United States v. Sonya Evette Singleton, National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, Amicus CuriaeUnited States v. Sonya Evette Singleton, National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, Amicus Curiae
Lead Opinion
Sonya Singleton was convicted of money laundering and conspiring to distribute cocaine. A panel of this court reversed that conviction on the ground the prosecuting attorney violated
I
The conspiracy forming the basis of Ms. Singleton’s conviction required her to send and receive drug proceeds by Western Union wires. Her co-conspirator Napoleon Douglas entered into a plea agreement in which he agreed to testify truthfully in return for the government’s promise not to prosecute him for related offenses, to advise the sentencing court of his cooperation, and to advise a state parole board of the “nature and extent” of his cooperation.
II
The question before us is whether
(c) Whoever-
(2) directly or indirectly, gives, offers, or promises anything of value to any person, for or because of the testimony under oath or affirmation given or to be given by such person as a witness upon a trial ... before any court ... shall be fined under this title or imprisoned for not more than two years, or both.
18 U.S.C.'
Ms. Singleton takes the position that when Mr. Douglas testified after receiving the government’s promise of lenient treatment in exchange for his truthful testimony, he became a “paid ‘occurrence’ witness,” and testimony from those of such ilk is contrary to the fundamental precepts of American justice because the payment of something of value would give the witness a strong motivation to lie. She reasons
In contrast, the United States argues to allow
Viewing the statute on its face, it is apparent the dispute revolves about the word “whoever.” Indeed, the significance of the remaining parts of the statute is not seriously controverted. However, like many words chosen by the legislative branch to convey its intent, this one word evokes more meaning than an innocent first reading of it would portend.
As correctly argued by Ms. Singleton, “whoever” is a broad term which by its ordinary definition would exclude no one. Indeed, if one were to take the word at face value, defendant’s argument becomes color-able, at least. However, the defendant’s approach, while facially logical, ignores a crucial point that must be considered in any attempt to apply the statute to the issues of this case. She argues the breadth of the word “ ‘whoever’ includes within its scope the assistant United States attorney who offered Douglas something of value in exchange for his testimony.” To begin the parsing of the statute with this assumption, however, ignores a fundamental fact: the capacity in which the government’s lawyer appears in the courts.
The prosecutor, functioning within the scope of his or her office, is not simply a lawyer advocating the government’s perspective of the case. Indeed, the prosecutor’s function is far more significant. Only officers of the Department of Justice or the United States Attorney can represent the United States in the prosecution of a criminal case.
When an assistant United States Attorney (AUSA) enters into a plea agreement with a defendant, that plea agreement is between the United States government and the defendant. When an AUSA uses at trial testimony obtained through a plea agreement or an agreement not to prosecute, he does so as the government. An AUSA who, pursuant to the provisions of the United States Sentencing Guidelines, moves for a downward departure under § 5K1.1, does so as the government.
United States v. Ware,
Put into proper context, then, the defendant’s argument is: in a criminal prosecution, the word “whoever” in the statute includes within its scope the United States acting in its sovereign capacity. Extending that premise to its logical conclusion, the defendant implies Congress must have intended to subject the United States to the provisions of section 201(c)(2), and, consequently, like any other violator, to criminal prosecution. Reduced to this logical conclusion, the basic argument of the defendant is patently absurd.
There is even a more fundamental reason for arriving at the same conclusion, however. Although Congress may, by legislative act, add to or redefine the meaning of any word, it did not do so in the passage of section 201(e)(2). Therefore, we must presume it intended to employ the common meaning of the word. The word “whoever” connotes a being. See Webster’s Third New International Dictionary 2611 (1993) (defining “whoever” as “whatever person: any person ” (emphasis added)). The United States is an inanimate entity, not a being. The word “whatever” is used commonly to refer to an inanimate object. See id. at 2600 (defining “whatever” as “anything that: everything that” (emphasis added)). Therefore, construing “whoever” to include the government is semantically anomalous. Looking beyond definitions, though, there are rules of statutory construction that will lead to the same conclusion.
Statutes of general purport do not apply to the United States unless Congress makes the application clear and indisputable. In The Dollar Savings Bank v. United States,
It is a familiar principle that the King is not bound by any act of Parliament unless he be named therein by special and particular words. The most general words that can be devised (for example, any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate) affect*1301 not him in the least, if they may tend to restrain or diminish any of his rights and interests_ The rule thus settled respecting the British Crown is equally applicable to - this government, and it has been applied frequently in the different States, and practically in the Federal courts. It may be considered as settled that so much of the royal prerogatives as belonged to the King in his capacity of parens patriae, or universal trustee, enters as much into our political state as it does into the principles of the British constitution.
