This case is before the court on a petition for a writ of certiorari to the Utah Court of Appeals. Plaintiff, the mayor of a small, southern Utah town, claims that a local newspaper published defamatory statements about him in a series of three editorial columns. The columns criticized the mayor for changing his political position on an important local issue and for attempting to “manipulate the press.” The trial court dismissed the mayor’s claims prior to trial. The court dismissed the claims relating to the manipulation statement on the ground that the statement was not capable of sustaining a defamatory meaning. The court ruled that the statements regarding the mayor’s change of position were expressions of opinion protected by the First Amendment. In addition, the court found that the change-of-position statements were not published with actual malice, as required by
New York Times Co. v. Sullivan,
I
The following facts are not in dispute. Plaintiff Terry R. West is the mayor of La Verkin, Utah. Defendant Donald Hogun is the publisher of The Daily Spectrum, a newspaper circulated primarily in southern Utah. Defendant Brent Goodey is The Daily Spectrum ’s managing editor. Defendant Rick Guldan was at all relevant times a reporter for The Daily Spectrum and also author of a weekly column. (Hogun, Goodey, and Guldan are collectively referred to as “defendants.”) Guldan’s weekly column appeared on The Daily Spectrum’s editorial page alongside his byline and photograph. In his column, Guldan commented on local, regional, and national issues. He often used his column as a vehicle to criticize local politicians and government leaders.
This lawsuit arose from three columns published in The Daily Spectrum in June, July, and November of 1988. The first appeared on June 27,1988 (the “June column”). In this installment of Guldan’s column, he criticized West for several acts, including (i) telling La Verkin citizens of the need to bring business into the community while simultaneously locating his own business in another city; (ii) maintaining a Wyoming driver’s license even though he is a Utah resident; (iii) using dealership license plates on his private automobiles; and (iv) helping a friend obtain a conditional use permit after a city council meeting.
Guldan leveled two additional criticisms against West. These criticisms serve as the basis for West’s claims relating to the June column. First, Guldan discussed West’s political position on the hotly contested issue of whether La Verkin should purchase a municipal power system. 1 Guldan stated the following:
Terry West says the city council should listen to the people. The people spoke last November in a general election on the issue of municipal power. The people said they didn’t want it, and Terry West, when running for mayor, was opposed to it. However the first thing West did as mayor was ignore the wishes of the people (claiming they weren’t qualified to make that decision) and reactivate[] the municipal power issue. Apparently West believes you should only listen to the people when they agree with you.
Second, Guldan stated that West had a problem “keeping his ‘facts’ straight.” As an example, Guldan stated that following the burglary of a business owned by West, he initially told police that nothing was stolen but later reported that $7,000 worth of rugs were missing. According to Guldan, West then filed an insurance claim in which he valued the rugs at $13,000. Goodey reviewed and approved the June column prior to publication. He did not independently investigate the accuracy of the factual assertions contained in the article, but relied instead on Guldan’s research. Hogun did not review the June column prior to publication. Both Goodey’s and Hogun’s actions were consistent with the newspaper’s editorial policy.
Shortly after its publication, West contacted Hogun to discuss the June column. West claimed that the column contained several inaccurate statements, including its reference to filing an excessive insurance claim. West explained to Hogun the facts surrounding the insurance claim. Thereafter, Hogun met with the newspaper’s attorney, Tim Anderson, to discuss West’s claim. Anderson reviewed the entire column and advised Hogun that the newspaper should publish a retraction of the statement concerning the insurance claim. On June 30, 1988, the newspaper retracted the statement.
Following the retraction, West again met with Hogun to discuss the column. Among other things, West stated that he had not changed his position on municipal power and had supported it while running for mayor. West showed Hogun a letter that he claimed *1002 was sent to La Verkin citizens prior to the election which set forth his pro-municipal power position. West also gave Hogun a letter to the editor in which he refuted, point by point, the criticisms leveled in the June column.
Hogun met with Goodey and Anderson to discuss the June column and West’s letter to the editor. Anderson advised Hogun that he should publish West’s letter and include an editor’s note again clarifying the statements concerning the insurance claim. Anderson also advised Hogun that it was not necessary to retract any other statements contained in the June column because they were expressions of Guldan’s opinion.
On July 2, 1988, the newspaper published West’s letter on its op-ed page. Guldan’s weekly column appeared on the same page adjacent to West’s letter (the “July column”). In the July column, Guldan responded to the issues raised in West’s letter to the editor. Among other things, Guldan stated the following:
I said Mayor West had been opposed to municipal power during the election. The mayor claims he never took that position. Several La Verkin citizens however, have told me that prior to the election they were under the impression West was opposed to municipal power, which is why they voted for him.
... If West never actually came out before the election and said he was opposed to municipal power, he certainly did a masterful job of creating an illusion he was.
Anderson reviewed the July column prior to publication and did not recommend any changes, nor did he advise the newspaper against publication. Although Hogun and Goodey did not read the column, they relied on Anderson’s advice and likewise approved it for publication.
