Lead Opinion
Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge STEPHEN F. WILLIAMS.
Opinion concurring in part and dissenting in part filed by Chief Judge MIKVA.
A jury found appellant Thomas Todd Jones guilty of possession with intent to distribute fifty grams or more of a substance containing cocaine base. 21 U.S.C. §§ 841(a), 841 (b)(l)(A)(iii). On appeal Jones argues that the judge erred in admitting evidence obtained after an allegedly illegal search, in admitting testimony alleged to be hearsay, and in using Jones’s failure to plead guilty as a reason for choosing a sentence stricter than the low point of the guidelines range. We disagree, and affirm.
* * * * * sis
Early in the morning of May 2, 1990, Jeffrey Huffman, a plain-clothes detective, watched Jones step off a bus at the Greyhound station in Washington, D.C., go to a restaurant in the station, buy some food, and turn to go back to the bus. Huffman approached Jones, identified himself as a police officer, and asked Jones whether he could speak to him. Jones said yes, and in response to Huffman’s questions, told him that he had come from New York and was headed toward Norfolk, Virginia, where he was a student, and that he had left his ticket and student identification on the bus. Jones offered to retrieve these papers, and started toward the bus ostensibly to do so. Huffman followed, either in response to an “invitation” to come along (according to Huffman) or on his own initiative (according to Jones). These events took place in an open area of the bus station and no one blocked Jones’s path. Upon reaching the platform Jones did not enter his bus, but instead “appeared to get some passengers between [Huffman] and him[self]”, and then “took off running” across L Street.
Brennan and Oxendine drove Jones back to the bus station. Meanwhile, another officer, Detective Beard, who had not seen Jones take off, was told of his flight. Beard boarded the bus on which he had seen Jones arrive and had the passengers claim their on-board luggage. No one claimed a green tote bag. After the driver told Beard that all passengers scheduled to continue south had reboarded, save one, Beard took the bag from the bus. When Brennan and Oxendine arrived with Jones, the officers showed him the bag. (According to Jones, officers first showed him another bag, asked him whether he owned it, and, after Jones denied ownership, determined that it belonged to someone else.) Jones disclaimed ownership. The officers opened the bag and found in it a substance that later tested positive for cocaine, a sweatshirt with the words “Norfolk University” and a t-shirt with the words “Norfolk State Express” emblazoned on them, a New York-Norfolk bus ticket, and a Norfolk-New York airline ticket in the name of “Todd Jones”.
* * # * * *
Jones argues that Huffman illegally seized him by accompanying him to the bus platform; that Brennan and Oxendine illegally seized him by handcuffing him and putting him in the police car; and that Beard illegally searched the tote bag. None of the three contentions succeeds.
We have repeatedly held, following United States v. Mendenhall,
Jones argues that the capture by Brennan and Oxendine constituted an arrest without probable cause. We need not address the government’s argument that the
The initial phase — the stopping of Jones, his being ordered to the ground and handcuffed, and his transfer to the car— was both consistent enough with the investigative and security purposes of a Terry stop, and short enough, to qualify as such. A Terry stop does not turn into a full arrest merely because the officers use handcuffs and force the suspect to lie down to prevent flight, so long as the police conduct is reasonable. United States v. Laing,
Jones argues that the officers violated his rights by searching his tote bag. The trial court ruled that Jones had no reasonable expectation of privacy in the bag, as he had abandoned it, either by fleeing from the station or by disavowing ownership. The latter suffices, as we have held that “voluntary denial of ownership demonstrates sufficient intent of disassociation to prove abandonment.” United States v. Lewis,
. * * * * * *
