VIRGINIA STATE BOARD OF PHARMACY ET AL. v. VIRGINIA CITIZENS CONSUMER COUNCIL, INC., ET AL.
No. 74-895
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued November 11, 1975—Decided May 24, 1976
425 U.S. 748
Anthony F. Troy, Chief Deputy Attorney General of Virginia, argued the cause for appellants. With him on the brief were Andrew P. Miller, Attorney General, and D. Patrick Lacy, Jr., Deputy Attorney General.
Alan B. Morrison argued the cause and filed a brief for appellees.*
MR. JUSTICE BLACKMUN delivered the opinion of the Court.
The plaintiff-appellees in this case attack, as violative of the First and Fourteenth Amendments,1 that portion of
I
Since the challenged restraint is one that peculiarly concerns the licensed pharmacist in Virginia, we begin with a description of that profession as it exists under Virginia law.
The “practice of pharmacy” is statutorily declared to be “a professional practice affecting the public health, safety and welfare,” and to be “subject to regulation and control in the public interest.”
The Board is also the licensing authority. It may issue a license, necessary for the practice of pharmacy in the State, only upon evidence that the applicant is “of good moral character,” is a graduate in pharmacy of a school approved by the Board, and has had “a suitable period of experience [the period required not to exceed 12 months] acceptable to the Board.”
Once licensed, a pharmacist is subject to a civil monetary penalty, or to revocation or suspension of his license, if the Board finds that he “is not of good moral character,” or has violated any of a number of stated professional standards (among them that he not be “negligent in the practice of pharmacy” or have engaged in “fraud or deceit upon the consumer... in connection with the practice of pharmacy“), or is guilty of “unprofessional conduct.”
Inasmuch as only a licensed pharmacist may dispense prescription drugs in Virginia,
II
This is not the first challenge to the constitutionality of
The present, and second, attack on the statute is one made not by one directly subject to its prohibition, that is, a pharmacist, but by prescription drug consumers who claim that they would greatly benefit if the prohibition were lifted and advertising freely allowed. The plaintiffs are an individual Virginia resident who suffers from diseases that require her to take prescription drugs on a daily basis,9 and two nonprofit organizations.10 Their
Certainly that information may be of value. Drug prices in Virginia, for both prescription and nonprescription items, strikingly vary from outlet to outlet even within the same locality. It is stipulated, for example, that in Richmond “the cost of 40 Achromycin tablets ranges from $2.59 to $6.00, a difference of 140% [sic],” and that in the Newport News-Hampton area the cost of tetracycline ranges from $1.20 to $9.00, a difference of 650%.11
The District Court seized on the identity of the plaintiff-appellees as consumers as a feature distinguishing the
III
The question first arises whether, even assuming that First Amendment protection attaches to the flow of drug price information, it is a protection enjoyed by the appellees as recipients of the information, and not solely, if at all, by the advertisers themselves who seek to disseminate that information.
Freedom of speech presupposes a willing speaker. But where a speaker exists, as is the case here,14 the protection afforded is to the communication, to its source and to its recipients both. This is clear from the decided cases. In Lamont v. Postmaster General, 381 U. S. 301 (1965), the Court upheld the First Amendment rights of citizens to receive political publications sent from abroad.
