Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc. v. Gregory J. Paradise, Chairman of the Wisconsin State Election BoardWisconsin Right to Life, Inc. v. Gregory J. Paradise, Chairman of the Wisconsin State Election Board
Lead Opinion
Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc., is a nonprofit anti-abortion organization that- enjoys tax-exempt status under
Wisconsin’s statute is much like the Federal Election Campaign Act. To a lay reader, both statutes require almost any group that wants to say almost anything about a candidate or election to registеr as a political committee. But in Buckley the Supreme Court construed (some would say rewrote) the federal statute to avoid some of the many constitutional problems that arise when regulating political speech, the core of the first amendment’s domain. In Massachusetts Citizens for Life the Court held that many elements of the Buckley approach are required by the first amendment, which means that they apply to the states. See Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce,
Although Wisconsin’s law has been оn the books for almost 25 years, the Election Board has not prosecuted any issue-advocacy group such as WRTL for failing to register as a political committee. This is not an accident. Shortly after the Supreme Court decided Buckley, the Attorney General of Wisconsin issued an opinion, 65 Op. Att’y Gen. 145 (1976), informing the Board that the approach articulated in Buckley should be applied to the state law as well. . Every Attorney General of Wisconsin to hold office since 1976 has adhered to this view. This opinion is not binding on the Board, but in his role as the Board’s lawyer the Attorney General can make his view felt. Although the Board is entitled to control litigation in the court of first instance,
WRTL’s answer is that the parties disagree about the implementation of the principles articulated in Buckley and Massachusetts Citizens for Life. To acknowledge that these decisions govern the administration of Wisconsin’s law is not necessarily to know how any particular facts should be handled. Recent events before the Board demonstrate this vividly. Several organizations similar to WRTL in their dedication to support of particular issues (such as term limits or environmental protection) ran advertisements during the 1996 election season. Many of these advertisements identified candidates’ positions on the issues of concern to the organization and called on the voters to support cаndidates whose views the organizations approved. The advertisements did not say “vote for X”, but members of the target audience were likely to conclude that voting
Recall that WRTL has not engaged in any speech that the Board has found to be inappropriate for a group unregistered as a political committee. WRTL’s argument accordingly must be that the Wisconsin campaign laws are unconstitutional as written rather than as applied — in legal jargon, that the statute is unconstitutional “on its face” unless understood to mean what Buckley says the Federal Election Campaign Act means. WRTL makes this explicit by arguing that the state law cannot be construed in a constitutional way and therefore must be invalidated en toto. Stated this way the argument is hopeless; the Supreme Court of Wisconsin has no less ability to construe the state law in a constitutional fashion than the Supreme Court of the United States displayed in Buckley. A litigant cannot create a ease or controversy just by making an untenable “facial” attack оn a statute; actual injury and rédressability are essential no matter how the challenge is cast.
Suppose we were to agree with WRTL to the extent of saying that the Board must proceed as if Buckley and Massachusetts Citizens for Life were written directly into the Wisconsin statute. How could this eliminate the risk WRTL faces? The question seemingly before the Board in Travis was not whether to apply Buckley — for every responsible official in Wisconsin believes that this is necessary — but what its apprоach means in practice. Appellate decisions such as Furgatch and Chñstian Action Network give different answers not because they disagree about whether Buckley and Massachusetts Citizens for Life “apply” but because these decisions do not give unambiguous answers to the myriad situations that arise. A judgment along the lines of “Dear Board, you must follow Buckley” or “apply the state law only to explicit advocacy” would not dictate one outcomе rather than another in the sort of cases about which WRTL is concerned. To relapse into jargon, the injury WRTL
None of this is to deny that WRTL’s concerns are genuine. The Board’s decision in Travis was not exactly reassuring, though the Attorney General may prevent anything from coming of it. But, as the district court perceived, the real threat is not from the Board but from the рrivate actions authorized by
Nothing within a district court’s power would require the state judges to decide these cases one way rather than another. Under the supremacy clause, the state courts must follow the Constitution of the United States, but not necessarily our interpretation of the Constitution. Only the parties need respect a decision by an inferior federal court. Yet the candidates who filed the state cases are not parties to this one. Neither are the state judges — nor could they be made parties. The only defendants are the Attorney General and members of the Board. Against them alone would relief run. If sued in state court by candidatеs offended by its flyers, brochures, or ads, WRTL could not plead a federal judgment as a defense; the candidates, not parties to the federal ease, would not be bound by the outcome. See Baker v. General Motors Corp., — U.S. -,
This conclusion puts WRTL to a hard choice. It may steer clear of controversy pending the outcome of the litigation now wending its way through state court; it may make its views known to the state judges; or it may take its сhances and rely on the precedential force of the Supreme Court’s decisions (and the support of Wisconsin’s Attorney General) if it finds itself a defendant in court or a respondent before the Board. What it may not obtain, given the limitations of Article III, is an order that attempts to resolve a controversy that has not yet arisen
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting.
