E. Allen Bernardi, the director of the Illinois Department of Labor, appeals from a decision enjoining him from enforcing Illinois’ Preference to Citizens on Public Works Projects Act, Ill.Rev.Stat.1981, ch. 48, 1111 269-274. The Act (in paragraph 271) provides that the contractor on “any public works project or improvement for the State of Illinois or any political subdivision, municipal corporation or other governmental unit thereof shall employ only Illinois laborers on such project or improvement,” unless the contractor certifies, and the contracting officer finds, that Illinois laborers either “are not available, or are incapable of performing the particular type of work involved____” Violation of the preference law (as it is called) is a misdemeanor punishable by a maximum jail sentence of 30 days and a maximum fine of $500. See Ill.Rev.Stat.1981, ch. 48, II274; ch. 38, 1I1T 1005-8-3(a)(3), 1005-9-l(a)(3). The district court held that the law violates both the privileges and immunities clause of Article IV, section 2 of the Constitution (“The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States”), and the commerce clause of Article I, section 8 (“The Congress shall have Power ... To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes”).
The public school board of Decatur, Illinois hired the W.C.M. Window Company, an Illinois corporation, to replace some windows. W.C.M. subcontracted the work to Custom Contracting Company, an unincorporated association of Missouri residents. *490 On April 12, 1983, Bernardi brought suit in state court against W.C.M. and Custom, asking that they be enjoined from violating the preference law. On the same day, W.C.M., its president, and three individuals who are members of Custom Contracting brought this suit (under 42 U.S.C. § 1983) against Bernardi, and asked the district court to issue a temporary restraining order to prevent Bernardi from proceeding with his state court action. The district court issued the order and later converted it into a permanent injunction.
The first question we consider is whether the district court should have abstained, under the doctrine of
Younger v. Harris,
The Younger doctrine is based on, and its contours established by, two principles of equity jurisprudence. The first is that an injunction is an extraordinary remedy, rarely available as a matter of right and never more extraordinary than when, if granted, it would prevent government officials from proceeding under a statute founded on important state interests against a violator of the statute; such an injunction would offend comity and federalism. The second principle is that an injunction will not be issued when the plaintiff has an adequate remedy at law, which he does if he can assert the ground on which he seeks an injunction as a defense to the very proceeding that the injunction would put a stop to.
Although the plaintiffs apparently did violate the Illinois preference law, the state was not sufficiently exercised about the violation to bring a criminal proceeding, or even a quasi-criminal proceeding as in Middlesex. It was content to seek an injunction against continuing the violation. This is some evidence that an injunction against Bernardi’s state court action would not impair “important state interests,” though not much evidence; the state may simply have believed that, in the circumstances, an injunctive remedy would be cheaper, swifter, and more efficacious. An additional point, however, is that the policy underlying the preference law is less central to the goals of state government than protecting the health, safety, and morals of its population — the types of interest involved in cases where abstention under the Younger doctrine has been ordered. Thus, both the nature of the remedy sought by, and more important the underlying right asserted by, the state in its suit make the remedy that these plaintiffs are seeking less invasive of state sovereignty than in the usual Younger case.
Moreover, the plaintiffs may not have “an adequate opportunity in the state proceedings to raise [their] constitutional challenges.”
Middlesex County Ethics Comm. v. Garden State Bar Ass’n, supra,
If the Illinois courts were certain to adhere to
Bleigh
in Bernardi’s suit against the contractors, the contractors would have no practical remedy in the state courts, so that their only federal remedy (if we abstained) would be to ask the United States Supreme Court to review the inevitable judgment against them in the state courts. The Supreme Court’s heavy workload, which prevents it from accepting more than a tiny fraction of the requests for review that it gets, would make this route a chancy one. And we doubt that the Court would want us to add to its workload by expanding the
Younger
doctrine. But the Illinois Supreme Court might be willing to reexamine
Bleigh
in light of the U.S. Supreme Court’s subsequent decisions in
Hicklin v. Orbeck,
Hicklin
invalidated under the privileges and immunities clause an Alaska statute that required all employment, whether public or private, that was connected with oil and gas leases to which the state was a party to be offered first to Alaska residents. The Supreme Court’s opinion is narrowly written, however, and emphasizes facts that have no exact counterparts in the present case. One such fact is that “the major cause of Alaska’s high unemployment was not the influx of nonresidents seeking employment, but rather the fact that a substantial number of Alaska’s jobless residents — especially the unemployed Eskimo and Indian residents — were unable to secure employment either because of their lack of education and job training or because of their geographical remoteness from job opportunities.”