IV
The appellants contend that the advertisement of prescription drug prices is outside the protection of the First Amendment because it is “commercial speech.” There can be no question that in past decisions the Court has given some indication that commercial speech is unprotected. In Valentine v. Chrestensen, supra, the Court upheld a New York statute that prohibited the distribution of any “handbill, circular... or other advertising matter whatsoever in or upon any street.” The Court concluded that, although the First Amendment would forbid the banning of all communication by handbill in the public thoroughfares, it imposed “no such restraint on government as respects purely commercial advertising.” 316 U. S., at 54. Further support for a “commercial speech” exception to the First Amendment may perhaps be found in Breard v. Alexandria, 341 U. S. 622 (1951), where the Court upheld a conviction for violation of an ordinance prohibiting door-to-door solicitation of magazine subscriptions. The Court reasoned: “The selling... brings into the transaction a commercial feature,” and it distinguished Martin v. Struthers, supra, where it had reversed a conviction for door-to-door distribution of leaflets publicizing a religious meeting, as a case involving “no element of the commercial.” 341 U. S., at 642-643. Moreover, the Court several times has stressed that communications to which First Amendment protection was given were not “purely commercial.” New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U. S. 254, 266
Since the decision in Breard, however, the Court has never denied protection on the ground that the speech in issue was “commercial speech.” That simplistic approach, which by then had come under criticism or was regarded as of doubtful validity by Members of the Court,16 was avoided in Pittsburgh Press Co. v. Human Relations Comm‘n, 413 U. S. 376 (1973). There the Court upheld an ordinance prohibiting newspapers from listing employment advertisements in columns according to whether male or female employees were sought to be hired. The Court, to be sure, characterized the advertisements as “classic examples of commercial speech,” id., at 385, and a newspaper‘s printing of the advertisements as of the same character. The Court, however, upheld the ordinance on the ground that the restriction it imposed was permissible because the discriminatory hirings proposed by the advertisements, and by their newspaper layout, were themselves illegal.
Last Term, in Bigelow v. Virginia, 421 U. S. 809 (1975), the notion of unprotected “commercial speech” all but passed from the scene. We reversed a conviction for violation of a Virginia statute that made the circulation of any publication to encourage or promote the
Some fragment of hope for the continuing validity of a “commercial speech” exception arguably might have persisted because of the subject matter of the advertisement in Bigelow. We noted that in announcing the availability of legal abortions in New York, the advertisement “did more than simply propose a commercial transaction. It contained factual material of clear ‘public interest.‘” Id., at 822. And, of course, the advertisement related to activity with which, at least in some respects, the State could not interfere. See Roe v. Wade, 410 U. S. 113 (1973); Doe v. Bolton, 410 U. S. 179 (1973). Indeed, we observed: “We need not decide in this case the precise extent to which the First Amendment permits regulation of advertising that is related to activities the State may legitimately regulate or even prohibit.” 421 U. S., at 825.
Here, in contrast, the question whether there is a First Amendment exception for “commercial speech” is
V
We begin with several propositions that already are settled or beyond serious dispute. It is clear, for example, that speech does not lose its First Amendment protection because money is spent to project it, as in a paid advertisement of one form or another. Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S. 1, 35-59 (1976); Pittsburgh Press Co. v. Human Relations Comm‘n, 413 U. S., at 384; New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U. S., at 266. Speech likewise is protected even though it is carried in a form that is “sold” for profit, Smith v. California, 361 U. S. 147, 150 (1959) (books); Joseph Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson, 343 U. S. 495, 501 (1952) (motion pictures); Murdock v. Pennsylvania, 319 U. S., at 111 (religious literature), and even though it may involve a solicitation to purchase or otherwise pay or contribute money. New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, supra; NAACP v. Button, 371 U. S. 415, 429 (1963); Jamison v. Texas, 318 U. S., at 417; Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. 296, 306-307 (1940).
If there is a kind of commercial speech that lacks all First Amendment protection, therefore, it must be distinguished by its content. Yet the speech whose content deprives it of protection cannot simply be speech on a commercial subject. No one would contend that our pharmacist may be prevented from being heard on
Our question is whether speech which does “no more than propose a commercial transaction,” Pittsburgh Press Co. v. Human Relations Comm‘n, 413 U. S., at 385, is so removed from any “exposition of ideas,” Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U. S. 568, 572 (1942), and from “‘truth, science, morality, and arts in general, in its diffusion of liberal sentiments on the administration of Government,‘” Roth v. United States, 354 U. S. 476, 484 (1957), that it lacks all protection. Our answer is that it is not.
