WELCH v. TEXAS DEPARTMENT OF HIGHWAYS AND PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION, ET AL.
No. 85-1716
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued March 4, 1987-Decided June 25, 1987
483 U.S. 468
Michael D. Cucullu argued the cause and filed a brief for petitioner.
F. Scott McCown, Special Assistant Attorney General of Texas, argued the cause for respondents. With him on the brief were Jim Mattox, Attorney General, Mary F. Keller, Executive Assistant Attorney General, and Dudley Fowler, Assistant Attorney General.*
JUSTICE POWELL announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion in which THE CHIEF JUSTICE, JUSTICE WHITE, and JUSTICE O‘CONNOR join.
The question in this case is whether the Eleventh Amendment bars a state employee from suing the State in federal court under the Jones Act, ch. 250, 41 Stat. 1007,
I
The Texas Department of Highways and Public Transportation operates a free automobile and passenger ferry be
The District Court dismissed the action as barred by the Eleventh Amendment. 533 F. Supp. 403, 407 (1982). A divided panel of the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit reversed, with each judge writing separately. 739 F. 2d 1034 (1984). On rehearing en banc, the Court of Appeals affirmed the judgment of the District Court. 780 F. 2d 1268 (1986). The court recognized that Parden v. Terminal Railway of Alabama Docks Dept., 377 U. S. 184 (1964), held that an employee of a state-operated railroad company may bring an action in federal court under the Federal Employers’ Liability Act (FELA), 53 Stat. 1404,
II
The Eleventh Amendment provides:
“The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State.”
The Court has recognized that the significance of the Amendment “lies in its affirmation that the fundamental principle of sovereign immunity limits the grant of judicial authority in Art. III” of the Constitution. Pennhurst State School and Hospital v. Halderman, 465 U. S. 89, 98 (1984) (Pennhurst II). Accordingly, as discussed more fully in Part V of this opinion, the Court long ago held that the Eleventh Amendment bars a citizen from bringing suit against the citizen‘s own State in federal court, even though the express terms of the Amendment refer only to suits by citizens of another State. Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U. S. 1, 10 (1890). See Edelman v. Jordan, 415 U. S. 651, 662-663 (1974); Employees v. Missouri Dept. of Public Health and Welfare, 411 U. S. 279, 280 (1973). For the same reason, the Court has
The Court has recognized certain exceptions to the reach of the Eleventh Amendment. If a State waives its immunity and consents to suit in federal court, the suit is not barred by the Eleventh Amendment. Clark v. Barnard, 108 U. S. 436, 447 (1883). But, becausе “[c]onstructive consent is not a doctrine commonly associated with the surrender of constitutional rights,” Edelman v. Jordan, 415 U. S., at 673, the Court will find a waiver by the State “only where stated ‘by the most express language or by such overwhelming implications from the text as [will] leave no room for any other reasonable construction.‘” Ibid. (quoting Murray v. Wilson Distilling Co., 213 U. S. 151, 171 (1909)). Moreover, “[a] State‘s constitutional interest in immunity encompasses not merely whether it may be sued, but where it may be sued.” Pennhurst II, 465 U. S., at 99 (emphasis in original). Thus, a State does not waive Eleventh Amendment immunity in fed
We also have recognized that the Eleventh Amendment “necessarily [is] limited by the enforcement provisions of § 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment.” Fitzpatrick v. Bitzer, 427 U. S. 445, 456 (1976). Consequently, Congress can abrogate the Eleventh Amendment without the States’ consent when it acts pursuant to its power “to enforce, by appropriate legislation’ the substantive provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment.” Ibid. (quoting
III
We now apply these principles to the Jones Act. We note that the question whether the State of Texas has waived its Eleventh Amendment immunity is not before us. Both the District Court and the Court of Appeals held that the State has not consented to Jones Act suits in federal court. The petition for certiorari does not address this issue, and we do not regard it as fairly included in the questions on which certiorari was granted.4 Indeed, at oral argument counsel for
petitioner conceded that the question of express waiver by the State “is not before the Court . . . .” Tr. of Oral Arg. 18. We therefore have no occasion to consider petitioner‘s argument in her brief on the merits that the Texas Tort Claims Act, Tex. Rev. Civ. Stat. Ann., Art. 6252-19 (Vernon, 1970, as amended 1973 Tex. Gen. Laws, ch. 50) constitutes an express waiver of the State‘s Eleventh Amendment immunity. Brief for Petitioner 29-34. We accept the holdings of the Court of Appeals and the District Court that it does not.