Jones argues that the trial court violated his sixth amendment rights by failing to compel the government to produce the name and address of a potential witness until the day of the trial. See Brady v. Maryland,
There are two separate elements to this complaint, both defective. First, there is a suggestion of the existence of the undisclosed Brady material. But the suggestion is fanciful. There is not a shadow of a hint that Jones’s fellow traveller had told the government anything remotely exculpatory. Second, there is an argument that, assuming the name and address of the traveller to be in themselves exculpatory (or sufficiently promising as leads to exculpatory evidence as to be on that account disclosable under Brady — itself a stretch), the government’s delay in turning it over might have prejudiced the defendant. United States v. Tarantino,
sit * * * * *
Jones argues that the trial court erred by allowing the prosecutor to ask a leading question and by allowing a witness to give hearsay testimony. Both allegations of error attack Detective Beard’s testimony that a passenger identified Jones as the person who owned the tote bag he found on the bus. The leading question, however, elicited testimony connecting Jones and the tote bag by so obscure a link that we doubt that any jurors saw it; the other hearsay more clearly described the passenger’s perception of the Jones/bag link, but was in fact a follow-up on redirect to defense questions that brought out similar, but misleading, hearsay. In any event, any conceivable error was harmless, as the admissible evidence linking Jones to the tote bag was overwhelming. When Beard entered the bus after learning of Jones’s flight and had the passengers claim their luggage, the tote bag was the only leftover item and Jones the only missing passenger. Jones had said that he was a student at Norfolk State University (although apparently he was not) and the tote bag contained a t-shirt bearing the words “Norfolk State Express” and a sweatshirt bearing the words “Norfolk State University”. The tote bag contained a plane ticket in Jones’s name purchased in Norfolk for a flight from Norfolk to New York and a bus ticket for the trip from New York to Norfolk. Because we are sure that a jury would have found Jones guilty even in the absence of the disputed but murky testimony, we need not finally resolve its admissibility. See Chapman v. California,
* * * * * *
Finally, Jones contends that the trial court imposed an unlawful sentence. The sentencing guidelines set his offense level at 34 which, given a criminal history score of 1, established a sentencing range of 151 to 188 months. U.S.S.G. § 2D1.1(a)(3). A two-point reduction for acceptance of responsibility yielded a sentencing range of 121 to 151 months. Id. at § 3El.l(a). The government had refused to plea bargain with Jones, although that refusal, of course, did not prevent Jones from pleading guilty and relying on the judge’s independent response. In giving Jones a sentence of 127 months the judge said:
I do think that there is some premium that should be recognized for pleading guilty in advance of trial rather than taking a case to trial in which the defendant knows that he is guilty and he is properly charged and there is no defense to it.
I do, however, think that in the circumstances, I intend to give Mr. Jones a major portion of the benefit that he derives from his acceptance of responsibility-
I would, had this case been disposed of with a plea in advance of trial, have sentenced him at the very bottom of the guidelines and imposed the minimum sentence that I could possibly have imposed.
Because, however, the case did go to trial, I am going to add an additional six months to the guideline sentence that I intend to impose, and will impose a sentence of 127 months.
I am articulating this so that anybody that wishes to take it to the sentencing commission and/or the court of appeals may do so. I would like to have some thought given to the considerations I’ve articulated here today. And I would like to know whether or not there is some constitutional error I commit by recognizing that the case was taken to trial, albeit a matter of constitutional right to take the case to trial, rather than ac*933 knowledging in advance the guilt that was obviously supported by the proof.