United Bldg. & Construction Trades Council v. Mayor & Council of Camden
involved a challenge under the privileges and immunities clause to an ordinance of the city of Camden, New Jersey that required that at least 40 percent of the employees of contractors and subcontractors working on city construction projects be Camden residents. Although the Supreme Court did not invalidate the ordinance, it did hold that it “discriminates against a protected privilege,” — U.S. at—,
It is quite possible that United Bldg. & Construction would induce the Supreme Court of Illinois to reexamine Bleigh at least to the extent of insisting that the state produce some concrete justification for the preference law. But it is not certain; the court might be willing to take judicial notice of conditions in Illinois justifying the law. Even if we could state with confidence that United Bldg. & Construction would induce the Illinois court to overrule Bleigh to the extent of requiring the state to make a greater effort at justification than was attempted in that case (or for that matter in this one), there would still be a serious question whether we should order abstention on the basis of a decision that was handed down after the proceedings in the district court were completed. One of the standard criticisms of abstention — that it delays litigation, sometimes inordinately — would gain additional force if abstention were ordered on the basis of events that first came into existence while the case was on appeal.
In any event, the three individual plaintiffs who are members of Custom Contracting Company may have no state court remedy at all for a violation of the privileges and immunities clause, because they were not named as defendants in that action. The omission would not be important if Custom Contracting or W.C.M., which were named, could represent those individuals’ interests in that action.
Hicks v. Miranda,
The Supreme Court held long ago that the privileges and immunities clause of Article IV does not protect corporations,
Paul v. Virginia,
If Custom Contracting is not a citizen under the privileges and immunities clause, it might seem to follow ineluctably that its individual members who are plaintiffs in this suit could not hope for a favorable interpretation of that clause in the state court action, because any attempt by Custom Contracting to challenge the Illinois preference law on privileges and immunities grounds would be summarily rejected on the authority of
Paul
and
Larson.
This may well be the correct conclusion, but against it can be set the modern view that an association has standing to complain of injuries to its members. See, e.g.,
NAACP v. Alabama,
Although this is a powerful argument, it cannot, after Larson, completely still our doubts that the state court action provides an adequate remedy for all of the plaintiffs in the present action. Another point is that Custom Contracting might not assert all the rights of its members in that action. All of these doubts are augmented by the vagueness of the state’s references in this suit to the state court action. (At oral argument, for example, counsel for the state was unable to tell us what relief Bernardi had requested in that action.) While asking us to abstain, the state has given us no information on whether the state court action provides these plaintiffs with a usable vehicle for asserting their federal constitutional claims. As a further example, we are not told why Bernardi asked only for an injunction.
For all of these reasons, we conclude that the equities did not require the district judge to abstain; we need not decide whether they would have permitted him to do so. So we come to the merits, and begin with the commerce clause. Although in words simply an authorization to Congress to regulate commerce among the states or with foreign nations, the commerce clause has long been interpreted to contain an implicit prohibition (the “negative” or “dormant” commerce clause), enforceable by the courts without congressional action, against a state’s discriminating against or unduly burdening interstate commerce. See, e.g.,
Cooley v. Board of Wardens,
The Illinois preference law erects a nearly prohibitive tariff — saved from being completely prohibitive only by the exception for cases where the requisite labor is not obtainable from Illinoians — against the use on any public project in Illinois of labor imported from another state or from a foreign country. The law has the same general effect on the flow into Illinois of labor services supplied by individuals unwilling to change their residence to Illinois as an Illinois tariff on imports of coal would have on the flow of coal into the state. The preference law may confer benefits on the state in reduced unemployment among Illinois residents and hence reduced employment insurance costs to employers in the state, though we shall see later that this is far from certain, and maybe not even likely. But a tariff on imported coal would confer the same benefit, since it would tend to increase the demand for coal mined in Illinois and thus increase employment in the coal mines in the state. True, if Illinois were an exporter as well as importer of coal, the tariffs only effects might be to cause Illinois mines to divert output from their export markets to the Illinois market and to cause out-of-state mines that formerly sold coal in Illinois to replace the .Illinois mines in serving those out-of-state markets. But of course the same thing might happen as a result of the preference law (the record contains nothing about the law’s effects): Illinois residents who now work either on private construction projects in the state or on public construction projects across the state line might replace, on Illinois public projects, nonresidents who in turn would take the places on private and out-of-state projects of the Illinoians who had replaced them on Illinois public projects. But the fact that a state’s tariff might have only a small effect on interstate trade would not save it from invalidation under the commerce clause; the cumulative effects of many states’ modest tariffs could be staggering.