Several months later, Goodey wrote a column entitled “How I came to ‘love’ La Ver-kin’s mayor” (the “November column”). The November column appeared on the newspaper’s editorial page alongside Goodey’s photograph and byline, which identified him as the newspaper’s managing editor. In this column, Goodey discussed the ongoing relationship between The Daily Spectrum, West, and La Verkin planning commission chairman Phil Phillips. Goodey described an apparently longstanding and bitter political conflict between West and Phillips. He also described how each had responded to, and attempted to influence, stories printed in The Daily Spectrum. Goodey claimed that Phillips had often provided the newspaper with “tips” concerning some impropriety by West, many of which turned out to be unfounded. West, on the other hand, had accused the newspaper of being biased against him and supportive of Phillips. In summarizing the overall tenor of West’s and Phillips’ actions, Goodey stated, “The problem I have with the two gentlemen is their repeated, and not to [sic] subtle, attempts to manipulate the press.”
West sued Hogun, Goodey, and Guldan for defamation based upon statements in the three columns. 2 West claimed that the following two statements in the June column were defamatory: (i) the assertion that West changed his position on municipal power; and (ii) the claim that West “couldn’t keep his facts straight” concerning the recent burglary at his store. With respect to the July column, West claimed that republishing the change-of-position statement was defamatory. Finally, West sued Goodey and Hogun for the manipulation statement in the November column.
In November 1989, the trial court dismissed the claims against Hogun and Goodey arising from the November column. It found that the manipulation statement was not capable of sustaining a defamatory meaning and therefore West had failed to state a claim upon which relief could be granted.
Defendants then moved for summary judgment on the remaining claims. In July 1990, the trial court dismissed the claims against Guldan arising from the change-of-position statements in the June and July columns on *1003 the basis that the statements were expressions of opinion protected by the First Amendment. The court also dismissed the claims against Hogun and Goodey arising from the change-of-position statements in the June and July columns on the ground that they did not publish the statements with actual malice. The court declined to dismiss West’s claim against Guldan for the burglary' statement, finding that it was a statement of fact, not opinion, and that West had properly pleaded actual damage. However, the court found that the newspaper had adequately retracted the burglary statement and that these remedial steps effectively limited West’s eventual recovery, if any, from Gul-dan.
West then requested that the trial court reconsider its ruling in light of
Milkovich v. Lorain Journal Co.,
In sum, the trial court granted defendants’ summary judgment motion and dismissed (i) West’s claims against Guldan arising from the change-of-position statements in the June and July columns because they were protected opinion, and (ii) all claims against Hogun and Goodey arising from the June and July columns on the ground that they did not publish the statements with actual malice. The court had previously granted defendants’ motion to dismiss West’s claims stemming from the manipulation statement in the November column on the ground that the statement was not capable of sustaining a defamatory meaning. The claim against Guldan arising from the burglary statement in the June column remains before the trial court.
West appealed the trial court’s rulings to the court of appeals.
3
A majority of the panel held the following: (i) The opinion privilege set forth in
Milkovich
did not apply to Guldan’s statements in the June and July columns concerning West’s change of position on municipal power; (ii) the trial court correctly ruled that Hogun and Goodey did not publish the June column with actual malice; (iii) whether Hogun and Goodey published the July column with actual malice was a question of fact to be resolved by the jury; and (iv) the manipulation statement was capable of sustaining a defamatory meaning.
West v. Thomson Newspapers,
II
Because some of West’s claims were dismissed following summary judgment and others pursuant to a motion to dismiss, we recite the standards of review for both. Summary judgment is properly granted when there are no genuine issues of material fact and the moving party is entitled to judgment as a matter of law. Utah R.Civ.P. 56(c);
Butterfield v. Okubo,
When reviewing the propriety of granting a motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim upon which relief may be granted, we accept as true all material allegations contained in the complaint and all reasonable inferences drawn therefrom. Utah R.Civ.P. 12(b)(6);
St. Benedict’s Dev. Co. v. St. Benedict’s Hosp.,
Ill
Before addressing the substantive issues raised in this case, we discuss briefly our method of analysis. A defamation case such as this requires us to consider several overlapping bodies of law.
See Locricchio v. Evening News Ass’n,
With this framework in mind, we begin our analysis by focusing on state common law and statutory principles, in adherence to the general rule that courts should avoid reaching constitutional issues if the case can be decided on other grounds.
See State v. Anderson,
If the court cannot resolve the issue before it by reference to common law or statutory law and instead must resort to constitutional law, the question frequently arises whether the court should address the issue under the state constitution, the federal constitution, or both. This is not merely an arcane proce *1005 dural consideration. Decisions by courts that fail to adhere to a consistent method of addressing state and federal constitutional issues are commonly criticized as result-oriented. See, e.g., Earl M. Maltz, The Political Dynamic of the “Ne%v Judicial Federalism’’, 1989 Emerging Issues in St. Const.L. 283, 233, 236; Ronald K.L. Collins, Reliance on State Constitutions: Away from a Reactionary Approach, 9 Hast. Const.L.Q. 1, 1-3, 9-10 (1981); Christine M. Durham, Employing the Utah Constitution in the Utah Courts, Utah B.J., Nov. 1989, 25, 25-26. 6 A similar criticism has been levelled against this court. See Milo S. Marsden, The Utah Supreme Court and the Utah State Constitution, 1986 Utah L.Rev. 319, 321 (“Although the Utah Supreme Court actively looks to Utah’s constitution, its decisions are uneven. The court has not developed a consistent approach for cases in which both state and federal constitutional claims are made.”).
