By virtue of an equally divided en banc court, the judgment of the district court is AFFIRMED.
ROBERT M. PARKER, Circuit Judge, joined by POLITZ, Chief Judge, and KING, HIGGINBOTHAM, DAVIS, WIENER, STEWART and DENNIS, Circuit Judges, would affirm for the following reasons:
In my view, there was a rational basis for Congress to conclude that post-1986 incidents of manufacture, transfer, and possession of machineguns fall within its power to regulate interstate commerce. Every circuit that has examined 18 U.S.C. § 922(o) — both before and after
United States v. Lopez,
— U.S. —,
A careful reading of
Lopez
compels this conclusion. In
Lopez,
the Supreme Court held that Congress exceeded its Commerce Clause power by enacting § 922(q) which criminalizes possession of a firearm within 1000 feet of the grounds of a school,
see
§ 921(a)(25), a small geographic area finitely circumscribed and related to education, a uniquely local concern. In contrast, the extensive history of federal firearm regulation and the national scope of § 922(o) distinguishes it from § 922(q). It is important to the understanding of
Lopez
that the Supreme Court intended to establish an outer limit to congressional authority, not to retreat from well-established Commerce Clause precedent.
United States v. Kenney,
Simply stated, I believe that we should join the other circuits in holding that Congress had a rational basis for concluding that the manufacture, transfer and possession of ma-chineguns substantially affect commerce and § 922(o) therefore is constitutional.
PATRICK E. HIGGINBOTHAM, Circuit Judge, joined by POLITZ, Chief Judge, and DAVIS and WIENER, Circuit Judges, would affirm for the following reasons:
We are persuaded that a legislative judgment that possession of machine guns acquired after 1986 has a substantial effect on interstate commerce, particularly by facilitating the trade in illegal drugs, is supported by our judicial experience and facts about machine guns and interstate criminal activity common to public discourse. Congress did not exceed its power under the Commerce Clause, and we today correctly affirm this conviction.
I.
This case ultimately turns on the role of congressional findings in judicial review of
*999
congressional exercises of its commerce power. Our opinion in
United States v. Lopez,
Lopez,
then, adhered to a rational basis standard of review. This deferential standard does not insist that Congress actually make factual findings. To the contrary, its tolerance of hypothetical, judicially supposed purposes and means gives the rational basis standard its deferential character. Courts can assume a more activist role in judicial review by refusing to look to a basis for legislation not identified by Congress. This elevates the standard of review, according significantly less deference to Congress. Giving weight to the absence of congressional findings lies in the middle ground between an intrusive absolute insistence upon legislative findings and traditional rational basis inquiry. Congressional findings are not merely playthings of formalism. They help define the respective roles of the courts and the Congress and the federal and the state governments. So the role of findings demands our attention. But their absence does not end our inquiry. Here Congress made no findings. We give weight to the absence of findings, but we do not find their absence controlling. Under
Lopez,
we must continue to apply the rational basis test, which asks courts not to set aside congressional acts as exceeding the Commerce Clause power if the Congress could have found that the relevant intrastate activity has a substantial effect on interstate commerce. This deference respects differences between the fact-finding of courts and legislative findings, differences of a constitutional order. Legislative “findings,” relative to judicial findings, are untidy in their blending of empirical assessment and policy judgments. The difference reflects the fundamentally different roles of the judiciary and the Congress. Congress must respond actively to problems faced by political communities; its judgment is accented by its look to the future and its effort to offer solutions to social ills. The judicial decision looks backward, responding to the limits of a case or controversy. We must not forget these differences in inquiring what the legislature rationally could have found. Losing sight of these differences risks a blurring of the respective roles of Congress and the courts, a difference the rational basis test is intended to respect. On the one hand, courts have a constitutional duty to scrutinize congressional actions to ensure that Congress stays within its constitutionally enumerated powers; “if
Lopez
means anything, it is that Congress’s power under the Commerce Clause must have some limits.”
United States v. Rybar,
This familiar problem for rational basis review is especially awkward when the issue is whether an intrastate activity has a substantial effect on interstate commerce. Unless the Court follows Justice Thomas away from an effects test,
see Lopez,
— U.S. at —-—,
II.