Focusing first on the individual parties to the transaction that is proposed in the commercial advertisement, we may assume that the advertiser‘s interest is a purely economic one. That hardly disqualifies him from protection under the First Amendment. The interests of the contestants in a labor dispute are primarily economic, but it has long been settled that both the employee and the employer are protected by the First Amendment when they express themselves on the merits of the dispute in order to influence its outcome. See, e. g., NLRB v. Gissel Packing Co., 395 U. S. 575, 617-618 (1969); NLRB v. Virginia Electric & Power Co., 314 U. S. 469, 477 (1941); AFL v. Swing, 312 U. S. 321, 325-326 (1941); Thornhill v. Alabama, 310 U. S., at 102. We know of no requirement that, in order to avail themselves of First Amendment protection, the parties to a labor dispute need address themselves to the merits of unionism in general
As to the particular consumer‘s interest in the free flow of commercial information, that interest may be as keen, if not keener by far, than his interest in the day‘s most urgent political debate. Appellees’ case in this respect is a convincing one. Those whom the suppression of prescription drug price information hits the hardest are the poor, the sick, and particularly the aged. A disproportionate amount of their income tends to be spent on prescription drugs; yet they are the least able to learn, by shopping from pharmacist to pharmacist, where their scarce dollars are best spent.18 When drug prices
Generalizing, society also may have a strong interest in the free flow of commercial information. Even an individual advertisement, though entirely “commercial,” may be of general public interest. The facts of decided cases furnish illustrations: advertisements stating that referral services for legal abortions are available, Bigelow v. Virginia, supra; that a manufacturer of artificial furs promotes his product as an alternative to the extinction by his competitors of fur-bearing mammals, see Fur Information & Fashion Council, Inc. v. E. F. Timme & Son, 364 F. Supp. 16 (SDNY 1973); and that a domestic producer advertises his product as an alternative to imports that tend to deprive American residents of their jobs, cf. Chicago Joint Board v. Chicago Tribune Co., 435 F. 2d 470 (CA7 1970), cert. denied, 402 U. S. 973 (1971). Obviously, not all commercial messages contain the same or even a very great public interest element. There are few to which such an element, however, could not be added. Our pharmacist, for example, could cast himself as a commentator on store-to-store dispari-
Moreover, there is another consideration that suggests that no line between publicly “interesting” or “important” commercial advertising and the opposite kind could ever be drawn. Advertising, however tasteless and excessive it sometimes may seem, is nonetheless dissemination of information as to who is producing and selling what product, for what reason, and at what price. So long as we preserve a predominantly free enterprise economy, the allocation of our resources in large measure will be made through numerous private economic decisions. It is a matter of public interest that those decisions, in the aggregate, be intelligent and well informed. To this end, the free flow of commercial information is indispensable. See Dun & Bradstreet, Inc. v. Grove, 404 U. S. 898, 904-906 (1971) (Douglas, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari). See also FTC v. Procter & Gamble Co., 386 U. S. 568, 603-604 (1967) (Harlan, J., concurring). And if it is indispensable to the proper allocation of resources in a free enterprise system, it is also indispensable to the formation of intelligent opinions as to how that system ought to be regulated or altered. Therefore, even if the First Amendment were thought to be primarily an instrument to enlighten public decisionmaking in a democracy,19 we could not say that the free flow of information does not serve that goal.20
Price advertising, it is argued, will place in jeopardy the pharmacist‘s expertise and, with it, the customer‘s health. It is claimed that the aggressive price competition that will result from unlimited advertising will make it impossible for the pharmacist to supply professional services in the compounding, handling, and dispensing
of prescription drugs. Such services are time consuming and expensive; if competitors who economize by eliminating them are permitted to advertise their resulting lower prices, the more painstaking and conscientious pharmacist will be forced either to follow suit or to go out of business. It is also claimed that prices might not necessarily fall as a result of advertising. If one pharmacist advertises, others must, and the resulting expense will inflate the cost of drugs. It is further claimed that advertising will lead people to shop for their prescription drugs among the various pharmacists who offer the lowest prices, and the loss of stable pharmacist-customer relationships will make individual attention and certainly the practice of monitoring—impossible. Finally, it is argued that damage will be done to the professional image of the pharmacist. This image, that of a skilled and specialized craftsman, attracts talent to the profession and reinforces the better habits of those who are in it. Price advertising, it is said, will reduce the pharmacist‘s status to that of a mere retailer.23