There are at least four models for determining when and under what circumstances courts should base decisions on their own constitutions where there are related or similar federal constitutional provisions. The four are generally described as (i) the “primacy” model, (ii) the “interstitial” model, (iii) the “dual sovereignty” model, and (iv) the “lockstep” model. See Durham, supra, at 26; Jennifer Friesen, State Constitutional Law: *1006 Litigating Individual Rights, Claims and Defenses ¶ 1.04 (1993). According to the primacy approach, “a state court looks first to state constitutional law, develops independent doctrine and precedent, and decides federal questions only when state law is not dispositive.” Durham, supra, at 26; see Friesen, supra, ¶ 1.06[1]. The interstitial approach establishes a presumption that federal law is controlling and reaches state constitutional issues only when the case cannot be resolved by reference to federal law. Durham, supra, at 26; Friesen, supra, ¶ 1.06[3]. 7 Courts employing a dual sovereignty approach analyze both federal and state grounds for the decision, even where the case can be resolved on federal grounds alone. Friesen, supra, ¶ 1.04[4]. The lockstep approach does not allow independent interpretation of a state constitution, effectively ceding interpretative authority for the state’s constitution to the United States Supreme Court. Durham, supra, at 26-27; Friesen, supra, ¶ 1.06[2]. 8
In the present context, we are persuaded that the primacy model is the best method to address the interests at stake. As a matter of logic,
[t]he proper sequence is to analyze the state’s law, including its constitutional law, before reaching a federal constitutional claim. This is required, not for the sake either of parochialism or of style, but because the state does not deny any right claimed under the federal Constitution when the claim before the court in fact is fully met by state law.
Sterling v. Cupp,
By looking first to state constitutional principles, we also act in accordance with the original purpose of the federal system.
Id.
at 383-84; Friesen,
supra,
¶ 1.03[1]. Prior to the incorporation of the Bill of Rights, state constitutions were the only source of protection for individual rights and have continued as important sources of such rights ever since. Further, a growing number of courts have recognized both the utility and the legitimacy of fully exhausting state law before resorting to the federal constitution and accordingly have adopted the primacy model.
9
The primacy model has also been
*1007
advocated by at least one justice of the United States Supreme Court.
See Delmoare v. Van Arsdall,
Finally, defamation is an area particularly well suited to the primacy approach and to resolution as a matter of state law.
See Immuno AG. v. Moor-Jankowski,
Because defamation law is an area uniquely suited to resolution on state law grounds and because the primacy model represents the most efficient means of resolving these cases, we adopt it in this context. 11 Accordingly, we shall address whether the statements at issue in this case are actionable by first looking for a resolution under state common law and statutory law and then the Utah Constitution. If the case cannot be resolved under state law, we will then proceed to the United States Constitution and First Amendment principles.
IV
The first issue we must resolve is whether, given the undisputed facts, West can state a claim for defamation. To state a claim for defamation, he must show that defendants published the statements concerning him,
12
that the statements were false, defamatory, and not subject to any privilege, that the statements were published with the
*1008
requisite degree of fault,
13
and that their publication resulted in damage.
See Cox v. Hatch,
Whether a statement is capable of sustaining a defamatory meaning is a question of law, and we review the lower court’s rulings for correctness.
Cox,
Under Utah law, a statement is defamatory if it impeaches an individual’s honesty, integrity, virtue, or reputation and thereby exposes the individual to public hatred, contempt, or ridicule.
Cox,
The trial court granted defendants’ motion to dismiss the claims against Hogun and Goodey arising from the November manipulation statement on the ground that the statement could not sustain a defamatory meaning. The court of appeals reversed.
West v. Thomson Newspapers,
Defendants claim that in resorting to a dictionary definition and searching for a “possible negative connotation,” the court of appeals ignored the context in which the statement was made and failed to fully discharge its obligation to make an initial inquiry into whether the statement was defamato
*1009
ry as a matter of law. We agree. Although a dictionary may define and give some content to allegedly defamatory words, it cannot be dispositive. A court simply cannot determine whether a statement is capable of sustaining a defamatory meaning by viewing individual words in isolation; rather, it must carefully examine the context in which the statement was made, giving the words their most common and accepted meaning.
See Western States Title Ins. Co. v. Warnock,
Viewed contextually, the manipulation statement appears in a newspaper editorial column and involves a prominent local politician engaged in a heated political battle. The column describes West’s attempts to encourage the press not to publish stories critical of his actions and instead to publish stories critical of his political opponent. These attempts are summarized in the author’s acerbic statement that West has attempted to manipulate the press. While no politician would welcome such criticism — and indeed might find it personally offensive— this does not render it defamatory. “A publication is not defamatory simply because it is nettlesome or embarrassing to a plaintiff, or even because it makes a false statement about the plaintiff.”
Cox,
The manipulation statement appeared in a newspaper editorial, a traditional source of harsh political invective. Newspaper readers expect that statements in editorials will be more exaggerated and polemicized than “hard news.” Readers are therefore less likely to form personal animus toward an individual based on statements made in an editorial. Moreover, as West concedes in his letter to the editor, criticism by newspaper *1010 columnists “comes with the job of being may- or.” Readers likewise expect to see public officials criticized in editorial writing and are therefore less likely to rely on it in forming their opinions of the official. While statements about public figures in newspaper editorials are not incapable of being defamatory, these factors all tend to negate damage to West’s reputation and therefore make it less likely that the statement was defamatory.