In executing the rational basis test, we turn to facts bearing on the relationship between possession of machine guns and interstate commerce. The prosecution has not aided our factual inquiry on this score. But the concern over machine guns was hardly exotic. To the contrary, concern over both the unique firepower of automatic weapons and the recent increase in their number was the subject of public discussion, as a simple repair to the popular press makes plain. That exercise also sheds light on the type of data and expert opinion available to the Congress. A 1985 article in a national weekly magazine alerted Americans to the dangerous proliferation of machine guns and reported that “[t]he MAC-10 has become the side arm of choice for ‘cocaine cowboys’ and other drug smugglers.” Machine Gun U.S.A., NewsweeK, October 14, 1985, at 46. According to the article, American gun dealers imported an average of 55,000 machine guns during the early 1980s. In 1988, two years after the passage of § 922(o), the International Association of Chiefs of Police estimated that criminals possessed between 650,000 and two million automatic and semiautomatic weapons. The Arms Race in Your Own Back Yard, U.S. News & World Report, April 4, 1988, at 24. Presumably, the great percentage of these weapons were semi-automatic weapons and not machine guns. In 1987, the DEA “seized an average of one machine gun a day,” which led the press to report that “most of this ferocious firepower is deployed in connection with narcotics trafficking” Id. This sort of information, easily accessible to Congress, would support a legislative judgment that the possession of machine guns interferes with federal drug enforcement; that regulating the simple possession of machine guns acquired after 1986 is necessary to stop the rapid growth of the pool of supply. Indeed, there is reason to think that Congress had these sorts of figures in mind when it enacted § 922(o). See 1986 U.S.S.C.A.N. 1330 (noting that an alternative bill “prohibited the transfer and possession of machine guns, used by racketeers and drug traffickers for intimidation, murder and protection of drugs and the proceeds of crime”).
The efficacy of § 922(o) also suggests that a legislative judgment of a strong tie between machine guns and federal crimes would have been valid. In 1983, ATF seized 871 machine guns and conversion kits; by 1985, that number had ballooned to 3,263. Newsweek, October 14, 1985, at 46. After passage of § 922(o), however, this figure dropped dramatically. There-were only 834 ATF machine gun seizures in fiscal year 1987, as opposed to 2,854 seizures in fiscal year 1986, a decrease of 71 percent. Semiautomatic Assault Weapons Act of 1989: Hearings before the Subcommittee on Crime of the Committee on the Judiciary, 101st Cong., 1st Sess. 354 (1989) (Appendix 9: “The 1986 Machine Gun Law Works”); Tony Freemantle, Police Groups Warm to Bill on Gun Control, Houston Chronicle, March 19, 1989, at Al. These figures at least suggest that § 922(o) succeeded in substantially reducing the number of machine guns in the hands of criminals encountered by federal law enforcement. And the striking effectiveness of federal enforcement of the congressional freeze of the machine gun market gives us reason to think that in 1986 Congress could have mustered facts to support its legislative judgment that the ban would be effective in reducing the availability of machine guns to those confronting federal law enforcement, particularly in the drug *1001 trade. That other inferences might be drawn from the data or that there is conflicting data is no answer because our question is not what judges think or prefer, but what rational judgment Congress could have made.
The bill that enacted § 922(o) also imposed on drug traffickers who use a machine gun a special ten-year sentence rather than the standard five-year sentence for other firearms. Pub.L. No. 99-308 § 104, 100 Stat. 456, 457 (May 19, 1986) (amending 18 U.S.C. § 924(e)(1)). Two years later, Congress thought it prudent to add another twenty years to this penalty. Pub.L. No. 100-690 § 6460, 102 Stat. 4373, 4373 (Nov. 18, 1988). This concerted attention to the dangers of automatic weapons is at odds with the suggestion that Congress’s freeze on the market in machine guns rests on an irrational judgment about the ties between machine guns and drug dealers and about the effects of tolerating their possession after 1986. Federal law enforcement recognizes the importance of having such powerful weapons in confrontations with drug traffickers. In 1988, DEA, the primary enforcement agency in the regulation of drugs, moved away from shotguns and made 9-mm, 32-round weapons that can be fired automatically its “primary” weapons. U.S. News & WORLD Report, April 4, 1988, at 24. These developments make it clear that it is at least rational to conclude that federal regulation of a distinct market in machine guns is part and parcel of federal drug regulation.
Judge Parker in his opinion for the panel found it important that Congress has done more here than outlaw simple possession of a machine gun. We agree. Not every possession is prohibited. Rather, the Congress has left lawful the possession, of machine guns manufactured before 1986 and lawfully possessed before that date. It is a crime to transfer any machine gun after 1986 or to possess a machine gun manufactured after that date. That is, Congress froze in place the market in machine guns. Judge Garwood made this point in his opinion for the panel in Lopez:
Section 922(o) is restricted to a narrow class of highly destructive, sophisticated weapons that have been either manufactured or imported after enactment of the Firearms Owners’ Protection Act, which is more suggestive of a nexus to or [ejffect on interstate or foreign commerce than possession of any firearms whatever, no matter when or where originated, within one thousand feet of the grounds of any school.
Machine guns possess a firepower that outstrips any other kind of gun. Persons knowledgeable about firearms, such as those who campaign for repeal of gun regulations, usually emphasize that machine guns stand in a class of their own.