Jones argues that imposition of what the trial judge called the “additional” six months “punishes” him for exercising his right to trial in violation of the U.S. Constitution. Jones’s Brief at 36. See United States v. Watt,
A triad of decisions now nearly 20 years old might seem to draw in question any sentencing practice that disfavored the decision to go to trial. In United States v. Jackson,
One might dismiss Jackson as driven by the especially excruciating character of choices risking the death penalty, or by a perceived disproportion of the consequences for exercise of the right to trial (and to jury trial), as weighed against the benefits of encouraging ap plea, or by the extreme implausibility of the government’s defense (that the rule mitigated the severity of the punishment), but North Carolina v. Pearce,
Finally, in Blackledge v. Perry,
Other cases, typically later ones, establish that in many contexts the government (state or federal) may impose sentencing differentials that favor defendants who plead guilty over those who go to trial. The most obvious cases are those in which the Supreme Court has affirmed the constitutionality of plea bargaining — the practice by which a criminal defendant gives up his right to a trial in exchange for what he believes to be a better prospect in sentencing than would have flowed from convic
It is implicit in Brady and explicit in the later decision of Corbitt v. New Jersey,
While Jackson, Pearce and Blackledge may seem to suggest that all practices tending to deter the exercise of a right to trial or appeal by attaching a risk of heavier punishment constitute forbidden “vindictiveness” (or “realistic likelihood of ‘vindictiveness’ ”, see Blackledge, above), any such broad reading is inconsistent with Bordenkircher and Corbitt. The Supreme Court has made two fairly recent efforts to reconcile the cases. In one, Alabama v. Smith,
United States v. Goodwin,
We do not mean to suggest that the repetition principle is exclusive. First, some sentencing differentials might well be disproportionate to any possible justification. As we have said, that might explain Jackson. (If it does, then Brady needs to be explained. A possible answer is that invalidation of gre-Jackson pleas might have released a host of kidnappers who could have escaped ultimate conviction because of the staleness of evidence. Cf. Teague v. Lane,
Corbitt, incidentally, refutes the dissent’s effort to dismiss the cases permitting differential sentencing as limited to negotiations between defense and prosecutor, parties of “relatively equal bargaining power”. Dissent at 941 (quoting Borden-kircher,
Relevant precedent in this circuit predates the more important Supreme Court
Many of the other circuits apparently believe that to give longer sentences to defendants who plead guilty than to those who do not impermissibly burdens the right to trial. We can ignore those cases that predate the critical Supreme Court developments. See, e.g., Fielding v. LeFevre,
One line of circuit court decisions lends affirmative support to our position — the
The cases, to be sure, invoke a somewhat obscure formula. White, for example, though explicitly assuming “that the sole purpose of this guideline is to encourage guilty pleas,”
In light of the circuit court decisions on § 3El.l(a), the dissent’s effort to distinguish Corbitt mystifies. The dissent argues that a legislature may reward a plea by means of bright line rules, while a judge may not, because the legislature’s rules (1) are less likely to be vindictive and (2) give a clear warning. Dissent at 943-44. That analysis does not work even for Corbitt itself, for there the legislature simply set a floor under post-trial sentences, giving judges discretion over the existence and size of any discount for a plea. There is nothing in Corbitt about the relative risks of vindictiveness in legislatures and judges, nor about the virtues of clear warning. On the contrary, the opinion emphasizes the importance of discretion, and, in finding “no difference of constitutional significance between Bordenkircher and this case”, treats judges and prosecutors the same. See Corbitt,
We recognize, of course, that the § 3El.l(a) cases do not endorse the proposition that a judge may justify a refusal to reduce the sentence on the theory that he may encourage guilty pleas — only that a judge may use a refusal to plead
The Supreme Court has held that plea bargaining may be justified by the state’s interest in conserving prosecutorial and judicial resources. See pp. 934-35, above {Brady, Corbitt, Goodwin). This interest can be pursued only if trial judges engage in differential sentencing. If we put aside such factors as risk aversion and attorney costs (which will not affect the defendant if he is indigent),
Thus the interest in preserving prosecu-torial and judicial resources through lesser sentences requires that judges engage in differential sentencing — either by deferring to prosecutorial recommendations (as is common in state systems) or to legislative directives (as in Corbitt), or independently. It would be highly formalistic to forbid only the latter. To deny judges the power to consider the institutional concern explicitly would lead to some combination of two dubious results. First, it might limit use of such considerations to specialized formats (e.g., where lesser offenses can be substituted
Accordingly, we affirm Jones’s conviction and sentence.
So Ordered.
Notes
. See Chaffin v. Stynchcombe,
. The Court reaffirmed the constitutional validity of these interests in Corbitt v. New Jersey,
. In Crocker and Longval the court was apparently concerned that trial judges, by giving enthusiastic pre-trial or mid-trial warnings of the consequences of going to trial (or persisting in trial), lost their appearance of impartiality. See especially Crocker,
. On April 30, 1992 the Sentencing Commission submitted a Guideline amendment to Congress to permit judges to increase the reduction to three levels if the offense level is 16 or greater, and the defendant provides the government with complete information on his offense or “timely notifies] authorities of his intention to enter a plea of guilty, thereby permitting the government to avoid preparing for trial and permitting the court to allocate its resources efficiently”. See United States Sentencing Commission, Amendments to the Sentencing Guidelines for the United States Courts, 57 Fed.Reg. 20148, 20156 (1992). This amendment may have been a response to observations such as the one made by this court in United States v. Dukes,
. Another complicating factor may be discounts for distant years — i.e., the last ten years of a 20-year sentence may seem less weighty than the ten years of a ten-year sentence.