The manipulation statement itself was made in a casual, albeit critical, tone. It is unlikely that any reader would take it at face value; instead, most readers would view it as exaggerated commentary expressing Goo-dey’s frustration in dealing with West. Exaggerated commentary such as this is not likely to damage West’s reputation. Other courts have found exaggerated editorial commentary not defamatory. In
Wecht v. PG Publishing Co.,
Stripped of exaggeration, the most that can be said of the manipulation statement is that it criticized West for trying to use his political position to influence information disseminated to the public. Such criticism is not defamatory. In
DiBernardo v. Tonawanda Publishing Corp.,
Context is also important to a proper construction of the June and July change-of-position statements, but for a slightly different reason. West does not claim that the change-of-position statements are defamatory on their face. On their face, the columns simply stated that West was opposed to municipal power before the election and supported it afterward. Citizens expect that responsible public officials will occasionally change their views for a variety of legitimate reasons. Stating that a politician has done so is not enough, by itself, to sustain a defamatory meaning. Instead, West claims that because the municipal power issue was vitally important to the community and because many voters based their vote for may- or on this single issue, the statement implies that he purposely misled voters to get elected. Thus, it is the implication arising from the statement and the context in which it was made, not the statement itself, which forms the basis of West’s claim.
18
Accordingly, this is a defamation-by-implication claim.
See Locricchio v. Evening News Ass’n,
The trial court ruled that the implication was capable of sustaining a defamatory meaning. That court stated, “[A] candidate who would espouse opposition to municipal power to get elected and then immediately pursue a pro-municipal power agenda as Mayor of the city would be viewed as a liar and the worst kind of political cheat.” The court of appeals agreed that the implication, i.e., that West misled voters to get elected, was capable of sustaining a defamatory meaning.
West,
Having accepted that the implication arising from the change-of-position statements is defamatory, we must now consider whether that implication is subject to any common law or statutory privileges. The only privilege advanced in this case is the common law fair comment privilege.
See Williams v. Standard-Examiner Publishing
*1012
Co.,
83 Utah. 31,
For the fair comment privilege to apply, the allegedly defamatory statement must be an opinion based upon true or privileged assertions of fact.
See Russell v. Thomson Newspapers, Inc.,
V
We next consider whether the implication arising from the change-of-position statements is protected by our state’s constitution.
22
Article I, section 15 of the Utah Constitution provides in part, “No law shall be passed to abridge or restrain the freedom of speech or of the press.”
23
Most of our decisions construing this provision have arisen in the context of the media’s right of access to public records and meetings.
See, e.g., State v. Archuleta,
We will begin our analysis by examining the historical background against which article I of the Utah Constitution was drafted.
See Society of Separationists, Inc. v. Whitehead,
In reviewing the history of article I, we look for guidance to the common law, our state’s particular journalistic and editorial traditions, and the intent of our constitution’s drafters. Protection of opinion, even if defamatory, has strong roots in the common law. 24 The fair comment privilege developed because common law courts recognized early on that actions for defamation could frustrate the valuable discourse fostered by the free flow of evaluative ideas. Smolla, supra, § 6.02[1]. In its earliest form, .the privilege provided rather limited protection for expressions of opinion. Over time, however, fair comment was deemed to protect expressions of opinion about the conduct of public officials and political candidates regardless of the reasonableness of the opinion. Id. As one commentator observed, “[I]t must be conceded that fair comment sometimes enables journalists and others to escape liability for defamatory language which offends the taste and moral sense of a substantial part of the community. This occasional abuse is part of the price of free speech_” Note, Fair Comment, 62 Harv.L.Rev. 1207, 1216 (1949).
Utah acknowledged this common law privilege as early as 1933.
See Williams v. Standard-Examiner Publishing Co.,
The journalistic traditions and editorial practices prevailing in Utah during the period of the constitution’s drafting also provide helpful insight into the proper construction of article I, section 15 and other constitutional provisions guaranteeing freedom of expression. Utah’s history is characterized not only by a proliferation of newspapers, 25 but also by heated editorial exchange. This exchange is best reflected in the rivalry between the Deseret News, which was first published in 1850 and represented Mormon church interests, and the Mormon Tribune (later called The Salt Lake Tribune), which began in 1870 and came to represent non-Mormons in the state. Beginning in 1873, The Salt Lake Tribune “pulled off the editorial gloves” and began an all-out assault against the Deseret News and Mormon church leaders. During this time, “objectivi *1014 ty was a vice not to be tolerated in news columns, editorials or correspondence from readers. The news columns and correspondence were frequently more opinionated than the editorials, possibly because the reporters and correspondents were more opinionated than the editorial writers.” O.N. Malmquist, The First 100 Years: A History of The Salt Lake Tribune 1871-1971 41 (1971). The Salt Lake Tribune ⅛ editorial policies were not unique: “During this period of uninhibited journalistic expression; of studied insult; of subtle and coarse humor; of venomous denunciation; and all-around bad manners, The Tribune was ‘taking it’ as well as ‘passing it out.’ ” Id. at 42. 26 Thus, at the same time Utah was struggling to gain statehood and to draft its constitution, newspapers in the state — particularly The Salt Lake Tribune and the Deseret News — were characterized by virulent exchanges on the editorial pages. These exchanges undoubtedly were familiar to the drafters of Utah’s free-press provisions.
We glean some additional insight from the rather limited proceedings of the constitutional convention.