See Assault Weapons: A View from the Front Lines: Hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary,
103d Cong., 1st Sess. 183, 185-86 (1994) (emphasizing that the cosmetic similarities between machine guns and semi-automatic assault weapons belie functional differences that make assault weapons more like hunting and target rifles than like machine guns). The destructive capacity of machine guns puts them in the same category as explosives, which the federal government has heavily regulated for over twenty-five years, except machine guns have little lawful use.
See
Organized Crime Control Act of 1970, Title XI, § 1102(a), Pub.L. No. 91-452, 84 Stat. 953-55 (codified as amended at 18 U.S.C. §§ 842-843) (prohibiting, among other things, the storage of explosives without a federal permit);
United States v. Dawson,
This fundamental difference between machine guns and other guns is reflected in the long history of machine-gun regulation by Congress. Initially, Congress used the taxing power to insist upon machine gun registration. See National Firearms Act of 1934, Pub.L. No. 474 §§ 2-6, 48 Stat. 1236, 1237-38. It soon turned to the Commerce Clause as a basis for restricting the market in machine guns. See Federal Firearms Act of 1938, Pub.L. No. 785, 52 Stat. 1250. That law remained in effect for thirty years, when Congress enacted the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, Pub.L. No. 90-351, 82 Stat. 197 (current version at 18 U.S.C. §§ 921-928), of which § 922(o) is now a part. Machine guns, then, have not been the exclusive regulatory domain of the states. Their lethal force has produced a national response.
III.
Those who urge that this legislation is unconstitutional are at pains not to undercut the constitutionality of laws prohibiting the simple possession of drugs. Yet it is difficult to conclude that Congress could not have rationally found that machine guns play a large role in major drug transactions and thus that the availability of these weapons of war has a substantial effect on the interstate traffic in drugs. Congress has acted on that effect in providing that the use of a gun, otherwise lawful, in a drug transaction brings substantially increased penalties. 18 U.S.C. § 924(e)(1). We have repeatedly recognized firearms as one of the drug dealer’s “tools of the trade.”
See United States v. Martinez,
This rationale would not “convert the commerce power into a reserved ‘general federal police power’” (quoting
Lopez,
— U.S. at —,
Of course, the
Lopez
Court insisted that we distinguish between the regulation of crime and the regulation of commercial activity. — U.S. at —-—,
The judiciary’s role in policing the process of federalism brings hard calls, including the task of distinguishing national economic activity from local crime. Lopez is not merely symbolic jurisprudence. Rather, it announces that there are yet limits upon Congress’s use of the commerce power to make a federal case out of traditionally local concerns, particularly in criminal law enforcement. That said, we part company with the declaration that § 922(o) is an invasion of the state’s traditional police power. That the Congress has attached a criminal penalty to the possession of a machine gun or storage of explosives does not alone mean that it has invaded the traditional police power of the states. With respect, that announces an outcome, not a rationale.
There is no social utility in the distribution of cocaine and marijuana, and their interstate character is undeniable. It is no surprise, then, that Congress “regulates” the national market in these drugs by banning them, a ban that rationally extends to simple possession. There is little social utility in acquiring since 1986 operable machine guns or in making them. They are not sporting weapons; they are weapons of war. They are guns in the same sense that pussycats and tigers are both members of the cat family. The courts have learned that a machine gun’s destructive capacity makes it highly useful for protecting commerce in contraband such as narcotics.
Given the rapid influx of machine guns, it is hardly irrational to conclude that meaningful regulation of their use in lines of interstate commerce requires regulation of this intrastate possession. The attempt to distinguish drugs and machine guns on the basis of fungibility fails to appreciate the fact that many guns can easily be converted from semi-automatic to fully automatic.
See, e.g., United States v. Branch,
Efforts to minimize the consequences of striking down this statute by reassuring that Congress can cure the defects it finds by inserting a jurisdictional element are empty of content: for example, it can provide penalties for possession of weapons that are “in or affecting commerce.” With deference, this velvet over the sword in fact erodes the logic of an otherwise not insubstantial argument. If the present statute cannot be sustained because Congress could not rationally have made a legislative judgment of the need to freeze the post-1986 market, there is little federal regulatory scope left; that reality should be forthrightly acknowledged. If a legislative decision to freeze the class is irrational, proof that an individual member of the class had a substantial effect on commerce in a given case is problematic if “substantial effect” is accorded a constant meaning. So those who would strike this statute east themselves as protecting state interests by insisting that the Commerce Clause empowers Congress to outlaw only those machine guns where in a specific case the government proves that the use of the machine gun was in commerce or affecting commerce. The irony is that this requirement is more intrusive of state interests than the test we apply and they reject. It is more tolerant of federal intrusion because it may be met by show
*1005
ing merely that a gun “has previously traveled in interstate commerce.”