. The record suggests that judges in fact establish differentials, and some studies suggest that they correspond to ones this analysis suggests are appropriate. See Douglas A. Smith, The Plea Bargaining Controversy, 77 J.Crim.L. & Criminology 949 (1986); see especially id. at 959-60 for explanation of the effect of likelihood of acquittal.
.Because the sentencing range for most crimes is broad, this is often an unwieldy device. The Guidelines’ provision for consideration of "relevant conduct” makes it even less practicable. See U.S.S.G. § 1B1.3; United States v. Salmon,
Concurrence Opinion
concurring in part and dissenting in part:
I am tempted to say that for all the reasons my colleagues advance in support of their opinion, I dissent. I refer to their remarkable conclusion that it was proper for the judge to increase Mr. Jones’s sentence because he chose to exercise his constitutional right to trial rather than acknowledging his guilt in advance and sparing everyone the bother. What disturbs me also is that this is almost a contrived case. The district court added six months to a 120 month sentence simply to raise the question that my colleagues leap to decide.
There is no dispute among us that the trial judge properly admitted the disputed evidence and testimony. I disagree vigorously, however, that a defendant must pay for exercising his constitutional right to trial. By endorsing a practice that has been deemed unconstitutional by every other circuit to consider it, and by overruling a series of carefully reasoned cases from our own court, my colleagues have created a circuit split of the most dramatic kind. They have done so by finding in a long line of Supreme Court cases a “tension” that no other circuit has detected, and that the Court itself has denied. And they have casually denied the distinction between prosecutors and judges that the Supreme Court and the other circuits have found crucial. In an area calling for great delicacy, my colleagues have proceeded vigorously to exacerbate an unnecessary constitutional conflict that the trial judge went out of his way to create:
I would like to know whether or not there is some constitutional error I commit by recognizing that the case was taken to trial, albeit a matter of constitutional right to take the case to trial, rather than acknowledging in advance the guilt that was obviously supported by the proof.
Sentencing Transcript at 12-13.
Before today, this circuit and every other circuit to address the issue had confidently concluded that it is improper for a. trial judge, on his own initiative, to impose a harsher sentence on a defendant who chooses to exercise his constitutional right to trial rather than pleading guilty. See Scott v. United States,
Deciding a case contrary to a unanimous consensus among the circuits is heady business, but the reasons my colleagues offer are unusually unpersuasive. They claim to have discovered a “tension” that no other circuit has detected between the Supreme Court’s early cases forbidding retaliatory sentences by judges, and its later cases permitting plea bargaining by prosecutors; as a result, they conclude dismissively that the law of this circuit “can lay no claim to our loyalty,” and that “we can ignore” the opinions of our sister circuits. Maj.Op. at 935-36. But there is a reason no other circuit has detected the tension: the Supreme Court explicitly denies it. In a long line of cases, the Court has emphasized that while prosecutors may provide incentives for guilty pleas in the course of plea bargains, judges may not “unilaterally” impose penalties on defendants who have exercised their right to trial.
Although my colleagues detect an “in-consisten[cy] that must be reconcile^]” in the line of seminal cases that began with North Carolina v. Pearce,
The “inconsistency” that my colleagues imagine flows from the fact that they characterize the cases at a sweeping level of generality, and ignore the Court’s careful distinctions between different state actors (judges, juries, and prosecutors) and the different contexts in which they act (before, during, and after trial). These distinctions have been critical to all the Supreme Court and circuit decisions involving plea bargaining and sentencing discretion.