However, serious doubt is cast on the legal validity of our tariff analogy by a series of Supreme Court decisions, culminating in
White v. Massachusetts Council of Construction Employers, Inc.,
At first glance the “market participant” concept may seem inappropriately to equate public agencies with private firms; for the state, in its proprietary or market-participant capacity, may be influenced by the same protectionist motives that but for the negative commerce clause might lead it to erect explicit tariff barriers to goods or labor from out of state. But a more realistic explanation of the concept emphasizes the freedom that states have under the Constitution to provide, often selectively, for the welfare of their residents. There are a thousand devices by which the State of Illinois could if it wanted subsidize the *495 state’s coal miners; many would have the same effects on both residents and nonresidents as a subsidy for purchasers of coal who limit their purchases to Illinois; yet the courts could not prevent all of them.
In any event, if the State of Illinois had limited the preference law to construction projects financed (in whole or part) or administered by the state, it would be clear after
White
that the law did not violate the commerce clause. But the state has gone further. The preference law applies to every public construction contract in Illinois, even if the purchaser is a local school board, or for that matter the local dog catcher. Of course for many purposes, including many federal purposes such as those behind the due process and equal protection clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment, every local government unit in Illinois is a part of the state government; but maybe not for the purpose of evaluating Illinois’ preference law under the commerce clause. Government in Illinois as in all states is decentralized, and local school boards such as that of Decatur which let the contract in issue in this case have substantial autonomy, including authority to levy taxes to support the schools. See Ill.Rev.Stat.1981, ch. 122, ¶¶ 17-11 to 17-13;
Quality Education for All Children, Inc. v. School Bd.,
Against the validity of the distinction, however, may be cited the Supreme Court’s summary affirmance of
American Yearbook Co. v. Askew,
The difference between the state’s preferring state residents in its own dealings and forcing local agencies to do so in theirs is both analytical and quantitative. When the project on which the state impresses a home-state preference is undertaken by a unit of local government without any state financial support or supervision, the state is not a participant in the project but a regulator. And since more public contracting in the states is done at the local level, by cities, school districts, park districts, counties, etc., than at the state level, extending Reeves and White to cases where the state’s relationship to its local agencies is purely regulatory could do great damage to the principles of free trade on which the negative commerce clause is based.
Even if a law interferes with free trade, however, the state may be able to justify it on one ground or another. It can keep out diseased cattle, see
Asbell v. Kansas,
We shall now consider whether it also violates the privileges and immunities clause of Article IV. Normally it would be otiose, or worse, for a court to decide a constitutional question unnecessarily; and the judgment in this case must be the same whether the preference law violates one constitutional provision or many. But it may avoid the necessity of a remand should review of our decision be sought and granted and the Supreme Court disagree with our interpretation of the commerce clause for us to rule on the district court’s alternative ground for invalidating the preference law; this may also help the Supreme Court decide whether the case merits further review (technically, since the state has a right of appeal under 28 U.S.C. § 1254(2), whether it raises a substantial federal question). Cf.
Illinois v. General Electric Co., supra,
*497
The privileges and immunities question was not addressed in
White,
the Court merely remarking that since the preference was for residents of a city rather than of the state the victims were not limited to out-of-state residents. See 460 U.S. at—n. 12,
It is true despite the unqualified language of the privileges and immunities clause that states may keep out nonrésidents if they constitute a “peculiar source of evil.”
United Bldg. & Construction Trades Council v. Mayor & Council of Camden, supra,
— U.S. at —,
True, the intimation in
Hicklin,
Our insistence on data may seem niggling, and would be if the effects of allowing nonresidents to work on public construction projects were as clear as those of allowing carriers of Bubonic plague to enter the state without quarantine or nonresident students to attend the University of Illinois free of charge. But they are not as clear. The preference law might have no effect on the unemployment rate in Illinois. Worse, it could boomerang, and actually increase unemployment in the construction industry. Suppose for example that a public construction project would cost $1 million if it employed both Illinois residents and nonresidents and $1.2 million if it employed only Illinois residents. If the higher price were more than the school district or other public agency was willing to pay, the project would not be authorized and the Illinois residents who would have worked on it would have to seek work elsewhere.
Although the burden of proving that a state statute violates the privileges and immunities clause is on the plaintiff, once he shows that the statute discriminates explicitly against nonresidents in “the pursuit of common callings,”
Baldwin v. Montana Fish & Game Comm’n,
The remand in United Bldg. & Construction does not warrant a similar remand here. The City of Camden had had no opportunity to make a case for justifying the ordinance. The ordinance had been submitted for approval to a New Jersey affirmative action officer, and after “brief administrative proceedings” had been designated as a state-approved affirmative action construction program. An association of labor organizations filed a notice of appeal to a New Jersey appellate court which in turn certified the question of the ordinance’s legality to the New Jersey Supreme Court. — U.S, —, 104 S.Ct.at 1023-24. In the present case the state had a full opportunity in the preliminary-injunction proceeding in the district court to put into evidence (or ask the court to take judicial notice of) facts justifying the preference law. It did nothing.
*499 The judgment of the district court is
Affirmed.