The strength of these proffered justifications is greatly undermined by the fact that high professional standards, to a substantial extent, are guaranteed by the close regulation to which pharmacists in Virginia are subject. And this case concerns the retail sale by the pharmacist more than it does his professional standards. Surely, any pharmacist guilty of professional dereliction that actually endangers his customer will promptly lose his
The challenge now made, however, is based on the
It appears to be feared that if the pharmacist who wishes to provide low cost, and assertedly low quality, services is permitted to advertise, he will be taken up on his offer by too many unwitting customers. They will choose the low-cost, low-quality service and drive the “professional” pharmacist out of business. They will respond only to costly and excessive advertising, and end up paying the price. They will go from one pharmacist to another, following the discount, and destroy the pharmacist-customer relationship. They will lose respect for
There is, of course, an alternative to this highly paternalistic approach. That alternative is to assume that this information is not in itself harmful, that people will perceive their own best interests if only they are well enough informed, and that the best means to that end is to open the channels of communication rather than to close them. If they are truly open, nothing prevents the “professional” pharmacist from marketing his own assertedly superior product, and contrasting it with that of the low-cost, high-volume prescription drug retailer. But the choice among these alternative approaches is not ours to make or the Virginia General Assembly‘s. It is precisely this kind of choice, between the dangers of suppressing information, and the dangers of its misuse if it is freely available, that the
VI
In concluding that commercial speech, like other varieties, is protected, we of course do not hold that it can never be regulated in any way. Some forms of commercial speech regulation are surely permissible. We mention a few only to make clear that they are not before us and therefore are not foreclosed by this case.
There is no claim, for example, that the prohibition on prescription drug price advertising is a mere time, place, and manner restriction. We have often approved restrictions of that kind provided that they are justified without reference to the content of the regulated speech, that they serve a significant governmental interest, and that in so doing they leave open ample alternative channels for communication of the information. Compare Grayned v. City of Rockford, 408 U.S. 104, 116 (1972); United States v. O‘Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 377 (1968); and Kovacs v. Cooper, 336 U.S. 77, 85-87 (1949), with Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1; Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205, 209 (1975); Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296, 304-308 (1940); and Saia v. New York, 334 U.S. 558, 562 (1948). Whatever may be the proper bounds of time, place, and manner restrictions on commercial speech, they are plainly exceeded by this Virginia statute, which singles out speech of a particular content and seeks to prevent its dissemination completely.
Nor is there any claim that prescription drug price advertisements are forbidden because they are false or misleading in any way. Untruthful speech, commercial or otherwise, has never been protected for its own sake. Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U.S. 323, 340 (1974); Konigsberg v. State Bar, 366 U.S. 36, 49, and n. 10 (1961). Obviously, much commercial speech is not provably false, or even wholly false, but only deceptive or misleading. We foresee no obstacle to a State‘s dealing effectively with this problem.24 The
Also, there is no claim that the transactions proposed in the forbidden advertisements are themselves illegal in any way. Cf. Pittsburgh Press Co. v. Human Relations Comm‘n, 413 U.S. 376 (1973); United States v. Hunter, 459 F. 2d 205 (CA4), cert. denied, 409 U.S. 934 (1972). Finally, the special problems of the electronic broadcast media are likewise not in this case. Cf. Capitol Broadcasting Co. v. Mitchell, 333 F. Supp. 582 (DC 1971), aff‘d sub nom. Capitol Broadcasting Co. v. Acting Attorney General, 405 U.S. 1000 (1972).
What is at issue is whether a State may completely suppress the dissemination of concededly truthful information about entirely lawful activity, fearful of that information‘s effect upon its disseminators and its recipients. Reserving other questions,25 we conclude that the answer to this one is in the negative.
The judgment of the District Court is affirmed.
It is so ordered.
MR. JUSTICE STEVENS took no part in the consideration or decision of this case.
MR. CHIEF JUSTICE BURGER, concurring.