See P.I.E. Employees Fed. Credit Union v. Bass,
Id. at 323. This exchange reflects the positive attitude of the constitution’s drafters toward a free and uninhibited press.
Against this historical backdrop, we now examine the text of article I, section 15 and other provisions dealing with freedom of expression. Article I, section 15 provides, “No law shall be passed to abridge or restrain the freedom of speech or of the press.” Utah Const, art. 1, § 15. By its terms, this provision limits the availability of a defamation action where maintaining it would “abridge or restrain” a free press. The issue then is whether allowing a defamation action based on an expression of opinion would “abridge or restrain” the press.
Most newspapers, including The Daily Spectrum, have verification and review procedures that must be followed prior to publishing a story. The purpose of these procedures is to ensure that published stories are as accurate and complete as possible. If a publication negligently or maliciously fails to follow such procedures with respect to a factual assertion and thereby potentially subjects itself to an action for defamation, one can hardly argue that permitting such an action abridges or restrains the press. On the contrary, such a result encourages responsible journalism.
Expressions of opinion, however, are fundamentally different. Opinions are inherently incapable of verification; they embody ideas, not facts. Editorial review, no matter how stringent, cannot ensure that an opinion will not harm the recipient’s reputation. More importantly, expressions of opinion are the mainstay of vigorous public debate. Without opinion, such debate is virtually nonexistent. See Note, supra, at 1213. Thus, if expressions of opinion could serve as the basis for defamation actions, the press would be forced to choose between publishing opinions knowing that no amount of editorial oversight could protect it from exposure to civil liability or ceasing altogether to publish expressions of opinion. Given the importance of opinion in the marketplace of ideas, *1015 either alternative would constitute significant abridgement or restraint of the press.
When construing provisions of our constitution, we must read the document as a whole, giving effect to all provisions.
See City & County of San Francisco v. Farrell,
Reading these constitutional provisions together leads to the following conclusions: Because expressions of pure opinion fuel the marketplace of ideas and because such expressions are incapable of being verified, they cannot serve as the basis for defamation liability. As evidenced by the present case, however, opinions rarely stand alone, isolated from any factual moorings. To convince readers of the legitimacy of an opinion, authors typically describe the perceived factual bases for opinions, seeking to demonstrate that the author’s opinions are grounded in common sense. Assertions of fact, being objectively verifiable and much more capable of harming reputation, are not entitled to the same degree of protection afforded expressions of opinion. Thus, article I, sections 1 and 15 protect expressions of opinion, and this protection is “abused” when the opinion states or implies facts that are false and defamatory. If the opinion does not state or imply such facts or if the underlying facts are not defamatory, an action for defamation is improper. 27
*1016
Our conclusion that expressions of opinion are protected by the Utah Constitution is supported by decisions of courts of sibling states construing similar constitutional provisions. During the constitutional convention, Delegate Heber M. Wells stated that article I, section 15, “just as it stands here, is the same as in New York, California, Michigan, Wisconsin, South Carolina, and Maine, and there are similar provisions in a great many of the states.” 1
Official Report of the Proceedings and Debates of the Utah Constitutional Convention
322 (Salt Lake City, Star Printing Co. 1898);
see Conder,
In
Immuno AG. v. Moor-Jankowski,
It has long been recognized that matters of free expression in books, movies and the arts generally, are particularly suited to resolution as a matter of State common law and State constitutional law, the Supreme Court under the Federal Constitution fixing only the minimum standards applicable throughout the nation, and the State courts supplementing those standards to meet local needs and expectations.
Id.
The California Supreme Court also has broadly construed the free press provisions
*1017
of the California Constitution.
31
In
Jacoby v. State Bar,
Thus, three of the four states relied on by the drafters of the Utah Constitution have recognized that their identically worded constitutions provide broad protection for the expression of thoughts and ideas. One of those states, New York, has specifically recognized an opinion privilege. This, combined with the common law distinction between factual assertions and opinions along with Utah’s own history of free-wheeling exchanges of editorial opinion, compels the conclusion that the Utah Constitution protects expressions of opinion.
Having concluded that article I, sections 1 and 15 protect expressions of opinion, we must now articulate a method to distinguish actionable fact from nonactionable opinion. Defendants and amicus urge us to adopt a “totality of circumstances” test which takes into consideration the statement as a whole along with the broader context in which the statement is made.
See Immuno AG.,
At the outset, we note that distinguishing fact from opinion animated much of the discussion surrounding the common law fair comment privilege.
See
Smolla,
supra,
§ 6.02[1], In fact, the United States Supreme Court’s dicta in
Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc.,
Efforts by federal courts to craft a First Amendment opinion privilege culminated with the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia’s en banc decision in
Ollman.
34
In
Oilman,
the plaintiff, a Marxist political science professor at New York University, sued nationally syndicated columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak for defamation. The lawsuit arose from an Evans and Novak column criticizing a proposal to appoint the plaintiff to chair the Maryland Political Science Department.
While perhaps not exhaustive, these factors provide a sufficient basis to resolve the issue before us, and we shall address each in turn. Guldan’s June and July columns stated, in essence, that West changed his position on municipal power after he was elected mayor of La Verkin. This arguably is a factual assertion. The assertion, however, is not defamatory, and West does not contend otherwise. Instead, West contends that because the municipal power issue was of vital importance to voters, the assertion implies that he misrepresented his true position on municipal power to get elected. Based on the totality of circumstances in which the statements were made, we conclude that any such implication is protected opinion.