United States v. Bass,
In general, judges are not equipped by training to engage in elaborate empirical studies; more importantly, the courts are institutionally ill-equipped. Deference to Congress does not require courts to leave their traditional roles by pursuing empirical research. But it does require courts not to ignore the obvious, at least when-the obvious is bom of judicial experience. We need look no further than oúr considerable experience with the drug market and the role' of automatic weapons in that activity. Based on that experience, we are comfortable in concluding that Congress could have rationally found the required nexus between its careful regulation of the possession of machine guns and the interstate commerce in, for example, illegal drugs, as well as the attendant commerce in machine guns alone. The federal government has the power under the Commerce Clause to wage the war on drugs. It equally has the power to freeze the escalating destructive power of the weapons of that war, the automatic firepower drawn by the drug trade.
Automatic and non-automatic weapons fire on different planes, functionally and legally. Guns- without the capability of automatic fire are lawfully found in the hands of thousands of persons across the country. The states have traditionally regulated these weapons, indeed virtually all guns, except the machine gun. We weigh the absence of congressional findings against the constitutionality of § 922(o), but given the facts we have outlined conclude that the absence of an invasion of a traditional state interest tilts this case in favor of the constitutionality of the statute. Saying so pulls no teeth from Lopez and sounds no retreat from the judicial scrutiny of efforts to make federal cases of state crimes.
EDITH H. JONES, Circuit Judge, joined by GARWOOD, JOLLY, SMITH, DUHÉ,-BARKSDALE, EMILIO M. GARZA and DeMOSS, Circuit Judges, would reverse for the following reasons:
This appeal has provided an occasion for our
en banc
court to consider the breadth of Congress’s power to enact criminal laws under the Commerce Clause in light of
United States v. Lopez,
— U.S. —,
*1006 I. BACKGROUND
William J. Kirk was charged in a four-count indictment with violations of 18 U.S.C. § 922(o)(1988). The indictment charged Kirk with two counts of unlawful possession of a machinegun (Counts One and Three); and two counts of unlawful transfer of a machinegun (Counts Two and Four). 2 The possession counts make no mention of interstate commerce or of any connection between Kirk’s machinegun or his possession of it with commerce, interstate or otherwise. Kirk moved to dismiss the indictment, contending in part that § 922(o) exceeds Congress’ delegated powers under the Commerce Clause in that it punishes the transfer or possession of a machinegun with no showing that the intrastate transfer or possession affects interstate commerce. The district court denied the motion to dismiss. Kirk then pled guilty to Count One for unlawful possession of a machinegun, reserving his right to appeal the denial of his pre-trial constitutional challenge to § 922(o).
A divided panel of this court rejected Kirk’s constitutional challenge and affirmed his conviction.
United States v. Kirk,
II. PREFACE
The language and legislative history of § 922(o) and a brief discussion of Lopez form a backdrop for further analysis.
A. Section 922(o)
In 1986 Congress amended the Gun Control Act of 1968, 18 U.S.C. §§ 921-28, with the passage of the Firearms Owners’ Protection Act (FOPA), Pub.L. No. 99-308, 100 Stat. 449 (1986). Section 102(9) of FOPA added § 922(o) to the existing statute.
(o)(l) Except as provided in paragraph (2), it shall be unlawful for any person to transfer or possess a machinegun.
(2) This subsection does not apply with respect to—
(A) a transfer to or by, or possession by or under the authority of, the United States or any department or agency thereof or a State, or a department, agency, or political subdivision thereof; or
(B) any lawful transfer or lawful possession of a machinegun that was lawfully possessed before the date this subsection takes effect.
18 U.S.C. § 922(o). Section 922(o) became effective May 19, 1986.
See
FOPA § 110(c),
The legislative history of § 922(o) is sparse.
See
David T. Hardy,
The Firearms Owners’ Protection Act: A Historical and Legal Perspective,
17 Cumb. L.Rev. 585, 669-71 (1987). Section 922(o) was added to FOPA as a last minute amendment on the House floor and its provisions were not debated.
See United States v. Wilks,
B. United States v. Lopez
In
United States v. Lopez,
— U.S. —,
Each of these categories of cases represents a distinct way, exemplified by the Court’s chosen citations, to describe the impact of federal legislation upon interstate commerce.
See United States v. Robertson,
— U.S. —,
*1008
Moving to a more detailed consideration of the
Lopez
categories, regulation of the “channels of interstate commerce,” the first category, is limited to direct regulation of the interstate channels themselves. The cases cited in
Lopez,
or by its reference to
Perez v. United States,
The second category of Commerce Clause power permits laws regulating or protecting instruments of interstate commerce, or persons Or things in interstate commerce, even though the threat may derive from intrastate activity. The Court cites in this connection the
Shreveport Rate Cases,
With regard to the third category of cases, as the Court put it, “the pattern is clear.”