The Court notes that roughly 95% of all prescriptions are filled with dosage units already prepared by the manufacturer and sold to the pharmacy in that form. These are the drugs that have a market large enough to make their preparation profitable to the manufacturer; for the same reason, they are the drugs that it is profitable for the pharmacist to advertise. In dispensing
MR. JUSTICE STEWART aptly observes that the “differences between commercial price and product advertising . . . and ideological communication” allow the State a scope in regulating the former that would be unacceptable under the
“The legislature was not dealing with traders in
commodities, but with the vital interest of public health, and with a profession treating bodily ills and demanding different standards of conduct from those which are traditional in the competition of the market place. The community is concerned with the maintenance of professional standards which will insure not only competency in individual practitioners, but protection against those who would prey upon a public peculiarly susceptible to imposition through alluring promises of physical relief. And the community is concerned in providing safeguards not only against deception, but against practices which would tend to demoralize the profession by forcing its members into an unseemly rivalry which would enlarge the opportunities of the least unscrupulous.”
I doubt that we know enough about evaluating the quality of medical and legal services to know which claims of superiority are “misleading” and which are justifiable. Nor am I sure that even advertising the price of certain professional services is not inherently misleading, since what the professional must do will vary greatly in individual cases. It is important to note that the Court wisely leaves these issues to another day.
MR. JUSTICE STEWART, concurring.
In Thornhill v. Alabama, 310 U.S. 88, the Court observed that “[f]reedom of discussion, if it would fulfill its historic function in this nation, must embrace all issues about which information is needed or appropriate to enable the members of society to cope with the exigencies of their period.” Id., at 102. Shortly after the Thornhill decision, the Court identified a single category of communications that is constitutionally unprotected: communications “which by their very utterance inflict
Today the Court ends the anomalous situation created by Chrestensen and holds that a communication which does no more than propose a commercial transaction is not “wholly outside the protection of the
The principles recognized in the libel decisions suggest that government may take broader action to protect the public from injury produced by false or deceptive price or product advertising than from harm caused by defamation. In contrast to the press, which must often attempt to assemble the true facts from sketchy and sometimes conflicting sources under the pressure of publication deadlines, the commercial advertiser generally knows the product or service he seeks to sell and is in a position to verify the accuracy of his factual representations before he disseminates them. The advertiser‘s access to the truth about his product and its price substantially eliminates any danger that governmental regulation of false or misleading price or product advertising will chill accurate and nondeceptive commercial expression. There
The scope of constitutional protection of communicative expression is not universally inelastic. In the area of labor relations, for example, the Court has recognized that “an employer‘s free speech right to communicate his views to his employees is firmly established and cannot be infringed by a union or the National Labor Relations Board.” NLRB v. Gissel Packing Co., 395 U.S. 575, 617. See NLRB v. Virginia Electric & Power Co., 314 U.S. 469. Yet, in that context, the Court has concluded that the employer‘s freedom to communicate his views to his employees may be restricted by the requirement that any predictions “be carefully phrased on the basis of objective fact.”3 395 U.S., at 618. In response to the contention that the line between so-called permitted predictions and proscribed threats is too vague to stand up under traditional
The Court‘s determination that commercial advertising of the kind at issue here is not “wholly outside the protection of” the
Commercial price and product advertising differs markedly from ideological expression because it is confined to the promotion of specific goods or services.7 The
MR. JUSTICE REHNQUIST, dissenting.
The logical consequences of the Court‘s decision in this case, a decision which elevates commercial intercourse between a seller hawking his wares and a buyer seeking to strike a bargain to the same plane as has been previously reserved for the free marketplace of ideas, are far reaching indeed. Under the Court‘s opinion the way will be open not only for dissemination of price information but for active promotion of prescription drugs, liquor, cigarettes, and other products the use of which it has previously been thought desirable to discourage. Now, however, such promotion is protected by the
I
I do not find the question of the appellees’ standing to urge the claim which the Court decides quite as easy
While it may be generally true that publication of information by its source is essential to effective communication, it is surely less true, where, as here, the potential recipients of the information have, in the Court‘s own words, a “keen, if not keener by far,” interest in it than “in the day‘s most urgent political debate.” Ante, at 763. Appellees who have felt so strongly about their right to receive information as to litigate the issue in this lawsuit must also have enough residual interest in the matter to call their pharmacy and inquire.