Id. at 239 (footnote omitted); see also 8 Matthew Bacon, A New Abridgment of the Law 92 (1869) (“[W]here a statute is general, and thereby (a) any prerogative, right, title, or interest is divested or taken from the king, in such ease the king shall not be bound, (b) unless the statute is made by express words to extend to him.”); Henry Campbell Black, The Construction and Interpretation of the Laws 94-97 (2d ed.1911) (same). The Court revisited the concept in Nardone v. United States,
We have already established the absurdity in trying to apply section 201(c)(2) to the sovereign’s prosecutorial powers, and a number of courts have agreed for an abundance of reasons we also find persuasive. See, e.g., United States v. Haese,
The next question, then, is whether applying the statute to the government would deprive the sovereign of a recognized or established prerogative, title, or interest. The answer to that question is, inescapably yes.
From the common law, we have drawn a longstanding practice sanctioning the testimony of accomplices against their confederates in exchange for leniency. See Hoffa v. United States,
[n]o practice is more ingrained in our criminal justice system than the practice of the government calling a witness who is an accessory to the crime for which the defendant is charged and having that witness testify under a plea bargain that promises him a reduced sentence.
United States v. Cervantes-Pacheco,
This ingrained practice of granting lenience in exchange for testimony has created a vested sovereign prerogative in the government. It follows that if the practice can be traced to the common law, it has acquired stature akin to the special privilege of kings. However, in an American criminal prosecution, the granting of lenience is an authority that can only be exercised by the United States through its prosecutor; therefore, any reading of section 201(c)(2) that would restrict the exercise of this power is surely a
Moreover, in light of the longstanding practice of leniency for testimony, we must presume if Congress had intended that section 201(c)(2) overturn this ingrained aspect of American legal culture, it would have done so in clear, unmistakable, and unarguable language.
Congress is understood to legislate against a background of common-law adjudicatory principles. Thus, where a common-law principle is well established ... the courts may take it as a given that Congress has legislated with an expectation that the principle will apply except when a statutory purpose to the contrary is evident.
Astoria Fed. Sav. & Loan Ass’n v. Solimino,
The government also points out a number of statutes and rules with which defendant’s reading of section 201(c)(2) would conflict. Other courts have done so as well. See, e.g., Arana,
III
Our conclusion in no way permits an agent of the government to step beyond the limits of his or her office to make an offer to a witness other than one traditionally exercised by the sovereign. A prosecutor who offers something other than a concession normally granted by the government in exchange for testimony is no longer the alter ego of the sovereign and is divested of the protective mantle of the government. Thus, fears our decision would permit improper use or abuse of prosecutorial authority simply have no foundation.
Notes
. The concurrence finds some oddity in our reference to a United States Attorney as both the alter ego of the government and a governmental agent. There is no disparity in the two concepts because the United States Attorney has duties other than prosecution. Therefore, when prosecuting a criminal matter in the name of the United States, he is the government, but when performing another duty of his office, he is an officer or agent of the government.
. The concurrence expresses a concern our disposition would "permit the conclusion that consistent with the provisions of
The dissent's observation that both statutes employ the word "whoever” misses our point. “Whoever” includes the prosecutor in
Concurrence Opinion
concurring.
This difficult case has spawned three excellent opinions. Judge Lucero’s concurrence resolves the case most convincingly for me, and I join that concurrence.
I write briefly to add that this problem may arise again. As the dissent notes, Congress has recently passed legislation, sponsored by Rep. Joe McDade and endorsed by the American Bar Association and the American Corporate Counsel Association,
Further, I note that although I believe the majority is correct on the tradition argument, I do not see the statute as construed by the dissent as patently absurd. I do see that its operation as construed by the dissent would work what might be called a legal absurdity, in that Congress would have criminalized the general practice. I simply do not believe Congressional intent could have been to criminalize the widespread and common practice of government lawyers.
. See Harvey Berkman, Thornburgh Rule is Nixed, The National Law Journal, Nov. 2, 1998, at A8.
Concurrence Opinion
concurring.
