance of counties in the districting process’ ” (majority opn, at 77, quoting Matter of Orans,
Notes
. Respondents’ reliance on Bay Ridge Community Council v Carey (
. Inasmuch as the Senate plan and the Assembly plan were enacted as part of the same law, the farmer’s constitutional infirmity operates to invalidate the latter as well (see, Matter of Orans,