Petitioner‘s remaining argument is that Congress has abrogated the States’ Eleventh Amendment immunity from suit under the Jones Act. We assume, without deciding or intimating a view of the question, that the authority of Congress to subject unconsenting States to suit in federal court is not confined to § 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment. See County of Oneida v. Oneida Indian Nation of New York, 470 U. S. 226, 252 (1985).5 Petitioner‘s argument fails in any event because Congress has not expressed in unmistakable statutory language its intention to allow States to be sued in federal court under the Jones Act. It is true that the Act extends to “[a]ny seaman who shall suffer personal injury in the course of his employment,” § 33 (emphasis added). But the Eleventh Amendment marks a constitutional distinction between the States and other employers of
IV
In Parden v. Terminal Railway of Alabama Docks Dept., 377 U. S. 184 (1964), the Court considered whether an employee of a state-owned railroad could sue the State in federal court under the FELA. The Court concluded that the State of Alabama had waived its Eleventh Amendment immunity. Id., at 186. It reasoned that Congress evidenced an intention to abrogate Eleventh Amendment immunity by making the FELA applicable to “every common carrier by railroad while engaging in commerce between any of the several States . . . .” § 1, 35 Stat. 65,
“It should not be easily inferred that Congress, in legislating pursuant to one article of the Constitution, intended to effect an automatic and compulsory waiver of rights arising under another. Only when Congress has clearly considered the problem and expressly declared that any State which undertakes given regulable conduct will be deemed thereby to have waived its immunity should courts disallow the invocation of this defense.” 377 U. S., at 198-199 (WHITE, J., dissenting).
V
Today, for the fourth time in little more than two years, see Papasan v. Allain, 478 U. S. 265, 293 (1986) (BRENNAN, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part); Green v. Mansour, 474 U. S. 64, 74 (1985) (BRENNAN, J., dissenting); Atascadero State Hospital v. Scanlon, supra, at 247 (BRENNAN, J., dissenting), four Members of the Court urge that we overrule Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U. S. 1 (1890), and the long line of cases that has followed it. The rule of law depends in
A
The constitutional foundation of state sovereign immunity has been well described by JUSTICE MARSHALL in his separate opinion in Employees v. Missouri Dept. of Public Health and Welfare, 411 U. S. 279 (1973):
“It had been widely understood prior to ratification of the Constitution that the provision in Art. III, § 2, concerning ‘Controversies . . . between a State and Citizens of another State’ would not provide a mechanism for making States unwilling defendants in federal court. The Court in Chisholm, however, considered the plain meaning of the constitutional provision to be controlling.
The Eleventh Amendment served effectively to reverse the particular holding in Chisholm, and, more generally, to restore the original understanding, see, e. g., Hans v. Louisiana . . . . Thus, despite the narrowness of the language of the Amendment, its spirit has consistently guided this Court in interpreting the reach of the federal judicial power generally, and ‘it has become established by repeated decisions of this court that the entire judicial power granted by the Constitution does not embrace authority to entertain a suit brought by private parties against a State without consent given: not one brought by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of a foreign State, because of the Eleventh Amendment; and not even one brought by its own citizens, because of the fundamental rule of which the Amendment is but an exemplification.‘” Id., at 291-292 (MARSHALL, J., concurring in result) (citations omitted).
Although the dissent rejects the Court‘s reading of the historical record, there is ample support for the Court‘s rationale, which has provided the basis for many important decisions.
1
JUSTICE BRENNAN has argued at length that “[a] close examination of the historical records” demonstrates that “[t]here simply is no constitutional principle of state sovereign immunity.” Atascadero State Hospital v. Scanlon, 473 U. S., at 259 (dissenting opinion). In his dissent today, he repeats and expands this historical argument. Post, at 504-516. The dissent concedes, as it must, that three of the most prominent supporters of the Constitution-Madison, Hamilton, and Marshall-took the position that unconsenting States would not be subject to suit in federal court.10 The
It is true, as the Court observed in Hans, supra, at 14, that opinions on this question differed during the ratification debates. Among those who disagreed with Madison, Hamilton, and Marshall were Edmund Randolph and James Wilson, both of whom supported ratification.12 Opponents of
ratification, including Patrick Henry, George Mason, and Richard Henry Lee, feared that the Constitution would make unconsenting States subject to suit in federal court. Despite the strong rhetoric in the dissent, these statements fall far short of demonstrating a consensus that ratification of the Constitution would abrogate the sovereign immunity of the States. Indeed, the representations of Madison, Hamilton, and Marshall that the Constitution did not abrogate the States’ sovereign immunity may have been essential to ratification.13 For example, the New York Convention appended to its ratification resolution a declaration of understanding that “the Judicial Power of the United States in cases in which a State may be a party, does not extend to criminal Prosecutions, or to authorize any Suit by any Person against a State.” 2 Documentary History of the Constitution of the United States of America 194 (1894).14 At most,
2
No one doubts that the Eleventh Amendment nullified the Court‘s decision in Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 Dall. 419 (1793). Chisholm was an original action in assumpsit, filed by the South Carolina executor of a South Carolina estate, to recover money owed to the estate by Georgia. The Court held, over a dissent by Justice Iredell, that it had jurisdiction. The reaction to Chisholm was swift and hostile. The Eleventh Amendment passed both Houses of Cоngress by large majorities in 1794. Within two years of the Chisholm decision, the Eleventh Amendment was ratified by the necessary 12 States.15
The dissent, observing that jurisdiction in Chisholm itself was based solely on the fact that Chisholm was not a citizen of Georgia, argues that the Eleventh Amendment does not apply to cases presenting a federal question.16 The text of the Amendment states that “[t]he Judicial power of the
3
The Court‘s unanimous decision in Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U. S. 1 (1890), firmly established that the Eleventh Amendment embodies a broad constitutional principle of sovereign immunity. Hans, a citizen of Louisiana, brought an action against the State in federal court alleging that its failure to pay interest on certain bonds violated the Contract Clause. The Court considered substantially the same historical materials relied on by the dissent and unanimously held that the action was barred by the doctrine of sovereign immunity. Justice Bradley‘s opinion for the Court observed:
“Suppose that Congress, when proposing the Eleventh Amendment, had appended to it a proviso that nothing therein contained should prevent a State from being sued by its own citizens in cases arising under the Constitution or laws of the United States: can we imagine that it would have been adopted by the States? The supposition that it would is almost an absurdity on its fаce.” Id., at 15.