My colleagues read Pearce and Blackledge v. Perry,
Pearce focused on the danger that sentencing judges would punish defendants for having successfully attacked their first convictions, and held that “due process also requires that a defendant be freed of apprehension of such a retaliatory motivation on the part of the sentencing judge.”
In Bordenkircher, the Court considered for the first time an allegation of vindictiveness on the part of a prosecutor during plea bargaining, rather than a prosecutor after trial (Blackledge) or a judge during sentencing {Pearce). The Court held that the due process clause did not prohibit a prosecutor from carrying out a threat, made during plea negotiations, to bring additional charges against an accused who refused to plead guilty to the offense with which he was originally charged. In finding no due process violation, the Borden-kircher Court distinguished Pearce and Blackledge:
*941 In those cases the Court was dealing with the State’s unilateral imposition of a penalty upon a defendant who had chosen to exercise a legal right to attack his original conviction — a situation ‘very different from the give-and-take .negotiation common in plea bargaining between the prosecution and defense, which arguably possess relatively equal bargaining power.’
Explicitly reaffirming Pearce, Jackson, and Blackledge, the Court emphasized that “in the ‘give-and-take’ of plea bargaining, there is no such element of punishment or retaliation so long as the accused is free to accept or reject the prosecution’s offer.” Id. at 363,
We hold only that the course of conduct engaged in by the prosecutor in this case, which no more than openly presented the defendant with the unpleasant alternatives of foregoing trial or facing charges on which he was plainly subject to prosecution, did not violate the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Id. at 365,98 S.Ct. at 669 (emphasis added).
In United States v. Goodwin, the Court reaffirmed the narrow Bordenkircher holding, and reviewed all of its careful efforts to distinguish Pearce and Blackledge by emphasizing the different motives of prosecutors and judges before, during, and after sentencing.
My colleagues, in a single, conclusory sentence at the end of their opinion, dismiss as “formalistic” the distinction between prosecutors before trial and judges after trial that the Supreme Court has repeatedly identified as constitutionally crucial. Maj. Op. at 939-40. This is the extent of their analysis. They invoke Bor-denkircher and Goodwin for the sweeping proposition that “the interests of preserving prosecutorial and judicial resources” might allow inducements for guilty pleas to be provided unilaterally by a judge rather than through bargaining, by a prosecutor. Maj.Op. at 934. But this turns the plea bargaining cases on their head. None of the factors that the Bordenkircher or Goodwin Courts found decisive in approving plea bargaining — namely “give-and-take negotiation ... between the prosecution and defense, which arguably possess relatively equal bargaining power,”
Before today, this circuit had no trouble recognizing the constitutional difference between judges and prosecutors. The most sensitive discussion of thé difference occurs in Scott v. United States,
[Wjhatever the propriety of plea bargaining between prosecutors and defendants, the peculiarly sensitive position of the trial judge renders involuntary any guilty plea induced by commitment from the bench.... [Tjhe ‘unequal positions of the judge and the accused, one with the power to commit to prison and the other deeply concerned to avoid prison’ ... demand[ ] that the judge not become a participant in the bargaining process.
And Scott’s emphasis on the fact that judges who induce guilty pleas may lose
If inducements are to be offered for guilty pleas, there are strong reasons why the court should not be the party to offer them. The trial judge may sacrifice his ability to preside impartially at trial by becoming too involved with pretrial negotiations. Even if he does not, it may so appear to the defendant. It is important not only that a trial be fair in fact, but also that the defendant believe that justice has been done. The accused may fairly doubt this if he thinks the judge begrudges him the exercise of his right to trial.
My colleagues acknowledge that judges who warn of the consequences of going to trial may appear vindictive rather than impartial, Maj. Op. at 936 n. 3. But they follow this with the purely conclusory statement that “Supreme Court precedents plainly do not invalidate sentencing differentials aimed at encouraging guilty pleas.” Maj. Op. at 935.
Since Scott discusses the difference between plea bargaining by prosecutors and differential sentencing by judges at great length, I find it peculiar that my colleagues overrule it on the grounds that it fails to consider the difference. But the other reasons they offer for overruling Scott are even more unconvincing. First, they suggest that the case banned “any judicial consideration of the defendant’s choice between plea and trial,” Maj. Op. at 936. In fact, Scott emphasized the constitutional difference between a trial judge “participating” in the plea bargaining process and a judge merely “ratifying” an agreement already reached between the accused and the prosecutor.