I concur in the judgment that the United States and its agent, an Assistant United States Attorney, did not violate
I cannot join the dissent, however, because
I
It is undisputed that the Assistant United States Attorney’s offer of leniency to Mr. Douglas was for his testimony. See Maj. Op. at 1298; Singleton,
A
The majority holds that “whoever” as used in
Nardone identifies two classes of statutes wherein terms of general applicability do not apply to the government. “The first is where an act, if not so limited, would deprive the sovereign of a recognized or established prerogative title or interest.” Nardone,
With regard to the first class, the majority identifies “a longstanding practice sanctioning the testimony of accomplices against their confederates in exchange for leniency” as creating a vested prerogative in the government. Maj. Op. at 1301. Nardone, however, limits the class of statutes under which language of general applicability excludes the government. “The rule of exclusion of the sovereign is less stringently applied where the operation of the law is upon the agents or servants of the government rather than on the sovereign itself.” Nardone,
With respect to the second class recognized by Nardone, the majority’s holding itself works an obvious absurdity by implying that a federal prosecutor who bribes a witness to supply false testimony is not subject to the criminal prohibitions of
B
The government asserts that because the Dictionary Act defines “whoever” in a manner that does not expressly include the federal government, see
Furthermore, the structure of
II
“It is an elementary tenet of statutory construction that ‘[wjhere there is no clear intention otherwise, a specific statute will not be controlled or nullified by a general one.’ ” Guidry v. Sheet Metal Workers Nat’l Pension Fund,
A
Congress has developed an extensive and detailed statutory framework authorizing sentence reductions and recommendations, immunity, and other incentives for cooperating witnesses. Federal immunity statutes, for example, which authorize prosecutors to request immunity for cooperating witnesses, see
Although, as the Singleton panel noted, the government moves the court to grant immunity rather than bestowing immunity directly upon a cooperating witness, see Singleton,
When granted statutory immunity, the potential witness is given something of value by the government in that his immunized testimony cannot be used to prosecute him. By the same token, the government plainly gains something of value from immunizing the testimony — the testimony itself. See Mandujano,
The Witness Relocation and Protection Act expressly authorizes the Attorney General to provide for the relocation and protection of certain federal witnesses. See
Dispositive in this case is the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, which, as amended, authorizes courts, upon motion of the government, to reduce sentences for individuals who provide “substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another.” See
By allowing prosecutors to reward testimony with sentencing benefits, the statutes must also be read to authorize prosecutors to inform a defendant and potential witness of the possibility of such reward. Barring a prosecutor from discussing leniency prior to testimony would seriously inhibit the intended effect of these statutes by reducing the pool of defendants willing to testify against their co-conspirators to those informed by their counsel of the potential benefits of cooperation. Furthermore, a bar to pre-testi-mony negotiation would contradict the intent of
Pursuant to these grants of statutory authority, the Sentencing Commission has issued a policy statement entitled “Substantial Assistance to Authorities,” see U.S.S.G. § 5K1.1, which allows a downward departure in consideration of “the truthfulness, completeness, and reliability of any information or testimony provided by the defendant.” U.S.S.G. § 5Kl.l(a)(2). Courts have upheld the exchange of testimony for leniency under this authority. See, e.g., United States v. Courtois,
In totality, these various statutes create both a substantive and procedural framework for bargaining between government agents and potential witnesses. They limit the “something of value” that the government may offer, and detail the roles of both the prosecution and the courts in determining sentences, providing immunity, and granting other forms of assistance. The result is a coherent, narrowly defined set of laws that operate in the same field as the more general prohibitions of § 201(c)(2). Under long-established principles of statutory construction, where specific statutes overlap with a general statute, the latter must give way, insofar as it would prohibit that which the narrow statutes would allow.
B
This analysis has several advantages over that of the majority. It provides both a
The majority reasons that this prosecutor can be held liable because he is acting ultra vires, and is therefore “no longer the alter ego of the sovereign and is divested of the protective mantle of the government.” Maj. Op. at 1302. The majority’s holding, premised on the government’s sovereign authority and the common law of exchanges of testimony for leniency, see Maj. Op. at 1300, 1301-1302, is likely to create difficulties for authorities who, in seeking to sanction errant prosecutors, will be forced to study the areania of the common law to discern the scope of protected prosecutorial activity. On the other hand, the statutory construction proposed here protects the general prohibition of § 201(c)(2), but provides specific exemptions that the government may follow. Prosecutors may offer only those incentives that Congress has approved, and may bargain and execute agreements only within the narrow, specific procedures that Congress and the courts have articulated. If a United States Attorney does not act within the provisions of those specific statutes that conflict with § 201, then § 201 — including subsection (c)(2) — applies. Conversely, where the actions of the prosecutor fall within such provisions, as in this case, then § 201(c)(2) does not apply.