In a short concurring opinion, Justice Harlan agreed with the other eight Members of the Court that “a suit directly against a State by one of its own citizens is not one to which the judicial power of the United States extends, unless the State itself consents to be sued.” Id., at 21.
Contrary to the suggestion in the dissent, post, at 519, the fundamental principle enunciated in Hans has been among the most stable in our constitutional jurisprudence. Moreover, the dissent is simply wrong in asserting that the doctrine lacks a clear rationale, post, at 519. Because of the sensitive problems “inherent in making one sovereign appear against its will in the courts of the other,” Employees v. Missouri Dept. of Public Health and Welfare, 411 U. S., at 294 (MARSHALL, J., concurring in result), the doctrine of sovereign im
The dissenters offer their unsupported view that the principle of sovereign immunity is ““pernicious” because it assertedly protects States from the consequences of their illegal conduct and prevents Congress from “tak[ing] steps it deems necessary and proper to achieve national goals within its constitutional authority.” Post, at 521 (quoting Atascadero State Hospital v. Scanlon, 473 U. S., at 302 (BRENNAN, J., dissenting)). Of course, the dissent‘s assertion that our cases construing the Eleventh Amendment deprive Congress of some of its constitutional power is simply question-begging. Moreover, as noted supra, at 475, Congress clearly has authority to limit the Eleventh Amendment when
B
As a fallback position, the dissent argues that the doctrine of sovereign immunity has no application to suits in admiralty against unconsenting States. Post, at 497-504. This argument also is directly contrary to long-settled authority, as well as the Court‘s recognition that the
1
In Ex parte New York, No. 1, 256 U. S. 490 (1921), a unanimous Court held that unconsenting States are immune from
“That a State may not be sued without its consent is a fundamental rule of jurisprudence having so important a bearing upon the construction of the
Constitution of the United States that it has become established by repeated decisions of this court that the entire judicial power granted by theConstitution does not embrace authority to entertain a suit brought by private parties against a State without consent given: not one brought by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of a foreign State, because of theEleventh Amendment ; and not even one brought by its own citizens, because of the fundamental rule of which theAmendment is but an exemplification.” Ibid. (citations omitted).
The Court has adhered to this rule in subsequent cases. In re New York, No. 2, 256 U. S. 503 (1921), held that a private citizen may not bring an admiralty action in rem against a vessel owned by a State. The Court concluded that “[t]o permit a creditor to seize and sell [a government-owned vessel] to collect his debt would be to permit him in some degree to destroy the government itself.” Id., at 511 (quoting Klein v. New Orleans, 99 U. S. 149, 150 (1879)).21 More re-
2
The dissent suggests that In re New York, No. 1, decided in 1921, overruled settled law to the effect that the
United States v. Peters was a suit against the heirs of David Rittenhouse, who had served as treasurer of the State of Pennsylvania during the Revolutionary War. While Rittenhouse was treasurer, the State had seized a British vessel and sold it as a prize of war. Rittenhouse had deposited most of the proceeds in his own account, and had not turned them over to the State at the time of his death. Chief Justice Marshall‘s opinion for the Court turned on the facts that “the suit was not instituted against the state, or its treasurer, but against the executrixes of David Rittenhouse,” and that the State “had neither possession of, nor right to, the property.” 5 Cranch, at 139-141. Indeed, language in the Court‘s opinion suggests that an action against the State would have been barred by the
“The [eleventh] amendment simply provides, that no suit shall be commenced or prosecuted against a state. The state cannot be made a defendant to a suit brought by an individual; but it remains the duty of the courts of the United States to decide all cases brought before them by citizens of one state against citizens of a different state, where a state is not necessarily a defendant.” Id., at 139.
Thus, Peters does not support the dissenters’ position.23
The dissent‘s reliance on Governor of Georgia v. Madrazo, supra, also is misplaced. Madrazo, a Spanish subject, sued the Governor of Georgia in admiralty to obtain possession of a cargo of slaves or the proceeds from their sale. Chief Justice Marshall‘s opinion for the Court held that the
Madrazo then filed an original admiralty proceeding directly against Georgia in this Court. Once again the Court avoided the question whether the
On balance, the early cases in fact indicate that unconsenting States were immune from suits in admiralty.25 At the very least, they demonstrate that the dissent errs in suggesting that the amenability of States to suits in admiralty was “settled,” post, at 499.26 We therefore decline to overrule precedents that squarely reject the dissenters’ position.