Finally, my colleagues suggest that Scott is inconsistent with Roberts v. United States, which upheld judicial consideration of the defendant’s failure to cooperate with the government. Maj. Op. at 935-36, quoting
But there is no point in continuing to object to my colleagues’ characterization of the cases. The linchpin of their opinion is the inconsistency they detect between the Supreme Court’s plea bargaining cases and its cases barring vindictive sentencing. Once that tension is denied, as the Supreme Court has denied it, then the unanimous judgment of our sister circuits must be respected rather than ignored.
Although I am unpersuaded by my colleague’s treatment of the plea bargaining cases, I acknowledge that one Supreme Court decision initially gave me more pause: Corbitt v. New Jersey,
The fact that legislatures — setting forth clear, generally applicable, and prospective procedures — are much less likely than judges to be acting vindictively against individual defendants satisfies me that there is no serious tension between Corbitt and Pearce. By the same logic, it is clearly permissible for Congress, through the Sentencing Commission Guidelines, to direct a judge to consider acceptance of responsibility as a factor in sentencing, but impermissible for the judge on his own initiative to increase the sentence of a defendant who refuses to plead guilty. My colleagues’ only response is that judges retain some discretion in the schemes approved by Cor-bitt and Congress, Maj. Op. at 937-38; but this begs the constitutional question. As the Corbitt Court noted, judges retain wide discretion under most plea bargaining schemes to accept or reject the prosecutor’s recommendation, and to impose a variety of punishments.
The Corbitt Court, finally, suggested another distinction between legislatures and judges that calls into question my colleagues’ central premise. Because of the presumption that citizens know the law, there was no suggestion that Mr. Corbitt “was not well counseled or that he misunderstood the choices that were placed before him.” Id. at 225,
At the end of their opinion, my colleagues move casually from their initial position — that the state’s interest in conserving resources permits plea bargaining between prosecutors and defendants — to a far more radical position — that the same interests require judges, on their own initiative, to impose heavier sentences on defendants who are denied the opportunity to bargain in the first place. Maj. Op. at 938. The consequences of the conclusion are sweeping. It suggests that every trial judge must balance, as an element of the sentence, the cost of using up judicial resources against the value of the constitutional right to trial. And I cannot accept my colleagues’s startling suggestion that the interest in “conserving prosecutorial and judicial resources ... can be pursued only if trial judges engage in differential sentencing.” Id. (emphasis added). The
So this is the novelty of my colleagues’ opinion: they dismiss as “formalistic” the distinction between judges and prosecutors that the Supreme Court and every other circuit have found crucial. And although the Court has forbidden only sentencing disincentives unilaterally imposed by judges after trial, not those that result from bargaining with prosecutors before trial, my colleagues refer disparagingly to a “triad of decisions, now nearly twenty years old [which] might seem to draw in question any sentencing practice that disfavored the decision to go to trial.” Maj. Op. at 933 (emphasis added). I was not aware that Supreme Court decisions have a twenty year shelf-life, or that subordinate courts have any business modernizing venerable precedents by identifying tensions that the Supreme Court and every other circuit have explicitly denied. Until the Supreme Court itself chooses to revisit its precedents, I would join the unanimous judgment of our sister circuits and follow the law of the land. I dissent.
ORDER
Oct. 22, 1992.
Appellant’s Suggestion For Rehearing En Banc has been circulated to the full court. The taking of a vote was requested. Thereafter, a majority of the judges of the court in regular active service voted in favor of the suggestion on the question of the sentence imposed upon appellant. Upon consideration of the foregoing it is
ORDERED, by the Court en banc, that appellant’s suggestion is granted. The aforementioned issue will be considered and decided by the court sitting en banc.
It is FURTHER ORDERED, by the Court en banc, that the judgment of the Court filed herein on August 14, 1992 is vacated insofar as it pertains to appellant’s sentence.
A future order will govern further proceedings.