Lopez,
— U.S. at —,
The Court majority agreed that § 922(q) neither regulates “the channels of interstate commerce” nor protects “an instrumentality of interstate commerce or a thing in interstate commerce,”
id.
at —,
The second element of the substantial effects test is whether the statute contains a jurisdictional nexus to interstate commerce.
Lopez
commented on the absence of any jurisdictional nexus requirement in § 922(q) that would insure, through case-by-case inquiry, that a particular firearm possession substantially affects interstate commerce.
Lopez
illustrated how a jurisdictional nexus requirement could save a statute from Constitutional infirmity by describing
United States v. Bass,
The final element of the substantial effects inquiry is whether there are limits in the statute that mark a boundary of some sort between matters of truly national concern and those traditionally subject to state regulation. In this connection, the Court acknowledged that legislative findings, while not legally necessary, would facilitate judicial review of the substantial effects question.
Lopez,
— U.S. at —-—,
III. DISCUSSION
On its face, § 922(o) seems a clone of § 922(q), the provisions struck down in Lopez. The statute bans for present purposes “mere possession” of machineguns manufactured or imported after 1986; it is supported neither by a jurisdictional nexus requirement nor by salvaging legislative findings; it is a criminal, not an economic regulatory provision; and it clearly overlaps state and local law enforcement authority. Other circuit courts and other judges in this court, however, have not seen it that way, 11 although their reasons for upholding the statute differ significantly. Most of these cases err by assuming that every intrastate possession of machineguns involves interstate commerce. That error leads to misapplication of the first and second categories of Commerce Clause cases described by Lopez, and to an untenable distinction between § 922(o) and § 922(q) when the third Lopez category is considered. The errors in other eases are best exposed by our analysis, 12 which will discuss § 922(o) under each category of Lopez, and which takes Lopez seriously as establishing at least an outer boundary on Congress’s criminal jurisdiction under the Commerce Clause. 13
A. Does § 922(o) Regulate “Channels of’ or “Things in” Interstate Commerce?
The Government contends that § 922(o) may be justified under either of the first two
Lopez
categories, as a regulation of the cham neis of interstate commerce or of a thing in interstate commerce. There is circuit court support for each position.
See United States v. Wilks,
1. The Channels of Interstate Commerce '
Recourse to the first two
Lopez
categories suffers initially, however, from a serious fac
*1011
tual error. Proponents of the constitutionality of § 922(o) assume that every possession of a maehinegun manufactured after May 19, 1986, excepting only the narrow class of possessions permitted in the statute, connotes that the gun traveled or was transferred in interstate commerce. These decisions overlook that an automatic weapon may be created by modifying a semiautomatic weapon,
see United States v. Jones,
Rambo,
for instance, seeks to justify § 922(o) as regulating the channels of interstate commerce because it is “an attempt to prohibit the interstate transportation of a commodity through the channels of commerce.”
Rambo,
... although it may be true that Congress must regulate intrastate transfers and even mere possessions of machineguns in aid of its prerogative of preventing the misuse of the channels of interstate commerce, the regulation still regulates much more than the channels of commerce.
Lopez summarily rejected the argument that banning firearm possession in school zones regulates the channels of commerce. Section 922(o) does not more clearly express a nexus tb channels of commerce than did its virtual clone, § 922(q), the Lopez provision. To disregard the similarity of the provisions trifles with Lopez. Section 922(o) is limited neither to transfers nor to possession in or even affecting interstate commerce. It criminalizes, as in this case, the mere possession of a maehinegun independent of any type of transfer. This provision does not regulate the channels of interstate commerce. Decisions like Rambo and the panel opinion, in holding otherwise, have distorted the channels of commerce rationale and are attempting to read a statute which does not exist.
Cases relying on the channels of commerce rationale also misplace emphasis on the temporal limit on the possession ban and the dangerousness of the product. Neither of these characteristics more closely aligns § 922(o) with a regulation of the channels of interstate commerce. The grandfather clause of the ban applies it only to machine-guns manufactured or imported after May of 1986, but that feature fails to enhance its relation to interstate commerce.
15
After 1986, both interstate and wholly intrastate private possessions are prohibited, yet there are no Congressional findings that this drastic impact upon intrastate activity was connected to or mandated by a relation to the channels of interstate commerce. Similarly, the fact that machineguns are a dangerous
*1012
commodity does not place them more or less within the channels of commerce for purposes of federal regulation.
United States v. Bishop,
2. Things in Interstate Commerce
The flawed premise underlying regulating machineguns as “things in interstate commerce” is that they are by their nature a commodity “transferred across state lines for profit by business entities.”
Wilks,
The Wilks court’s observation that “[t]he interstate flow of machineguns ‘not only has a substantial effect on interstate commerce; it is interstate commerce,’ ”58 F.3d at 1521 [ (quoting United States v. Hunter, 843. F.Supp. 235, 249 (E.D.Mich.1994)) (emphasis in original) ], is correct as . far as it goes, but it does not address the different question of the propriety of § 922(o)’s regulation of intrastate possession and transfer.