C
In deciding yet another
VI
For the reasons we have stated, the judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit is affirmed.
It is so ordered.
JUSTICE WHITE, concurring.
The Court expressly stops short of addressing the issue whether the Jones Act affords a remedy to seamen employed by the States. See ante, at 476, n. 6. The Court, however, has already construed the Jones Act to extend remedies to such seamen. Petty v. Tennessee-Missouri Bridge Comm‘n, 359 U. S. 275, 282-283 (1959). Congress has not disturbed this construction, and the Court, аs I understand it, does not now purport to do so.
JUSTICE SCALIA, concurring in part and concurring in the judgment.
Petitioner in this case did not assert as a basis for reversing the judgment that Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U. S. 1 (1890),
I find it unnecessary to do so in any event. Regardless of what one may think of Hans, it has been assumed to be the law for nearly a century. During that time, Congress has enacted many statutes—including the Jones Act and the provisions of the Federal Employers’ Liability Act (FELA) which it incorporates—on the assumption that States were immune from suits by individuals. Even if we were now to find that assumption to have been wrong, we could not, in reason, interpret the statutes as though the assumption never existed. Thus, although the terms of the Jones Act (through its incorporation of the FELA) apply to all common carriers by water, I do not read them to apply to States. For the same reason, I do not read the FELA to apply to States, and therefore agree with the Court that Parden v. Terminal Railway of Alabama Docks Dept., 377 U. S. 184 (1964), should be overruled. Whether or not, as Hans appears to have held,
JUSTICE BRENNAN, with whom JUSTICE MARSHALL, JUSTICE BLACKMUN, and JUSTICE STEVENS join, dissenting.
The Court overrules Parden v. Terminal Railway of Alabama Docks Dept., 377 U. S. 184 (1964), and thereby continues aggressively to expand its doctrine of
I
The leading case on the relationship between admiralty jurisdiction and the
“Although the Supreme Court did not pass on the applicability of the
“[T]he language of the amendment is, that ‘the judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity.’ But a suit in the admiralty is not, correctly speaking, a suit in law or in equity; but is often spoken of in contradistinction to both.” 3 J. Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States 560-561 (1833) (emphasis in original), citing United States v. Peters, supra; United States v. Bright, supra; Governor of Georgia v. Madrazo, supra.
Nineteenth-century commentators regarded Bright as having settled the matter. Peter du Ponceau, in his lectures to the Law Academy of Philadelphia in 1834 simply stated: “It has been held that this restriction [by the
In 1921, Bright was disapproved of, at least in part, by Ex parte New York, No. 1, 256 U. S. 490 (1921). Ex parte New York, No. 1, involved libel actions against a state official in his official capacity in connection with vessels operated by the State of New York. The Court held that a State was immune under the
The Court did not attempt to justify its obliteration of Bright‘s distinction between cases in admiralty and cases in law or equity, but simply referred in passing to Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U. S. 1 (1890). 256 U. S., at 497-498.5 Merely
The distinction between admiralty cases and ordinary cases in law or equity was not a casual or technical one from the viewpoint of the Framers of the
Even if the Court is not prepared to overrule Ex parte New York, No. 1, that case can and should be distinguished here. It involved a suit based on the common law of admiralty and state law. In contrast, the present admiralty suit seeks to enforce a federal statute, the Jones Act. Although the Jones Act is deemed not to satisfy the Court‘s requirement that Congress use “unmistakable language” to abrogate a State‘s sovereign immunity, it does explicitly provide for federal jurisdiction for suits under the statute. Congress specifically indicated in the Jones Act that “any seaman”6 may maintain an action for personal injury under the Act and that “[j]urisdiction in such actions shall be under the court of the district in which the defendant employer resides or in which his principal office is located.”
Thus, a narrow holding allowing federal jurisdiction over Welch‘s suit in admiralty under the Jones Act against the State of Texas is consistent with precedent and the will of Congress,9 and prevents further erosion of a legal distinc-
II
The
Contrary to the Court‘s view, ante, at 480-484, a proper assessment of the historical record of the Constitutional Convention and the debates surrounding the state ratification conventions confirms this interpretation. See Atascadero State Hospital v. Scanlon, 473 U. S., at 263-280 (BRENNAN, J., dissenting). The Court exclusively relies on the remarks of Madison, Hamilton, and Marshall at the Virginia Convention to support its contrary position. Ante, at 480-484. But these statements must be considered in context.