. The Singleton panel limits its analysis to "three specific promises made by the government to Mr. Douglas in return for his explicit promise to testify.” United States v. Singleton,
. For purposes of this concurrence, "United States Attorney” should be read to include Assistant United States Attorneys.
. Although the majority infers that United States Attorneys are in fact “alter egos” of the government, "acting within the scope of authority conferred upon that office ... [and] exercising [the government’s] sovereign power of prosecution," Maj. Op. at 1300, it also characterizes United States Attorneys as "officers and agents” of the government. Id.
. The majority's citation of language from Dollar Savings Bank v. United States,
.
. An important aspect of the government's argument in this respect is that the corrupt prosecutor is acting "ultra vires.” This is unpersuasive not only because it contradicts the statute’s plain meaning, but because it would destroy the logic of the regime that Congress has created to regulate the bargaining process with, and testimony of, cooperating witnesses. See infra, section II.
. Where § 201(c)(2) does give way, the requirements of constitutional due process and confrontation, as well as the rules of criminal procedure, will continue to protect the accused. Thus, prosecutors must disclose to the defendant "evidence of any understanding or agreement ... [that] would be relevant to [a witness’s] credibility.” Giglio v. United States,
Dissenting Opinion
with whom SEYMOUR, Chief Judge, and EBEL, Circuit Judge, join, dissenting.
The court holds that
As an initial observation, since the panel issued its opinion in this case, prosecutors from coast to coast have attempted to portray it as the death knell for the criminal justice system as we know it. These are the same grave forecasts made by prosecutors after the Supreme Court’s decision in Miranda v. Arizona,
In holding that
Contrary to the concerns expressed by some commentators and courts, see United States v. Ware,
On the other side of the ledger is my concern for the institutional role of Article III courts. Much of this case'has been about policy. I accept the government’s position that accomplices can provide important information and interpreting
I. “Whoever” Means Whoever
The government argues that construing the word “whoever” to include the government is semantically anomalous because “whoever” connotes a being. As a textual and contextual matter, this is wrong. Textually, “whoever” clearly connotes more than a being and in fact denotes inanimate entities. The Dictionary Act,
The court suggests that the prosecutor and the sovereign are inseparable, and therefore the word “whoever” cannot apply because the United States cannot be prosecuted for providing leniency in exchange for testimony. First and foremost, “the law in this social order is not self-executing — the necessary instrument is the lawyer.” Matter of Doe,
Recently, Congress enacted a statute that explicitly subjects government attorneys, including federal prosecutors, to State laws and rules governing attorneys. See Omnibus Appropriations Act, Pub.L. No. 105-277, tit. VIII, § 801, 112 Stat. 2681,-(1998) (to be codified at
Beyond the government’s sui generis definition of “whoever,” the government’s argument rests upon the predicate that the government has the sovereign authority to prosecute criminal conduct, and applying
Thus, the anti-gratuity statute leaves unfettered the sovereign’s established prerogative to charge; it merely places a restriction on one method of gathering admissible evidence, here testimony, for or against an accused. A federal prosecutor is not above the law and is not free to prove a case by any
II.
Contrary to the government’s contentions, the defendant’s reading of
First, the statutory language we do have in § 201(c)(2) is a better guide to legislative intent than the silence about leniency in exchange for testimony contained in these other enactments. Second, it would be pure speculation to assume that Congress intended to endorse existing practice. As noted in the panel opinion, nowhere in
Likewise, the defendant’s reading of § 201(c)(2) can be harmonized with
Finally, the defendant’s reading of § 201(c)(2) does not conflict with the Witness Relocation and Protection Act,
III. Tradition
The government relies on the common law practice of sanctioning the testimony of accomplices against their confederates in exchange for leniency. Apparently, this practice has not always been an unquestioned part of the common law. The seventeenth century English common law scholar and judge, Sir Matthew Hale, reasoned:
If a reward be promised to a person for giving his evidence before he gives it, this, if proved disables his testimony.
And so for my own part I have always thought, that if a person have a promise of a pardon if he give evidence against one of his own confederates, this disables his testimony, if it be proved upon him.9
II Sir Matthew Hale, The History of Pleas of the Crown 280 (Sollom Emlyn ed. 1736) (footnote omitted). A narrow focus on this practice, however, ignores two other equally compelling traditions: the common law prohibition against paying fact witnesses, and the fundamental policy of ensuring a level playing field between the government and defendant in a criminal case.