Criminal possession of a machinegun after May 19, 1986 under § 922(o) is not dependent on or related to the movement of the machinegun in interstate commerce, and it is
not
“bound up with interstate attributes:”
Wilks,
Nor are we persuaded that § 922(o) can be upheld on the basis of legislative findings— eighteen years old when § 922(o) was enacted — contained in the Omnibus Act
16
and the Gun Control Act of 1968.
17
Cases such as
Wilks
have sought to enhance the things in commerce rationale by describing § 922(o) as an incremental development in a seamless web of federal firearm regulation.
Wilks,
Reliance on findings from other legislation not only contradicts the Supreme Court, it is a misleading indicator of the relevant gun control law. The Congressional findings relating to FOPA indicate that the Act’s purpose was to
secure
the rights of citizens to possess firearms and to ensure that no
“un
*1013
due or unnecessary Federal restrictions”
are placed on citizens “with respect to the acquisition, possession or use of firearms.” FOPA § 1(b)(2),
In comparison to § 922(o), which lacks any reference to interstate commerce, Congress specifically tied other regulations enacted concurrently with § 922(o) to interstate commerce. FOPA § 102,
B. Does § 922(o) “Substantially Affect” Interstate Commerce?
The essential question in this ease as in
Lopez
becomes whether § 922(o) represents a valid exercise of Congressional authority to regulate an activity “substantially affecting” interstate commerce. “Where economic activity substantially affects interstate commerce, legislation regulating that activity will be sustained.”
Lopez,
— U.S. at —,
The Government contends that § 922(o) has the requisite effect, as it is part of a comprehensive approach to the regulation of
*1014
machineguns and that a single intrastate possession or transfer of a machinegun is nationally significant because of the cumulative effect such a transaction has on the supply- and-demand for machineguns. In a similar vein,
Kenney
argues that both the nature of § 922(o) and the history of federal firearms legislation support the provision’s consistency with the
post-Lopez
scope of the Commerce Clause.
Kenney
first analogizes the banning of private post>-1986 machinegun possession to the farmer’s harvest of excessive wheat in
Wickard v. Filburn,
Among the three elements of Lopez’s substantial effects test, the first and most critical is that of characterization: whether § 922(o) fulfills the mission of regulating interstate commerce as (1) a regulation of economic activity which, although itself local, has substantial effect on interstate commerce, or (2) a regulation of activity which is essential to maintaining a larger, interstate regime of economic regulation. Neither
Kenney
nor the government in supporting § 922(o) has characterized it as a regulation of economic activity. It is not. It is “a criminal statute that by its terms has nothing to do with ‘commerce’ or any sort of economic enterprise, however broadly one might define those terms.”
Lopez,
— U.S. at —-—,
Defenders of § 922(o) argue instead that the possession ban is an essential part of the regulation of “commercial activity,” either to insure federal control of the market for ma-chineguns or to enforce a freeze on the number of available machineguns.
See, e.g. Beuckelaere,
Moreover, the analogy to Wickard is flawed. In Wickard, the government’s agricultural program aimed to control and support prices in the wheat market. Filburn’s consumption of home-grown wheat substituted for the controlled wheat, impairing to that extent the price support effort. Section 922(o), by contrast, intends to extirpate any domestic commercial market for machine-guns manufactured or imported after 1986. Even if this goal constitutes a legitimate regulation of interstate commerce, it does not follow that criminalizing purely private, intrastate possession is necessary to eliminate the market. Section 922(o) also prohibits transfers of machineguns and, to the extent it represents a permissible exercise of Corn- *1015 meree Clause power, 23 that prohibition aims directly and completely at commercial activity in machineguns. Private possession of a machinegun does not involve a market activity, and there is no legitimate market in which a substitution effect would occur.
Another way of explaining the superfluousness of the § 922(o) ban on possession is to compare firearms regulation to the narcotics trafficking laws. Not only are most of those criminal provisions also expressly tied to the commerce in illegal controlled substances, but Congress also made extensive findings to establish the necessary relationship of possession and intrastate trade to the overall scheme.
See, e.g., United States v. Leshuk,
Kenney also asserts that because Congress has historically regulated firearms and has evinced particular interest in regulating ma-chineguns, its “accumulated institutional expertise” justifies § 922(o). This argument might be called “the nose under the camel’s tent” theory of Commerce Clause power: once Congress has begun to regulate a particular activity, courts should defer to any extensions of regulation that Congress legislates. Surely this position renders any theoretical limit on the enumerated Commerce Clause power nugatory.