Thus, the delegates to the Virginia Convention were not objecting to suits initiated by citizens of the same State; what concerned them were suits by citizens of other States. The majority of the delegates who spoke at the Virginia Convention, including Mason, Henry, Pendleton, and Randolph, did not believe that state sovereign immunity provided protection against suits initiated by citizens of other States. See Atascadero, supra, at 264-280. Moreover, those attending the Virginia Convention evidently were not persuaded by the rhetoric of Madison, Hamilton, and Marshall cited by the Court. The Convention endorsed an amendment that would have explicitly denied the federal judiciary authority over controversies between a State and citizens of other States. 3 Elliot‘s Debates 660-661. The felt need for this amendment shows that the delegates did not believe that state sovereign immunity barred all suits against States.11
There is little evidence that Madison12 or Hamilton13 believed that
“From this general grant of jurisdiction [in federal-question cases], no exception is made of those cases in which a State may be a party. When we consider the situation of the government of the Union and of a State, in relation to each other; the nature of our constitution; the subordination of the state governments to that constitution; the great purpose for which jurisdiction over all cases arising under the constitution and laws of the United States, is confided to the judicial department; are we at liberty to insert in this general grant, an exception of those cases in which a State may be a party? Will the spirit of the constitution justify this attempt to control its words? We think it will not. We think a case arising under the constitution or laws of the United States,
The Court in Cohens also clearly revealed its understanding that the
“But should we in this be mistaken, the error does not affect the case now before the Court. If this writ of error be a suit in the sense of the
11th amendment , it is not a suit commenced or prosecuted ‘by a citizen of another State, or by a citizen or subject of any foreign State.’ It is not then within the amendment, but is governed entirely by the constitution as originally framed, and we have already seen, that in its origin, the judicialpower was extended to all cases arising under the constitution or laws of the United States, without respect to parties.” Id., at 412 (emphasis added).
Chief Justice Marshall reaffirmed this view of the
“The amendment has its full effect, if the constitution be construed as it would have been construed, had the jurisdiction of the court never been extended to suits brought against a State, by the citizens of another State, or by aliens.”
The Court, however, chooses to ignore the clear meaning of the Constitution text based on speculation that the intentions of a few of the Framers and Ratifiers might have been otherwise. The evidence available reveals that the views of Madison and Hamilton on the issue are at best ambiguous, see nn. 12 and 13, supra, and that Marshall‘s understanding runs directly counter to the Court‘s position. Thus, the
III
In my view, the
Hans, however, was a federal-question suit brought by a Louisiana citizen against his own State. Ignoring this fact, the Court in Hans relied on materials that primarily addressed the question of state sovereign immunity in diversity cases, and not on federal-question or admiralty cases.15 It is plain from the face of the Hans opinion that the Court misunderstood those materials.16 In particular, the Court in
A
The Court today relies on the same quotation of Hamilton in The Federalist No. 81 cited by the Court in Hans. Compare 134 U. S., at 12-13, with ante, at 480-481, n. 10. The Court in Hans used this quotation as proof that all suits brought by individuals against States were barred, absent their consent. 134 U. S., at 14-15. But, in that passage, Hamilton was discussing cases of diversity jurisdiction, not of federal-question jurisdiction:
“It has been suggested that an assignment of the public securities of one state to the citizens of another, would enable them to prosecute that state in the federal courts for the amount of those securities. A suggestion which the following considerations prove to be without foundation.” The Federalist No. 81, p. 548 (J. Cooke ed. 1961) (emphasis added).
In the ensuing discussion, Hamilton described the circumstances in which States can claim sovereign immunity. He began with the general principle of sovereign immunity.
“It is inherent in the nature of sovereignty not to be amenable to the suit of an individual without its consent.
This is the general sense and the general practice of mankind; and the exemption, as one of the attributes of sovereignty, is now enjoyed by the government of every state in the union.” Id., at 548-549.
Hamilton believed that the States surrendered at least part of their sovereign immunity when they agreed to the Constitution. The States, however, retained their sovereign authority over state-created causes of action. “Unless, therеfore, there is a surrender of this immunity in the plan of the convention, it will remain with the states and the danger intimated must be merely ideal.” Id., at 549. Thus, the States retained their sovereign authority over diversity suits involving the state assignment of public securities to citizens of other States.
“A recurrence to the principles there established will satisfy us that there is no color to pretend that the State governments would, by the adoption of that plan, be divested of the privilege of paying their own debts in their own way, free from every constraint but that which flows from the obligations of good faith. The contracts between a nation and individuals are only binding on the conscience of the sovereign, and have no pretensions to a compulsive force. They confer no right of action independent of the sovereign will. To what purpose would it be to authorize suits against States for the debts they owe? How could recoveries be enforced? It is evident, that it could not be done without waging war against the contracting state; and to ascribe to the federal courts, by mere implication, and in destruction of a pre-existing right of the state governments, a power which would involve such a consequence, would be altogether forced and unwarrantable.” Ibid.
Hamilton therefore believed that States could not be sued in federal court by citizens to collect debts in diversity ac-
B
The Court in Hans also heavily relied on the rationale stated by Justice Iredell in Chisholm. The Court in Chisholm held that the case was within the jurisdiction of the Federal District Court. The
Justice Iredell‘s dissent focused on whether the States delegated part of their sovereignty to the Federal Government upon entering into the Union and agreeing to the Constitution.
“Every State in the Union in every instance where its sovereignty has not been delegated to the United States, I consider to be as completely sovereign, as the United States are in respect to the powers surrendered. The United States are sovereign as to all the powers of Government actually surrendered. Each State in the Union is sovereign as to all the powers reserved.” 2 Dall., at 435.
“The powers of the general Government, either of a Legislative or executive nature, or which particularly concern Treaties with Foreign Powers, do for the most part (if not wholly) affect individuals, and not States. They require no aid from any State authority. This is the great leading distinction between the old articles of confederation, and the present constitution.” Ibid.