Under the common law in most jurisdictions, “it is improper to pay an occurrence witness any fee for testifying.” Model Rules of Professional Conduct Rule 3.4 cmt. [3]; cf. 2 Wigmore, Evidence in Trials at Common Law § 520 (Chadbourn rev.1979) (noting that conviction of suppression of testimony by bribery, a crime of infamy, has been adjudged to render individual incompetent to testify). “Fair competition in the adversary
Congress has expressed its desire that government attorneys comply with state and local federal court rules governing the practice of law. See
[W]e must understand ethical standards are not merely a guide for the lawyer’s conduct, but are an integral part of the administration of justice. Recognizing a Government lawyer’s role as a shepherd of justice, we must not forget that the authority of the Government lawyer does not arise from any right of the Government, but from power entrusted to the Government. When a Government lawyer, with enormous resources at his or her disposal, abuses this power and ignores ethical standards, he or she not only undermines the public trust, but inflicts damage beyond calculation to our system of justice. This alone compels the responsible and ethical exercise of power.
Matter of Doe,
Constitutional law manifests another vital legal tradition which the government’s position undercuts — the policy of ensuring a level playing field between the government and defendant in a criminal case. The Supreme Court long ago recognized that impartiality in criminal cases requires that “[bjetween [the accused] and the state the scales are to be evenly held.” Hayes v. Missouri,
Remaining faithful to the important common law prohibition against paying fact witnesses and the fundamental policy of ensuring a level playing field between the government and defendant requires applying § 201(c)(2) to the government as its plain language suggests.
For the above reasons, I respectfully dissent. A more detailed explanation of my
. The concurring opinion incorrectly suggests that we should be concerned only with two promises made to the co-conspirator for his testimony. The co-conspirator's plea agreement contained three specific promises in exchange for testimony: (1) forbearance of prosecution, (2) advice to the sentencing court of the co-conspirator’s cooperation, and (3) the same advice to a Mississippi parole board. See United States v. Singleton,
. Like § 201(c)(2), the subornation of perjury statute applies to “[w]hoever," and makes no exception for federal prosecutors.
. One way prosecutors could obtain information and assistance short of actual testimony at trial is to enter into a plea agreement with a defendant under
Such a practice protects every legitimate pros-ecutorial concern expressed in this case by the government and refutes its contention that the criminal justice system would be crippled if it could not offer leniency to a defendant in exchange for testimony.
. The panel’s interpretation of § 201(c)(2) would not be retroactive. In Teague v. Lane,
Although the remedy of exclusion of evidence based upon a statutory violation arguably constitutes a non-constitutional rule of criminal procedure, see Amicus NACDL Br. at 15-19, such a rule also would not appear to come within Teag-ue or its exceptions to finality. Although the concerns of comity are not present when a federal court reviews federal convictions, the concern with finality apparent in Teague is no less important. Cf.
.
Upon motion of the Government, the court shall have the authority to impose a sentence below a level established by statute as minimum sentence so as to reflect a defendant’s substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another person who has committed an offense. Such sentence shall be imposed in accordance with the guidelines and policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission pursuant to section 994 of title 28, United States Code.
.
The Commission shall assure that the guidelines reflect the general appropriateness of imposing a lower sentence than would otherwise be imposed, including a sentence that is lower than that established by statute as minimum sentence, to take into account a defendant’s substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another person who has committed an offense.
.
The court, on motion of the Government ..., may reduce a sentence to reflect a defendant’s subsequent, substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another person who has committed an offense, in accordance with the guidelines and policy statements issued by the Sentencing Commission pursuant tosection 994 of title 28, United States Code.
. U.S.S.G. § 5K1.1(a)(2) provides:
Upon motion of the government stating that the defendant has provided substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another person who has committed an offense, the court may depart from the guidelines.
(a) The appropriate reduction shall be determined by the court for reasons stated that may include, but are not limited to, consideration of the following:
(2) the truthfulness, completeness, and reliability of any information or testimony provided by the defendant.
. Sir Matthew Hale acknowledged that "the contrary opinion hath prevailed.” II History of Pleas of the Crown 280 n.(c).
. The Model Code provides that “[a] lawyer shall not pay, offer to pay, or acquiesce in the payment of compensation to a [fact] witness contingent upon the content of his testimony or the outcome of the case.” Model Code of Professional Responsibility DR 7 — 109(C) (1981). It also suggests that "[w]itnesses should always testify truthfully and should be free of any financial inducements that might tempt them to do otherwise" and that "in no event should a lawyer pay or agree to pay a contingent fee to any witness.” Id. at EC 7-28. This rule is well served by an interpretation of § 201(c)(2) that prohibits payment of compensation in the form of leniency.