I am unable to join the Majority’s conclusion that WRTL’s suit is not justiciable. In my view, the Majority’s position rests on an incorrect characterization of the nature of WRTL’s suit.
The Majority holds that WRTL’s suit is nonjustieiable for two reasons: WRTL’s requested relief calls for an advisory opinion, supra at 1186-87; and WRTL has no standing because its allegеd injury is not redressa-ble by the relief it seeks, id. at 1187. (The Opinion also suggests, but does not hold, that WRTL lacks standing because its fear of prosecution is not well-founded. Id. at 1184-85.) The Majority reaches these conclusions because it understands WRTL to be asking the federal courts to “instruct the defendants that the state court will (a la Buckley), or must (á la Massachusetts Citizens for Life) treat the state’s law as inapplicable to candidate comparisons and other forms of implicit advocacy”. Id. at 1185. In other words, the Majority states, WRTL is asking this Court “to say[ ] that the Board must proceed as if Buckley and Massachusetts Citizens for Life were written directly into the Wisconsin statute.” Id. at 1186. See also id. at 1184 (‘WRTL ... filed this suit ... seeking declaratory and injunctive relief that would compel these state officials to administer the state election laws in accord with Buckley and Massachusetts Citizens for Life.”). The Opinion then proceeds, I believe correctly, to explain why such relief would be both inaрpropriate and ineffective in addressing WRTL’s core concerns about speech-chilling prosecutions.
I respectfully suggest that this analysis, although internally consistent, rests on a faulty premise. WRTL asked the district court to declare the Wisconsin statute (or portions thereof) unconstitutional on its face
The Majority, however, interprets WRTL’s suit to be asking for the federal courts to impose a narrowing construction on the Wisconsin statute (or to enjoin the state courts from failing to employ such a construction) that would force the state courts to adhere to Buckley and other precedent. This understanding of WRTL’s suit is cоntradicted by WRTL’s argument, made in response to the district court’s decision to abstain, that no such narrowing construction is appropriate or available. See Appellant’s Br. at 20-25 (arguing that the district court erred in abstaining because the statutes at issue are not susceptible to a limiting construction).
Although the Majority acknowledges at one point that this is a facial attack on the Wisconsin statute — though an “untenable” one, in its view — it glosses over this point with the statement that “actual injury and redressability are essential no matter how the challenge is cast”. Supra at 1186. Of course, I agree with this statement in principle, but since the Majority never holds that WRTL lacks a credible threat of prosecution, and the redressability concern would vanish if we were to declare the citizen suit provisiоns unconstitutional, I believe that WRTL’s suit meets both the injury and the redressa-bility criteria. See Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better Env’t, — U.S.-,
Thus, it is my judgment that the Majority opinion, though well-reasoned, addresses the wrong questions. Although it is not certain that the merits would ultimately be reached, given the reasons for abstention presented by the district court, I cannot conclude that WRTL’s suit is nonjustieiable. Accordingly, I respectfully dissent.
Notes
Specifically, WRTL contends that the Wisconsin statutes impose unconstitutional registration requirements, both by defining “political committees” too broadly and by failing to exempt from registration certain kinds of not-for-profit organizations. WRTL also claims that the Board enforcement and citizen suit provisions permit unconstitutional prior restraints on protected speech.