He then defined the “judicial power” of
“Where certain parties are concerned, although the subject in controversy does not relate to any of the special objects of authority of the general Government, wherein the separate sovereignties of the States are blended in one common mass of supremacy, yet the general Government has a Judicial Authority in regard to such subjects of controversy, and the Legislature of the United States may pass all laws necessary to give such Judicial Authority its proper effect. So far as States under the Constitution can be made legally liable to this authority, so far to be sure they are subordinate to the authority of the United States, and their individual sovereignty is in this respect limited. But it is limited no farther than the necessary execution of such authority requires.” Id., at 435-436.
Justice Iredell was concerned with “the limit of our authority” in the diversity case before the Court, since “we can exercise no authority in the present instance consistently with thе clear intention of the [Judiciary Act], but such as a proper State Court would have been at least competent to exercise at the time the act was passed.” Id., at 436-437.
“If therefore, no new remedy be provided (as plainly is the case), and consequently we have no other rule to govern us but the principles of the pre-existent [state] laws, which must remain in force till superceded by others, then it is incumbent upon us to enquire, whether previous to the adoption of the Constitution . . . an action of the nature like this before the Court could have been maintained against one of the States in the Union upon the principles of the common law, which I have shown to be alone applicable. If it could, I think it is now maintainable here: If it could not, I think, as the law stands at present, it is not maintainable. . . .” Id., at 437.
Thus, Justice Iredell‘s dissenting opinion rested on a conception of state sovereignty that justified the incorporation of the sovereign-immunity doctrine through the state common law, but only in diversity suits. His opinion traditionally has been cited as key to the underlying meaning of the
I will not repeat the exhaustive evidence presented in my dissent in Atascadero that further buttresses my view of the
IV
The Court today overrules, in part, Parden v. Terminal Railway of Alabama Docks Dept., 377 U. S. 184 (1964). It rejects the holding in Parden that Congress evidenced an intention to abrogate
The Court‘s departure from normal rules of statutory construction frustrates the will of Congress. The Court‘s holding in Parden that Congress intended to abrogate the sovereign immunity of States in FELA has not been disturbed by Cоngress for the past two decades. In FELA, Congress not only indicated that “every common carrier . . . shall be liable in damages to any person suffering injury while he is employed by such carrier in such commerce,” but also expressed in unequivocal language that the “action may be brought in a district court of the United States.”
In Parden, the Court also comprehensively reviewed other federal statutes regulating railroads in interstate commerce, which used similar terminology. It found that we had consistently interpreted those statutes to apply to state-owned railroads. Id., at 188-189, quoting United States v. California, 297 U. S. 175, 185 (1936) (“No convincing reason is advanced why interstate commerce and persons and property concerned in it should not receive the protection of the act whenever a state, as well as a privately-owned carrier, brings itself within the sweep of the statute“); California v. Taylor, 353 U. S. 553, 564 (1957) (“The fact that Congress
The Court today repeatedly relies on a bare assertion that “the constitutional role of the States sets them apart from other employers and defendants.” Ante, at 477. This may be true in many contexts, but it is not applicable in the sphere of interstate commerce. Congress has plenary authority in regulating this аrea. In Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat. 1, 196-197 (1824), the Court stated:
“If, as has always been understood, the sovereignty of congress, though limited to specified objects is plenary as to those objects, the power over commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, is vested in congress as absolutely as it would be in a single government, having in its constitution the same restrictions on the exercise of the power as are found in the constitution of the United States.”
Thus, the Court in Parden concluded that the decision to regulate employers of interstate workers, be they private individuals or States, was for Congress to make:
“While a State‘s immunity from suit by a citizen without its consent has been said to be rooted in ‘the inherent nature of sovereignty,’ . . . the States surrendered a portion of their sovereignty when they granted Congress the power to regulate commerce.
“If Congress made the judgment that, in view of the dangers of railroad work and the difficulty of recovering for personal injuries under existing rules, railroad workers in interstate commerce should be provided with the
right of action created by the FELA, we should not presume to say, in the absence of express provision to the contrary, that it intended to exclude a particular group of such workers from the benefits conferred by the Act.” 377 U. S., at 189-190.
Until today, Parden has been repeatedly cited by the Court as an established approach “to the test of waiver of the
V
Sound precedent should produce progeny whose subsequent application of principle in light of experience confirms the original wisdom. Tested by this standard, Hans has proved to be unsound. The doctrine has been unstable, because it lacks a textual anchor, an established historical foundation, or a clear rationale.19 We should not forget that the
“[T]he doctrine that has thus been created is pernicious. In an era when sovereign immunity has been generally recognized by courts and legislatures as an anachronistic and unnecessary remnant of a feudal legal system, . . . the Court has aggressively expanded its scope. If this doctrine were required to enhance the liberty of our people in accordance with the Constitution‘s protections, I could accept it. If the doctrine were required by the structure of the federal system created by the Framers, I could accept it. Yet the current doctrine intrudes on the ideal of liberty under law by protecting the States from the consequences of their illegal conduct. And the
decision obstructs the sound operation of our federal system by limiting the ability of Congress to take steps it deems necessary and proper to achieve national goals within its constitutional authority.” Atascadero State Hospital v. Scanlon, 473 U. S., at 302 (dissenting opinion) (citations omitted).
