Wеstwego Citizens for Better Government, et al. (Citizens) appeals from the district court’s ruling on remand that Citizens failed to make out a vote dilution claim for aldermanic elections in Westwe-go. Unfortunately, we must defer ruling on Citizens’ appeal because we conclude that the district court must hear new evidence proffered by Citizens of a recent indigenous election involving the first black aldermanic candidate in Westwego. The district court must also consider proffered data regarding the voting age population in
I.
This case was remanded to the district court for further proceedings in accordance with our opinion filed May 8, 1989.
Westwego Citizens for Better Gov’t. v. City of Westwego,
Citizens also proffered evidence that the black voting age population exceeded 50% in certain hypothetical districts and that, in those districts, the minority group possessed the potential to elect candidates of its choice. This evidence included black voter rеgistration data and data from the 1989 election for aldermen. Citizens also indicated that they would be able to acquire voting age population data from the Census Bureau.
II.
At the outset, and in fairness to the district court, we note that the district court may have believed that reopening the record was beyond the scope of our mandate. Our prior opinion was concededly geared toward the need for specific findings.
III.
We first consider whether the district court erred in refusing to consider the results of the first Westwego aldermanic election involving a black candidate. According to Citizens’ proffer, the black candidate, Green, received 89% of the black vote and 16.8% of the white vote. However, Green did not win or make the runoff. In an affidavit attached to Citizens’ proffer, Professor Douglas Rose, an expert previously found credible by the district court, stated that white bloc voting defeated the combined force of a considerable majority of black voters and crossover white voters. He also concluded that the results of the aldermanic race were consistent with his testimony as to other exogenous elections involving black candidates. Finally, Professor Rose concluded that, had the single-member district scheme been in place, Green would have garnered a majority in the proposed black-majority districts.
When this case was first before the district court, it found “significant the fact that no black had run for alderman” and the court concluded that, absent such evidence, Citizens could not make out a vote dilution claim. We reversed—concluding that Citizens could make out its claim of vote dilution based solely on exogenous elections.
Westwego,
On remand, the district court reviewed the exogenous elections. The district court found credible Professor Rose’s conclusion that those elections evidenced racially polarized voting. The court also noted that the defendant’s expert had conceded “that a black candidate could not be elected under Westwego’s present system of electing alderman." Finally, the district court agreed with both experts’ testimony that “the extent of racially polarized voting should not differ between different types of elections.” 1 Having not made any negative determinations regarding the credibility of the proof of racial polarization, the district court held:
Nevertheless, we find that plaintiffs have not sustained their burden to provethat whites would vote as a bloc to defeat a black candidate for alderman in Westwego. In reaching this conclusion, we draw on our “familiarity with the political realities of the local area.”
Gingles teaches that where only few (or even no) indigenous elections include black sponsored candidates, a vote dilution claim is not foreclosed:
Where a minority group has never been able to sponsor a candidate, courts must rely on factors that tend to prove unequal access to the electoral process. Similarly, where a minority group has begun to sponsor candidates just recently, the fact that statistics from only one or a few elections are available does not foreclose a vote dilution claim.
Thornburg v. Gingles,
IV.
We next address whether the district court erred in failing to take evidence that the minority group was sufficiently large and geographically compact to possess the potential to elect representatives of its choice under a single-member district scheme.
Gingles,
(1) evidence as to the number of registered black voters in the hypothetical districts,
(2) evidence that Green, the black candidate in the March 1989 election for aldermen, received 52% of the vote in those districts, and
(3) an affidavit of Cedric Floyd indicating that the Census Bureau or certain state agencies could provide black voting age population data for the proposed districts.
Minority voting age population data, minority voter registration data and evidence of success by minority preferred candidates is rеlevant to the first
Gingles
factor. Under
Gingles,
a minority group should, as a threshold matter, show that it is sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member district.
Our circuit held, subsequent to the bench trial in this case, that a majority black voting age population in a proposed district was generally required to satisfy the first
Gingles
factor. However, where total population data demonstrated a “sufficiently large” minority population in a propоsed single-member district, such data would also satisfy the first element of
Gingles
threshold test.