Because the allegedly defamatory statements contained in the June and July columns arise by implication, we do not find it particularly useful to examine the meaning of the words used. However, the second factor of Oilman’s totality-of-eireumstances test— whether the statement is capable of being objectively verified as true or false — provides some guidance. We emphasize that it is the
implication,
not the nondefamatory facts underlying the implication, that is relevant to this inquiry.
See Milkovich,
In the context of an allegedly defamatory implication, as opposed to an allegedly defamatory statement, the objectively verifiable element essentially breaks down into two questions.
See Milkovich,
Applying this analysis to the instant case reveals that the objectively verifiable element argues in favor of finding the implication protected opinion. West claims that because municipal power was such a divisive issue, the statements imply that he misrepresented his position on municipal power to win the election. While we acknowledge that a reasonable fact finder could conclude that the June and July columns conveyed that implication, we do not find the implication sufficiently factual to be susceptible of being proven true or false.
Whether West actually intended to dupe voters into electing him mayor by misrepresenting his position on municipal power is something only West himself knows, not something that is subject to objective verification.
See Oilman,
cided that municipal power was a fiscal imperative. Thus, asking a fact finder to determine the subjective intent behind West’s alleged change of position will inevitably produce a verdict based on speculation. “An obvious potential for quashing or muting [free speech] looms large when [fact finders] attempt to assess the truth of a statement that admits of no method of verification.”
Oilman,
We next examine the context and the broader setting in which the statements were made. The June and July columns were about an elected public official and the political position he took during his election campaign. Suppression of speech in this context is always subject to exacting constitutional scrutiny.
See Keams-Tribune,
[The plaintiff], by his own actions, entered a political arena in which heated discourse was to be expected and must be protected.... [He] placed himself in an arena where he should expect to be jostled and bumped in a way that a private person *1020 need not expect.... [T]o protect a vigorous marketplace in political ideas and contentions, we ought to accept the proposition that those who place themselves in a political arena must accept a degree of derogation that others need not.
In addition, the statements appeared in weekly editorial columns. The author often used these columns to comment on local and national political issues. The columns appeared, as they typically did, on
The Daily Spectrum
⅛ editorial pages. The presence of Guldan’s photograph and byline in both the June and July columns signaled that they were editorial columns as opposed to “hard news.” These facts all argue strongly in favor of finding the statements to be protected opinion. As the
Oilman
court explained, “Some types of writing or speech by custom or convention signal to readers or listeners that what is being read or heard is likely to be opinion, not fact.”
Id.
at 983. The court continued, “[I]t is well understood that editorial writers and commentators frequently ‘resort to the type of caustic bombast traditionally used in editorial writing to stimulate public reaction.’ ”
Id.
at 984 (quoting
National Rifle Ass’n v. Dayton Newspapers, Inc.,
In summary, the fact that the allegedly defamatory implication arising from the change-of-position statements is not verifiable as true or false, combined with the context and broader setting in which the statements were made, compels a conclusion that the alleged implication is protected opinion. The statements involved the political position taken by an elected official during his campaign for office. They appeared in a signed weekly column on The Daily Spectrum’s editorial page. The statements are a classic example of political commentary. As such, they represent a category of speech that is entitled to the fullest protection afforded by our state’s constitution. By entering the political arena, West exposed himself to pointed, harsh, and even defamatory criticism expressed in the form of opinion. Such expression of opinion must be permitted in the arena of political debate.
VI
Defendants and amicus have briefed and argued a number of First Amendment issues. They contend that it is incumbent on this court to correct what they view as serious flaws in the court of appeals’ actual-malice and opinion-privilege analyses. The court of appeals’ decision, they argue, leads to self-censorship by the media by creating uncertainty about the scope of protection for commentary on matters of public controversy. However, in light of our disposition of the issues on state law grounds and our conclusion that article I, sections 1 and 15 protect expressions of opinion such as those at issue in this case, it is unnecessary for us to reach the federal constitutional issues raised by the parties and analyzed by the courts below.
See, e.g., State v. Ramirez,
The claims against Hogun and Goodey arising from the manipulation statement in the November column are dismissed on the ground that the statement is not capable of sustaining a defamatory meaning. The claims against Guldan, Hogun, and Goodey arising from the change-of-position statements in the June and July columns are dismissed on the basis that they are protected by article I, sections 1 and 15 of the Utah Constitution as expressions of opinion. The claim against Guldan relating to the burglary statement remains before the trial court. Finally, the court of appeals’ opinion in
West v. Thomson Newspapers,
HALL, J., acted on this ease prior to his retirement.
Notes
. Prior to the mayoral election, La Verkin residents had voted not to purchase a municipal power system. The vote apparently did not resolve the controversy. The mayoral candidates campaigned on this issue and, according to West, many residents cast their votes for mayor solely on the candidate's announced position on municipal power.
. West amended his complaint three times during the course of the proceeding below. None of these amendments added additional parties or additional claims or changed the basic nature of the initial claims.
. The court of appeals held that the appeal was proper under rule 54(b) of the Utah Rules of Civil Procedure.
West
v.
Thomson Newspapers,
. The scope of state constitutional protection for expression may be broader or narrower than the federal, depending on the state constitution's language, history, and interpretation. In any event, state tort law may not impair state constitutional guarantees and is properly confined to constitutionally permissible limits. Thus, we see no legitimate reason to examine First Amendment limitations until a full determination of the permissible scope of state defamation law. — including state constitutional law. — has been completed.