Because we have concluded that mere intrastate possession is neither an economic activity nor an intrastate activity whose regulation is essential to a larger commercial regulatory regime, § 922(o) cannot pass muster under the Lopez substantial effects test. Reinforcing this conclusion, although not necessary to it, are the results of the other two parts of the test, which deal with Congressional findings and the limits on federal authority.
If Congress had made findings explaining the connection of mere intrastate possession of machineguns to interstate commerce, or if there were an expressly required nexus between such possession and . commerce,
25
§ 922(o) might be vindicated under the sec
*1016
ond
Lopez
prong. These features are lacking. Whatever the effect a single intrastate possession of a machinegun has on economic activity in firearms, the text and legislative history of § 922(o) do not support any conclusion that Congress considered such effects or viewed . § 922(o) as part of a comprehensive approach to federal regulation of commerce in maehineguns. As discussed previously, § 922(o) was inserted into FOPA with virtually no discussion of its content and with absolutely no discussion of its place in the broad scheme of federal firearms regulations.
See supra
part II.A. Like § 922(q) found unconstitutional in
Lopez,
no Congressional findings attest that § 922(o) is “an essential part of a larger regulation of economic activity, in which the regulatory scheme could be undercut unless the intrastate activity were regulated.”
Lopez,
— U.S. at —,
Finally, like § 922(q), § 922(o) intrudes upon the traditional police powers of the states and violates Lopez’s third mandate for a substantial-effects regulation of intrastate activity because it affords no logical demarcation between the national and local interests.
Brecht v. Abrahamson,
CONCLUSION
Regardless of one’s view of the wisdom of banning the private possession of machine-guns, the question before this court is whether the Commerce Clause grants Congress the authority to ban private, intrastate possession of a machinegun with no showing that the prohibition is connected in any way to interstate commerce or is part of a broader federal regulatory scheme. Congress’s commerce powers are broad, reaching even Roscoe Filburn’s wheat field in Ohio.
Wickard v. Filburn,
Notes
.
See United States v. Rybar,
. A brief survey of recent federal cases reveals many examples.
See, e.g., Smith v. United States,
. Judge Benavides was recused from consideration of this case.
. For purposes of 18 U.S.C. § 922(o), a "ma-chinegun" is defined as "any weapon which shoots, is designed to shoot, or can be readily restored to shoot, automatically more than one shot, without manual reloading, by a single function of the trigger. The term shall also include the frame or receiver of any such weapon, any part designed and intended solely and exclusively, or combination of parts designed and intended, for use in converting a weapon into a ma-chinegun, and any combination of parts from which a machinegun can be assembled if such parts are in the possession or under the control of a person.” 26 U.S.C. § 5845(b)(1988); see 18 U.S.C. § 921(a)(23).
. With certain exceptions, § 922(o) bans both the transfer and possession of maehineguns. See infra part II. We need not consider here the constitutionality of § 922(o)’s restriction on the transfer of maehineguns. The prohibition on the transfer of maehineguns raises different constitutional questions than those raised by § 922(o)'s ban on their mere possession.
.Following a colloquy between Senators Hatch and Dole concerning the exemptions contained in § 922(o), Senator Metzenbaum expressed concern that the colloquy did not express the correct interpretation of the amendment. In partial response, Senator McClure stated: "I know that the Senator [Metzenbaum] from Ohio has interposed a reservation with respect to my request. I take this time only to say to the Senator from Ohio that this discussion [concerning § 922(o)] is up at all because the other body injected some language at the very last minute, literally, of their debate, and there is no legislative history as to what that language means. There are a' substantial number of House Members as well as other interested parties who have asked questions about what it means; and what we are trying to do is provide some legislative history as to our understanding of what the House provision means, since the House itself had no legislative history on this subject." 132 Cong. Rec. S5361-62 (daily ed. May 6, 1986).
. Section 922(q)(l)(A) was enacted as part of the Gun-Free School Zone Act of 1990 and provides: "It shall be unlawful for any individual knowingly to possess a firearm at a place that the individual knows, or has reasonable cause to believe, is a school zone.”
. "... where Congress seeks to regulate a purely intrastate noncommercial activity that has traditionally been subject to exclusive regtdation by state or local government, and where the connection of the regulated activity as a whole to interstate commerce is neither readily apparent nor illuminated by express congressional findings, the government must satisfy the jurisdictional requirement by pointing to a substantial’ effect
*1008
on or connection to interstate commerce.”
Pap-padopoulos,
.
See also United States v. Robertson, supra,
("The 'affecting commerce’ test was developed in our jurisprudence to define the extent of Congress's power over purely intrastate commercial activities that nonetheless have substantial interstate effects.”);
United States v. DiSanto,
.This reasoning does not undermine
Wickard v. Filburn,
.
See United States v. Collins,
.
United States v. Lopez,
.