Brewer v. Ham,
The raison d’etre of Thornburg and of amended § 2 is to facilitate participation by minorities in our political processes, by preventing dilution of their votes. Only voting age persons can vote. It would be a Pyrrhic victory for a court to create a single-member district in which a minority population dominant in absolute, but not in voting age numbers, continued tо be defeated at the polls. Thornburg implicitly recognized this fact: “Unless minority voters possess the potential to elect representatives in the absence of the challenged structure or practice, they cannot claim to have been injured by that practice.”
Id.
(quoting
Overton v. City of Austin,
Citizens sought to resolve the ambiguity we identified in our prior panel opinion by presenting minority voting age population data, minority voter registration data and evidencе that blacks would have been able to elect the black candidate in the 1989 race for aldermen under a single-member district scheme. The district court refused to consider this relevant evidence and instead issued findings of fact and conclusions of law based upon what we had already found to be an unclear record. Simply reviewing the appellate record previоusly before us in order to make the requested findings was not responsive to our mandate unless there was no further evidence available. Hence, the district court should have consulted the parties as to the availability of additional evidence on whether a black voting age majority existed in any hypothetical district. Had the district court requested additional evidence, it would havе discovered that Citizens purportedly had such evidence; and the district court erred in failing to seek or consider the proffered evidence.
V.
We remand this case to the district court for further proceedings, including a hearing at which Citizens will have the opportunity to adduce the evidence referred to in their motion and, of course, the defendants will have an opportunity to respond. The district court should enter supplemental findings of fact and conclusions of law on the two issues discussed and on any other issues raised by the parties and the evidence referred to above. The case will be returned to this panel where a decision will be rendered on the existing record, as augmented by the hearing. No further notice of appeal need be filеd by Citizens. The parties may submit supplemental briefs on a schedule to be fixed by the Clerk. Costs will be assessed at the conclusion of this appeal.
We are reluctant to return this case to the district court before deciding this appeal. We are well aware that the commands of the Voting Rights Act are not always easily discovered. Nonetheless, we are equally firm in our insistencе that there is more work to do.
REMANDED.
Notes
. In addition, the district court found that Citizens' proof established the existence of political cohesion within the minority group.
. In the instant case, over two years have passed since the original trial.
. At trial, Citizens’ evidence indicated a majority black population in certain proposed districts, but voting age data by race was not presented. Citizens’ failure to present such evidence was understandable. First, the relevance of voting age data under the Gingles test was not clear until after trial in this matter. See generally Jones v. City of Lubbock, 640 F.2d 777 (5th Cir.1981) (plaintiffs in voting rights action permitted to present further evidence on remand in light of intervening Supreme Court decision because "when the rules of the game are changed, the players must be afforded a full and fair opportunity to play by the new regulations") (Goldberg, specially concurring). Second, as Citizens explained at trial and in their proffer, the Census Bureau does not generally divulge voting age population data by race for certain small areas. See Bureau of the Census, General Social and Economic Characteristics: Louisiana, at vi (1983) ("To maintain the confidentiality promised respondents and required by law, ... the Census Bureau suppresses data for characteristics which are based on a small number of persons and/or hоusing units in the geographic area.”); see also Allbritton, Fifth Circuit Survey: Voting Rights, 21 Texas Tech.L.Rev. 565, 572-80 (1990) (noting difficulties in obtaining voting age population "census data for small communities ... because of the confidentiality guaranteed by the census”). According to Citizens, the Census Bureau releases voting age population data on a “block group level.” A block group is composed of several city blocks. Citizens’ proposed black majority districts include only parts of certain block groups. For these small areas, confidentiality requirements come into play. However, according to Citizens’ proffer, voting age population data for Citizens’ proposed black majority districts can now be obtained through the Census Bureau.
If, because of difficulties in the way in which the Census Bureau reports voting age population, Citizens is unable to produce hard data on the black voting age population in the proposed districts, then other probative evidence may be considered, including: unsuppressed minority voting age population data, registered voter data by race (along with comparative voter registration rates of blacks and whites), total populatiоn data by race, and any other probative data suggesting that blacks possess the potential to elect representatives of their choice in the proposed districts.
Finally, we note, as we did in our prior opinion, that ”[i]f it appears that no single district with a black majority of voting age could be created without increasing the number of alder