. See Judith S. Kaye, The Common Law and State Constitutional Law as Full Partners in the Protection of Individual Rights, 23 Rutgers L.J. 727, 750-52 (1992). Judge Kaye refers to these non-constitutional grounds as "subconstitutional” bases for a decision. Id. at 740.
. Another practical reason for adhering to a consistent method of addressing state and federal constitutional issues is the time and expense saved by avoiding multiple trips through state and federal appellate courts. The New York Court of Appeals' decision in
Immuno AG. v. Moor-Jankowski,
On remand, the New York Court of Appeals followed the Supreme Court’s directive and analyzed the claims under
Milkovich,
concluding that the statements at issue were protected by the First Amendment.
Immuno AG.,
The procedural history of the
Immuno AG.
case demonstrates the need for a consistent and principled method of addressing state and federal constitutional claims.
See also State v. Kennedy,
These cases also demonstrate that a principled method of addressing state and federal constitutional issues is necessary as a matter of comity toward federal courts. In
Immuno AG.,
Judge Simons wrote a concurring opinion in which he criticized the majority for making a ruling on federal constitutional law and simultaneously insulating it from Supreme Court review by engaging in an independent state constitutional analysis.
. In
State v. Hunt,
. In recent years, there has been a dramatic increase in scholarly commentary on state constitutional law. An exhaustive bibliography of such commentary may be found in Jennifer Friesen, State Constitutional Law: Litigating Individual Rights, Claims and Defenses (1993).
.See, e.g., Large v. Superior Court,
Some of this court’s decisions have suggested the appropriateness of the primacy approach.
See, e.g., State v. Ramirez,
. According to Justice Stevens, "The emerging preference for state constitutional bases of decision in lieu of federal ones is, in my view, the analytical approach best suited to facilitating the independent role of state constitutions and state courts in our federal system.”
Delaware v. Van Arsdall,
. Our adoption of the primacy approach in the defamation context does not necessarily preclude another approach in a context that is less suited for primacy analysis.
. The term "defamation” encompasses both libel and slander. The primary distinction between libel and slander is the nature of the publication. Libel is defamation expressed by "printing, or by signs or pictures or the like ...” Utah Code Ann. § 45-2-2(1). Slander, on the other hand, is defamation "by spoken words.” Utah Code Ann. § 45-2-2(2). See generally W. Page Keeton et ah, Prosser and Keeton on the Law of Torts § 112 (1984) [hereinafter Prosser & Keeton]; Restatement (Second) of Torts § 568 (1972); Rodney A. Smolla, Law of Defamation § 1.04[1] (1994).
. Utah’s "fault” requirement for public figure plaintiffs such as West is derived from First Amendment standards.
See Seegmiller v. KSL, Inc.,
. Section 45-2-2(1) defines libel as follows:
"Libel” means a malicious defamation, expressed either by printing or by signs or pictures or the like, tending to blacken the memory of one who is dead, or to impeach the honesty, integrity, virtue or reputation, or publish the natural defects of one who is alive, and thereby to expose him to public hatred, contempt or ridicule.
Utah Code Ann. § 45-2-2(1).
In
Cox v. Hatch,
. An additional problem with the court of appeals' approach is that it leads to confusing and irreconcilable results. The meanings that dictionaries attribute to particular words are far from universally consistent. In fact, most dictionaries — including the one relied on by the majority below — list multiple, sometimes conflicting, definitions for a single word. A problem arises when some of those definitions ascribe positive attributes to the word and others negative. "Manipulate” is the epitome of such a problem. The definition of "manipulate” relied on by the majority was " ‘to control, manage or play upon by artful, unfair or insidious means especially to one’s own advantage.... [mjanagement with the use of unfair, scheming or underhanded methods especially for one’s own advantage.’ ”
West,
. The relevant audience does not consist solely of the plaintiff. Nor does it require an examination of society at large or a hypothetical reasonable person, as is the case in English law. According to the American approach, the statement must be derogatory in the eyes of a "substantial and respectable minority.” Restatement (Second) of Torts § 559 cmt. e (1972). According to the Restatement, "Although defamation is not a question of majority opinion, neither is it a question of the existence of some individual or individuals with views sufficiently peculiar to regard as derogatory what the vast majority of persons regard as innocent.” Id.
. We reference
National Ass’n of Letter Carriers v. Austin,
. As one commentator explains:
Words that appear at first blush to convey a defamatory meaning may be explained away as innocuous when their context is made clear. Conversely, words innocent on their face may, when explained in context, convey a defamatory meaning. The classic example is the statement that John Smith was seen walking into a hotel room with Mary. On its face, the statement does not communicate anything intending to injure reputation. If, however, there is added to the statement the fact that John Smith is married to someone other than Mary, the inference that the ordinary reasonable recipient may draw — that John is involved in an adulterous relationship with Mary — becomes defamatory.
Smolla, supra note 12, § 4.05[1], at 4-18 (citations omitted).