By clinging to Hans, the Court today erases yet another traditional legal distinction and overrules yet another principle that defined the limits of that decision. In my view, we should at minimum confine Hans to its current domain. More fundamentally, however, it is time to begin a fresh examination of
Notes
Section 33 of the Jones Act provides in part:
“Any seaman who shall suffer personal injury in the course of his employment may, at his election, maintain an action for damages at law, with the right of trial by jury, and in such action all statutes of the United States modifying or extending the common-law right or remedy in cases of personal injury to railway employees shall apply . . . Jurisdiction in such actions shall be under the court of the district in which the defendant employer resides or in which his principal office is located.”
The questions presented in the petition for certiorari are:
“1. Whether the State Department of Highways and the State of Texas are immune from a Jones Act suit in U. S. District Court by a state
“2. Whether the doctrine of implied waiver of sovereign immunity as set forth in Parden v. Terminal R. R. Co., 377 U. S. 184 (1964) is still viable.” Pet. for Cert. i (parallel citations omitted).
The universal acceptance of Bright‘s holding suggests that States were not accorded status equal to foreign sovereigns in the early 19th century. See, e. g., The Schooner Exchange v. McFaddon, 7 Cranch 116, 136 (1812) (“The jurisdiction of the nation within its own territory is necessarily exclusive and absolute. It is susceptible of no limitation not imposed by itself“). The early admiralty cases cited today by the Court, ante, at 493, n. 25, indicate that foreign countries were accorded sovereign immunity based on the international consequences of a federal court‘s intervention. See, e. g., The Santissima Trinidad, 7 Wheat. 283, 337 (1822) (Story, J.) (“The government of the United States has recognized the existence of a civil war between Spain and her colonies, and has avowed a determination to remain neutral between the parties, and to allow to each the same rights of asylum and hospitality and intercourse“).As the dissenting opinion in Parden observed, these cases do not support the Court‘s holding on the Eleventh Amendment issue. 377 U. S., at 200, n. 2 (WHITE, J., dissenting, joined by Douglas, Harlan, and Stewart, JJ.). California v. Taylor, 353 U. S. 553 (1957), was a suit against the National Railroad Adjustment Board that expressly reserved the Eleventh Amendment question. Id., at 568, n. 16 (“The contention of the State that the Eleventh Amendment . . . would bar an employee . . . from enforcing an award . . . in a suit against the State in a United States District Court . . . is not before us under the facts of this case“). United States v. California, 297 U. S. 175 (1936), was a suit brought by the United States, against which the States are not entitled to assert sovereign immunity. See United States v. Mississippi, 380 U. S. 128, 140-141 (1965). Finally, Petty v. Tennessee-Missouri Bridge Comm‘n, 359 U. S. 275, 280-282 (1959), involved an interstate compact that expressly permitted the bistate corporation to sue and be sued.
In my view, there is no reason to depart from normal rules of statutory construction to determine Congress’ intent regarding admiralty suits against States in federal court. The Court has applied normal rules of statutory construction when Congress exercises its authority under anThe same day, John Marshall said to the Virginia Convention:“[The Supreme Court‘s] jurisdiction in controversies between a state and citizens of another state is much objected to, and perhaps without reason. It is not in the power of individuals to call any state into court. The only operation [the Clause] can have, is that, if a state should wish to bring a suit against a citizen, it must be brought before the federal court.
“It appears to me that this [Clause] can have no operation but this-to give a citizen a right to be heard in the federal courts; and if a state should condescend to be a party, this court may take cognizance of it.” 3 J. Elliot, The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution 533 (2d ed. 1861).
Later that year, Alexander Hamilton wrote in The Federalist:“I hope that no gentleman will think that a state will be called to the bar of the federal court. Is there no such case at present? Are there not many cases in which the legislature of Virginia is a party, and yet the state is not sued? It is not rational to suppose that the sovereign power should be dragged before a court. The intent is, to enable states to recover claims of individuals residing in other states. I contend this construction is warranted by the words. . . . I see a difficulty in making a state defendant, which does not prevent its being plaintiff.” Id., at 555-556.
Cf. United States v. Johnson, 481 U. S. 681, 692 (1987) (SCALIA, J., dissenting) (arguing against extension of the Feres doctrine (Feres v. United States, 340 U. S. 135 (1950)) in order to “limit our clearly wrong decision in Feres and confine the unfairness and irrationality that decision has bred“).“It is inherent in the nature of sovereignty not to be amenable to the suit of an individual without its consent. This is the general sense, and the general practice of mankind; and the exemption, as one of the attributes of sovereignty, is now enjoyed by the government of every State in the Uniоn. . . . [T]here is no color to pretend that the State governments would, by the adoption of that plan, be divested of the privilege of paying their own debts in their own way, free from every constraint but that which flows from the obligations of good faith. To what purpose would it be to authorize suits against States for the debts they owe? How could recoveries be enforced? It is evident, it could not be done without waging war against the contracting State; and to ascribe to the federal courts, by mere implication, and in destruction of a pre-existing right of the State governments, a power which would involve such a consequence, would be altogether forced and unwarrantable.” The Federalist No. 81, pp. 548-549 (J. Cooke ed. 1961) (emphasis in original).