The statute, in addition, only forbids pharmacists to publish this price information. There is no prohibition against a consumer group, such as appellees, collecting and publishing comparative price information as to various pharmacies in an area. Indeed they have done as much in their briefs in this case. Yet, though appellees could both receive and publish the information in question the Court finds that they have standing to protest that pharmacists are not allowed to advertise. Thus, contrary to the assertion of the Court, appellees are not asserting their “right to receive information” at all but rather the right of some third party to publish. In the cases relied upon by the Court, ante, at 756-757, the plaintiffs asserted their right to receive information which would not be otherwise reasonably available to them.* They did not seek to assert the right of a third
party, not before the Court, to disseminate information. Here, the only group truly restricted by this statute, the pharmacists, have not even troubled to join in this litigation and may well feel that the expense and competition of advertising is not in their interest.
II
Thus the issue on the merits is not, as the Court phrases it, whether “[o]ur pharmacist” may communicate the fact that he “will sell you the X prescription drug at the Y price.” No pharmacist is asserting any such claim to so communicate. The issue is rather whether appellee consumers may override the legislative determination that pharmacists should not advertise even though the pharmacists themselves do not object. In deciding that they may do so, the Court necessarily adopts a rule which cannot be limited merely to dissemination of price alone, and which cannot possibly be confined to pharmacists but must likewise extend to lawyers, doctors, and all other professions.
The Court speaks of the consumer‘s interest in the free flow of commercial information, particularly in the case of the poor, the sick, and the aged. It goes on to observe that “society also may have a strong interest in the free flow of commercial information.” Ante, at 764. One need not disagree with either of these statements in order to feel that they should presumptively be the concern of the Virginia Legislature, which sits to balance these and other claims in the process of making laws such as the one here under attack. The Court speaks of the
As Mr. Justice Black, writing for the Court, observed in Ferguson v. Skrupa, 372 U.S. 726, 730 (1963):
“The doctrine . . . that due process authorizes courts to hold laws unconstitutional when they believe the legislature has acted unwisely—has long since been discarded. We have returned to the original constitutional proposition that courts do not substitute their social and economic beliefs for the judgment of legislative bodies who are elected to pass laws.”
Similarly in Williamson v. Lee Optical Co., 348 U.S. 483 (1955), the Court, in dealing with a state prohibition against the advertisement of eyeglass frames, held: “We see no constitutional reason why a State may not treat all who deal with the human eye as members of a profession who should use no merchandising methods for obtaining customers.” Id., at 490.
The Court addresses itself to the valid justifications which may be found for the Virginia statute, and apparently discounts them because it feels they embody a “highly paternalistic approach.” Ante, at 770. It concludes that the
The Court concedes that legislatures may prohibit false and misleading advertisements, and may likewise prohibit advertisements seeking to induce transactions which are themselves illegal. In a final footnote the opinion tosses a bone to the traditionalists in the legal and medical professions by suggesting that because they sell services rather than drugs the holding of this case is not automatically applicable to advertising in those professions. But if the sole limitation on permissible state proscription of advertising is that it may not be false or misleading, surely the difference between pharmacists’ advertising and lawyers’ and doctors’ advertising can be only one of degree and not of kind. I cannot distinguish between the public‘s right to know the price of drugs and its right to know the price of title searches or physical examinations or other professional services for which standardized fees are charged. Nor is it apparent how the pharmacists in this case are less engaged in a regulatable profession than were the opticians in Williamson, supra.
Nor will the impact of the Court‘s decision on existing commercial and industrial practice be limited to allowing advertising by the professions. The Court comments that in labor disputes “it has long been settled that both the employee and the employer are protected by the
It is hard to see why an employer‘s right to publicize a promise of benefit may be prohibited by federal law, so long as the promise is neither false nor deceptive, if pharmacists’ price advertising may not be prohibited by the Virginia Legislature. Yet such a result would be wholly inconsistent with established labor law.