. Neither the trial court nor the court of appeals clearly articulated the distinction between statements that are defamatory on their face and those that are defamatory by implication. Both courts, however, were obviously concerned with the implication arising from the change-of-position statement, rather than with the statement itself. In finding the implication defamatory, the trial court reviewed the political context in which the statement was made and then stated, "Under those circumstances, it is clear that a candidate who would espouse opposition to municipal power to get elected and then immediately pursue a pro-municipal power agenda as Mayor of the city would be viewed as a liar and the worst kind of political cheat.” The court of appeals was likewise concerned with the implication arising from the change-of-position statement. In discussing the applicability of the opinion privilege, the court stated that it must "determine whether the connotation that West opposed municipal power in order to be elected was sufficiently factual to be susceptible of being proven false.” West, 835 P.2d at 186.
The dissent below also focused on the implication that arose from the change-of-position statement. According to the dissent, the statements are not defamatory on their face and they “do not directly imply West intended to deceive voters, nor do they imply he lied about his prior position.” Id. at 192 (Garff, J., dissenting).
. We recently reaffirmed our adherence to the fair comment privilege as a matter of our state’s common law.
Russell v. Thomson Newspapers, Inc.,
. The history of the common law fair comment privilege is discussed more fully in part V, infra.
. The court of appeals refused to address the state constitutional issue on the ground that it had not been raised before the trial court.
West,
.The full text of article I, section 15 reads:
No law shall be passed to abridge or restrain the freedom of speech or of the press. In all criminal prosecutions for libel the truth may be given in evidence to the jury; and if it shall appear to the jury that the matter charged as libelous is true, and was published with good motives, and for justifiable ends, the party shall be acquitted; and the jury shall have the right to determine the law and the fact.
Utah Const, art. I, § 15.
. When construing a constitutional provision, a court may consult common law principles.
See, e.g., American Fork City v. Crosgrove,
. At the turn of the century, more than 580 newspapers were published in Utah, with more than 1,200 editors and publishers. J. Cecil Alter, Early Utah Journalism: A Half Century of Forensic Warfare Waged by the West's Most Militant Press 13 — 15 (1938). The newspapers and their editors represented a broad spectrum of social, political, and economic interests. Id. at 387, 389-90.
. According to one commentator, "No newspapers of any section of the country, or of any period in the Nation’s history, were ever more eagerly awaited or more closely read than those hailing from Utah through the anti-polygamy crusade of the last half of the Nineteenth Century." Alter, supra note 25, at 9.
. In this respect, the protections afforded by the Utah Constitution differ from the common law fair comment privilege. Fair comment only
protects
an opinion that is based upon true or privileged facts.
See Russell,
. Mr. Wells was correct that a number of states have similar free press guarantees. In her treatise on state constitutional law. Professor Friesen notes that "state constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression are remarkably similar, which facilitates a sharing of state opinions across state lines.” Friesen, supra note 8, ¶ 5.02. She cites the language in article I, sections 1 and 15 as "typical” of state free speech guarantees. Id. ¶5.02[2],
. Article I, section 8 of the New York Constitution provides:
Every citizen may freely speak, write and publish his sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right; and no law shall be passed to restrain or abridge the liberty of speech or of the press. In all criminal prosecutions or indictments for libels, the truth may be given in evidence to the jury; and if it shall appear to the jury that the matter charged as libelous is true, and was published with good motives and for justifiable ends, the party shall be acquitted; and the jury shall have the right to determine the law and the fact.
N.Y. Const, art. I, § 8.
.In a concurring opinion, Judge Titone argued that the issues raised in that case could' be resolved entirely under the common law fair comment privilege.
Immuno AG.,
.Article I, section 2 of the California Constitution provides:
Every person may freely speak, write and publish his or her sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for abuse of this right. A law may not restrain or abridge liberty of speech or press.
Cal. Const, art. I, § 2. The current version of the California Constitution differs from the version adopted by the California Constitutional Convention in 1849. The two sentences above are roughly the same as the original charter. The original, however, went on to provide:
In all criminal prosecutions on indictments for libels, the truth may be given in evidence to the juty; and if it shall appear to the jury that the matter charged as libelous is true, and was published with good motives and for justifiable ends, the party shall be acquitted....
1 Sources and Documents of the United States Constitutions 448 (William F. Swindler ed., 1974) (citing Cal. Const, of 1849, art. I, § 9).
. Although our research did not reveal any decisions from the Wisconsin Supreme Court concerning this issue, there is at least some indication that article I, section 3 of the Wisconsin Constitution would be similarly construed.
See Jacobs
v.
Major,
. As the
Oilman
court points out, the dicta in
Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc.,
. The court’s decision in
Oilman
produced seven separate opinions. Judge Starr wrote the majority opinion; Judges Bork, MacKinnon, Robinson, Wald, Edwards, and Scalia all wrote separate opinions. The majority opinion, as well as the concurring opinions of Judges Bork and MacKinnon, endorsed a flexible "totality of circumstances” test for distinguishing fact from opinion.
Oilman,
. The present case is similar in some respects to
Milkovich.
Both involve claims that statements in newspaper editorial columns imply defamatory information. In
Milkovich,
however, the alleged implication was that the plaintiff had committed perjury.
. We decline to adopt a per se rule that would absolutely protect statements made on editorial pages from actions for defamation. The fact that a statement appears on an editorial page is, however, an important factor in assessing the totality of circumstances. As one commentator explains, "Although the editorial format is clearly not determinative, in ambiguous cases the presentation of a statement on an editorial or op-ed page should increase the likelihood that the statement will be perceived as an expression of opinion.” Bruce W. Sanford, Libel and Privacy 199 (2d ed. Supp.1993).