Hamilton‘s writings in The Federalist, No. 80, suggest that he did not believe that“The right of the Federal Judiciary to summon a State as defendant and to adjudicate its rights and liabilities had been the subject of deep apprehension and of active debate at the time of the adoption of the Constitution; but the existence of any such right had been disclaimed by many of the most eminent advocates of the new Federal Government, and it was largely owing to their successful dissipation of the fear of the existence of such Federal power that the Constitution was finally adopted.” 1 C. Warren, The Supreme Court in United States History 91 (1923).
The New York Convention also stated its understanding that “every Power, Jurisdiction and right, which is not by the said Constitution clearly delegated to the Congress of the United States, or the departments of the Government thereof, remains to the People of the several States, or to their respective State Governments to whom they may have granted the same.” 2 Documentary History of the Constitution of the United States of America 191 (1894). This view later was embodied in the Tenth Amendment, which reserves to the States, or to the people, powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution. Of course, the Constitution does not expressly abrogate the sovereign immunity of the States. Thus the principle that States cannot be sued without their consent is broadly consistent with the Tenth Amendment.
In Cohens, Chief Justice Marshall explained in detail the effect of the general principle of sovereign immunity on the scope of“The Counsel for the [State] . . . have laid down the general proposition, that a sovereign independent state is not suable except by its own consent.
“This general proposition will not be controverted. But its consent is not requisite in each particular case. It may be given in a general law. And if a state has surrendered any portion of its sovereignty, the question whether a liability to suit be a part of this portion, depends on the instrument by which the surrender is madе. If, upon a just construction of that instrument, it shall appear that the state has submitted to be sued, then it has parted with this sovereign right of judging in every case on the justice of its own pretensions, and has entrusted that power to a tribunal in whose impartiality it confides.” Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheat., at 380.
The Court then found that in agreeing to the Constitution, the States had surrendered a significant measure of their sovereignty. It stated that the Supremacy Clause is evidence of this surrender. Id., at 380-381. The Court therefore found that
The dissent does not attempt to explain these remarks, except to observe that they were unnecessary to Justice Iredell‘s decision.“So much, however, has been said on the Constitution, that it may not be improper to intimate that my present opinion is strongly against any construction of it, which will admit, under any circumstances, a compulsive suit against the State for the recovery of money.” 2 Dall., at 449 (emphasis added).
A legal historian, Professor John Orth, recently described the historical approach taken by the Court in Hans:
“In Hans v. Louisiana, . . . Justice Bradley rewrote the history of the Eleventh Amendment. . . . Only half a dozen years before, in [New Hampshire v. Louisiana, 108 U. S. 76 (1883),] written by Chief Justice Waite and joined by Justice Bradley, the Court had accepted Chisholm as a correct interpretation of the Constitution as it then stood. . . .
“How did Justice Bradley suddenly attain such unhedged certitude about the original understanding and the
“Nothing had arisen since the decision of the New Hampshire case to changе Bradley‘s view of the past — except the pressing need for a new rationale to justify a new result. If sovereign immunity had not existed, the Justice would have had to invent it. As it was, all that was required was to rewrite a little history.” J. Orth, The Judicial Power of the United States 74-75 (1987) (Orth).
Justice Story later drew the same distinction between federal subject-matter jurisdiction and federal diversity jurisdiction as did Justice Iredell:
“The vital importance of all the cases enumerated in the first class to the national sovereignty, might warrant such a distinction. In the first place, as to cases arriving under the constitution, laws, and treaties of the United States. Here the state courts could not ordinarily possess a direct jurisdiction. The jurisdiction over such cases could not exist in the state courts previous to the adoption of the constitution, and it could not afterwards be directly conferred on them; for the constitution expressly requires the judicial powers to be vested in courts ordained and established by the United States. . . . The same remarks may be urged as to cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls . . . and as to cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction. . . . All these cases, then, enter into the national policy, affect the national rights, and may compromise the national sovereignty. . . .
“A different policy might well be adopted in reference to the second class of cases. . . .” Martin v. Hunter‘s Lessee, 1 Wheat. 304, 334-335 (1816).
See generally Amar, A Neo-Federalist View of Article III: Separating the Two Tiers of Federal Jurisdiction, 65 B. U. L. Rev. 205 (1985).
Today only four Members of the Court advocate adherence to Hans. Three factors counsel against continued reliance upon Hans. First, Hans misinterpreted the intent of the Framers and those who ratified the
As Professor Orth concludes:
“By the late twentieth century the law of the Eleventh Amendment exhibited a baffling complexity . . . ‘The case law of the eleventh amendment is replete with historical anomalies, internal inconsistencies, and senseless distinctions.’ Marked by its history as were few other branches of constitutional law, interpretation of the Amendment has become an arcane specialty of lawyers and federal judges.” Orth 11 (citation omitted).