Both the Courts of Appeals and the National Labor Relations Board have not hesitated to set aside representation elections in which the employer made statements which were undoubtedly truthful but which were found to be implicitly coercive. For instance, in NLRB v. Realist, Inc., 328 F. 2d 840 (CA7 1964), an election was set aside when the employer, in a concededly nonthreatening manner, raised the specter of plant closings which would result from unionism. In Oak Mfg. Co., 141 N. L. R. B. 1323, 1328-1330 (1963), the Board set aside an election where the employer stated “categorically” that the union “cannot and will not obtain any wage increase for you,” and with respect to seniority said that it could “assure” the employees that the union‘s program “will be worse” than the present system. In Freeman Mfg. Co., 148 N. L. R. B. 577 (1964), the employer sent letters to employees in which he urged that unionization might cause customers to cease buying the company‘s product because of delays and higher prices. The Board found this to be ground for invalidating the election. Presumably all of these holdings will require re-evaluation in the light of today‘s decision with a view toward allowing the employer‘s speech because it is now protected by the
There are undoubted difficulties with an effort to draw a bright line between “commercial speech” on the one hand and “protected speech” on the other, and the Court does better to face up to these difficulties than to attempt to hide them under labels. In this case, however, the Court has unfortunately substituted for the wavering line previously thought to exist between commercial speech and protected speech a no more satisfactory line of its own—that between “truthful” commercial speech, on the one hand, and that which is “false and misleading” on the other. The difficulty with this line is not that it wavers, but on the contrary that it is simply too Procrustean to take into account the congeries of factors which I believe could, quite consistently with the
The Court insists that the rule it lays down is consistent even with the view that the
In the case of “our” hypothetical pharmacist, he may now presumably advertise not only the prices of prescription drugs, but may attempt to energetically promote their sale so long as he does so truthfully. Quite consistently with Virginia law requiring prescription drugs to be available only through a physician, “our” pharmacist might run any of the following representative advertisements in a local newspaper:
“Pain getting you down? Insist that your physician prescribe Demerol. You pay a little more than for aspirin, but you get a lot more relief.”
“Can‘t shake the flu? Get a prescription for Tetracycline from your doctor today.”
“Don‘t spend another sleepless night. Ask your doctor to prescribe Seconal without delay.”
Unless the State can show that these advertisements are either actually untruthful or misleading, it presumably is not free to restrict in any way commercial efforts on the part of those who profit from the sale of prescription drugs to put them in the widest possible circulation. But such a line simply makes no allowance whatever for what appears to have been a considered legislative judgment in most States that while prescription drugs are a necessary and vital part of medical care and treatment, there are sufficient dangers attending their widespread use that they simply may not be promoted in the same manner as hair creams, deodorants, and toothpaste. The very real dangers that general advertising for such drugs
Both Congress and state legislatures have by law sharply limited the permissible dissemination of information about some commodities because of the potential harm resulting from those commodities, even though they were not thought to be sufficiently demonstrably harmful to warrant outright prohibition of their sale. Current prohibitions on television advertising of liquor and cigarettes are prominent in this category, but apparently under the Court‘s holding so long as the advertisements are not deceptive they may no longer be prohibited.
This case presents a fairly typical
“[L]egitimate attempts to protect the public, not from the remote possible effects of noxious ideologies, but from the present excesses of direct, active conduct, are not presumptively bad because they
interfere with and, in some of its manifestations, restrain the exercise of First Amendment rights.”
Here the rights of the appellees seem to me to be marginal at best. There is no ideological content to the information which they seek and it is freely available to them—they may even publish it if they so desire. The only persons directly affected by this statute are not parties to this lawsuit. On the other hand, the societal interest against the promotion of drug use for every ill, real or imaginary, seems to me extremely strong. I do not believe that the
Notes
“To persuade others to his own point of view, the pleader, as we know, at times, resorts to exaggeration, to vilification of men who have been, or are, prominent in church or state, and even to false statement. But the people of this nation have ordained in the light of history, that, in spite of the probability of excesses and abuses, these liberties are, in the long view, essential to enlightened opinion and right conduct on the part of the citizens of a democracy.”
