This suit by whitе Chicago police sergeants and lieutenants challenges, as a denial of equal protection of the laws, the promotion in 1990 and 1991 of 20 black, Hispanic, and female sergeants and lieutenants to the rank of lieutenant and captain respectively. The challenged promotions were made pursuant to an affir
An initial question is the standard of review of jury findings in a racial-discrimination case. Although the plaintiffs’ position is unclear, it appears to be that we should review the findings de novo, which would amount to making our own findings on the basis of the evidence. The plaintiffs derive this position from judicial statements that to justify racial discrimination the defendant must have “a strong basis in evidenсe” for it. E.g.,
Miller v. Johnson,
But what is that standard? The cases we just cited all use the clearly-erroneous standard to review jury findings, yet other cases say that in a federal
Once the facts are found, the question becomes whether they demonstrate a forbiddеn racial preference. The fact of a preference, of discrimination, is just that —a fact.
Pullman-Standard v. Swint,
The findings of fact made by the jury in this case are neither clearly erroneous nor unreasonable (assuming these are meaningfully, ascertainably distinct criteria), and what they reveal, so far as the black and female affirmative-action promotions are concerned, is the following. Until Orlando Wilson became the City of Chicago’s police commissioner in 1960, black and white police officers were segregated, with black officers being confined to the parts of Chicago that were predominantly blaсk. However, blacks were hired roughly in proportion to their share of the Chicago population. Wilson desegregated the police force, ■ The City presented evidence that this resulted in a
decline
in the hiring of blacks. That may seem a para-
The evidence that we have briefly summarized justified, a finding that discrimination by members of the police force depressed the hiring of blacks during the 1960s, leading in turn to a deficit of blacks in senior positions in the 1980s. The affirmative-action promotions of blacks challenged here, promotions designed to remedy the discrimination that we have just described, involved thе promotion of 11 black sergeants out of a total of 182 promotions of sergeants and 3 black lieutenants out of a total of 50 promotions of lieutenants. These affirmative-action promotions resulted in .percentages of black sergeants and lieutenants that still were lower than would have been expeсted had there not been that decline in the entry-level hiring of blacks in tfie 1960s.
The evidence that the decline- was the result of discrimination was not conclusive. The plaintiffs presented evidence that the decline was the result of racial tensions in the 1960s that made blacks reluctant to become police officers because it would make them unpopular with other blacks. Part of the evidence consisted of a report on the Chicago police department by the Justice Department’s Law Enforcement Assistance Administration. Against this the City presented evidence that although racial tensions were not limited to Chicago during the 1960s, other cities did not experience a drop off in black hiring for their police forces, which suggests that something other-than racial-tensions probably accounted for the drop off in Chicago; that something other may have been discrimination. The conflict over this issue was one for the jury to resolve, subject to deferential review. For the issue was purely factual: the cause of the depressed hiring of blacks in the sixties. Since remedying past discrimination is a recognized justification for affirmative action, and since the action taken was modest — the promotion out of rank of a mere handful of blacks, resulting merely in delayed promotion fоr some whites rather than in anyone’s losing his job or failing (eventually) to get the promotion he sought and was entitled to — the conclusion that the defendant had not violated the equal protection clause followed directly from the jury’s factual findings.
Chicago Firefighters Local 2 v. City of Chicago,
The case for the affirmative-action promotion of the five women was even stronger. Until the 1970s women were formally barred from being hired for most jobs in the police department, including patrol officer. As a result, few were hired and many were deterred from applying because of the truncated career opportunities.
The plaintiffs argue that even if all this is true, the City’s effort to defend
The City defends the affirmative-action promotions of the blacks and the women on the further, alternative ground that they were justified by thе operational needs of the police force' — a ground completely different from the remedial ground that we have been discussing. One ground is enough, so we need not consider the alternative ground except with regard to the Hispanic who the district court determined had been improperly promoted. For the City’s argument is not that his promotion was justifiable as a remedy against past discrimination against Hispanics — the disparity between the percentage of Hispanic policemen and the percentage of Hispanic Chicagoans in 1990 was due largely to the rapid growth of the city’s Hispanic population in the 1980s— but that it was justifiable in order to make the police force more effective in performing its duties. By 1990 the population of Chicago was almost 20 percent Hispanic but fewer than 5 percent of police lieutenants were Hispanic. Because there were only 14 Hispanic lieutenants before the affirmative-actiоn promotion of Sergeant Denk and the police work in three shifts with the result that the number of lieutenants per shift is small, on any given shift in 1990 only two or three Hispanic lieutenants were on duty in the entire city, with its population of 2.78 million in 1990 of whom more than 500,000 were Hispanic.
The evidence presented by the City, including the testimony of a competеnt expert witness, established a two-fold need for a larger number of Hispanic lieutenants. First, lieutenants and captains are the principal supervisors in the police department. They set the tone for the department. If there are negligible numbers of Hispanics in these ranks (and in 1990
What we have recited are the facts and it remains to consider whether they justified discriminating in favor of Denk. As explained earlier, this is a judgment for us to make without deference to the district judge. Justifications of discrimination that are based on a public employer’s Operational needs are suspect, because they seem to have no natural limits, unlike remedial justifications, which cease when the last traces of the discrimination that gave rise to the remedy have been eliminated. Some discrimination, whether of the old-fashioned kind or the modern “affirmative action” kind, is vicious, ignorant, political, or otherwise invidious, but much is not. To allow discrimination on the basis that it was efficient or expedient would cause inroads into equal protection that the courts are unwilling to countenance.
As we pointed out in
Builders Ass’n of Greater Chicago v. Cook County,
The imperative need for this discrimination had to be proved and not merely conjectured. It would not have done for the City merely to. hаve presented plausible argumentation or to have appealed merely to common sense. It had to substantiate its position with evidence. It did so. It proved that it has a compelling need to increase the number of Hispanic
The judgment is affirmed in part and reversed in part, and the case is remanded with instructions to enter judgment for the City.