United States v. Kenney,
. Judge Parker and Judge Higginbotham imply that this analysis strays from- the rational basis test for evaluating the constitutionality of legislation. Not so. First, as a general principle, following
Lopez,
the rational basis test will apply the data created, referenced or expressed by Congress in conjunction with an enactment to the three aspects of federal commerce clause power described in
Lopez.
That is what we have done here, hampered by the absence of data from Congress concerning how banning the possession of machineguns nationwide involves or substantially affects interstate commerce. Second, the rational basis test assumes the existence of data created or referenced in the legislative process whose rationality can be analyzed. Here, there are no relevant data relating the ban on mere intrastate possession of machineguns by § 922(o) to Congress’s interstate commerce jurisdiction. There are no legislative findings, no committee reports, and no pertinent Congressional debate that “would enable us to evaluate the legislative judgment that the activity in question substantially affected interstate commerce, even though no such substantial effect was visible to the naked eye_"
Lopez,
— U.S. at —,
.It would be a mistake to argue that because Justices Kennedy and O'Connor concurred in
Lopez
and joined a separate writing, the
Lopez
analysis is not definitive. The two justices joined and endorsed Justice Rehnquist’s majority opinion. ("As the Chief Justice explains, unlike the earlier cases to come before the Court, here neither the actors nor their conduct have a commercial character, and neither the purposes nor the design of the statute have an evident commercial nexus.”)
Lopez,
— U.S. at —,
. United States v. Kirk,
. The effect of the grandfather clause does, paradoxically, assure a nexus between interstate commerce and criminal possession of pre-1986
unlawfully
possessed machineguns, because, as this court's
Lopez
opinion noted, pre-1986 regulatory laws expressly embodied a jurisdictional nexus to commerce.
See Lopez,
. Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, Pub.L. No. 90-351, 82 Stat. 197 (1968).
. Gun Control Act of 1968, Pub.L. No. 90-618, 82 Stat. 1213 (1968).
. Additionally, § 1 of FOPA contains Congressional findings that the rights of citizens "to keep and bear arms under the second amendment of the United States Constitution ... require[s] additional legislation to correct existing firearms statutes and enforcement policies.” FOPA § 1(b)(1)(A),
. Section 922(g) was amended to provide that it would be unlawful for certain persons (as defined by § 922(g)) — "to ship or transport in interstate or foreign commerce, or possess in or affecting commerce, any firearm or ammunition; or to receive any firearm or ammunition which has been shipped or transported in interstate or foreign commerce." FOPA § 102,
Section 922(h) was replaced in its entirety and states: "It shall be unlawful for any individual, who to that individual’s knowledge and' while being employed for any person described in any paragraph of subsection (g) of this section, in the course of such employment — (1) to receive, possess, or transport any firearm or ammunition in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce; or (2) to receive any firearm or ammunition which has been shipped or transported in interstate or ■ foreign commerce.” Id.
Section 922(n) was added to § 922 and provides: "It shall be unlawful for any person who is under indictment for a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year to ship or transport in interstate or foreign commerce any firearm or ammunition or receive any firearm or ammunition which has been shipped or transported in interstate commerce.” Id.
.Section 922(o) also does not regulate an “instrumentality” of interstate commerce. Like § 922(q) in
Lopez,
§ 922(o) regulates mere possession of a machinegun, regardless of its movement in interstate commerce.
See Lopez,
— U.S. at —,
.
See generally Lopez,
. Taking a different slant at the substantial effects test, Judge Higginbotham's novel approach to the test pays verbal obeisance to Lopez while seriously undermining it. Judge Higginbotham posits that rational basis review should lead federal courts to uphold the possession ban based on "facts ... within our [judges'] easy reach.” Lacking any data from the legislative process, his opinion stitches together bits of news articles, statistics, and Congressional testimony from unrelated hearings to conclude that Congress might have banned machinegun possession to stem the illegal drug trade. His is an interesting empirical creation, but methodologically it follows Justice Breyer's dissent in Lopez. More troubling, Judge Higginbotham’s opinion begs the question: it never explains why banning the wholly intrastate, non-crime-related, noncommercial personal possession of a machinegun is reasonably or substantially necessary to control use of these firearms in the illegal drug trade or other inter- . state commerce. Unlike the Lopez majority, his opinion ultimately substitutes wholesale defer.ence to Congress for any attempt to define the boundaries of the commerce clause, even in noncommercial criminal statutes like § 922(o).
. Not all transfers are commercial in nature. Transfers by gift or by succession would not be.
.
See United States v. Genao,
.We are not at liberty to question the Supreme Court’s approval of the predecessor statute to 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(1), which criminalizes possession of a firearm by a felon "in or affecting commerce.” Only a minimal jurisdictional nexus is required, i.e. that at some time the firearm had travelled in interstate commerce.
Scarborough
v.
United States,
