United States v. Sally A. PapiaUnited States v. Sally A. Papia
The Taft-Hartley Act (the Act), as amended in 1984, makes it a crime (with exceptions not relevant to this case) for an employer to pay union membership dues to a labor organization “willfully and with the intent to benefit himself or other persons.. .
Sally Papia manages and directs Sally’s Steak House, a restaurant in Milwaukee. She is also the principal owner of the corporation that owns the business. Over a number of years, Papia paid union membership dues on certain of her employees’ behalves to Local 122 of the Hotel, Motel, Restaurant Employees and Bartenders Union. A grand jury charged Papia with three counts of violating
I.
In 1982, Papia signed a document known as the “1982-1985 Hotel Agreement” (1982 agreement), a purported collective bargaining agreement with Local 122. The 1982 agreement was supposed to apply to all eligible employees. But not all of Sally’s eligible employees were enrolled in the union. Instead, Papia submitted the names of seven employees, from all job classifications, to include on the union’s membership rolls. Papia told these employees that she had submitted their names to Local 122, and she also paid their membership dues.
The practice of carrying a limited number of Sally’s employees on the union’s membership rolls began long before 1982; the arrangement had existed under a series of contracts with Local 122 dating back to the early 1970’s. The arrangement allowed Papia to avoid full unionization (and the costs associated with it). Indeed, a number of Sally’s employees testified at trial that they had no idea that Sally’s had a collective bargaining agreement with Local 122, and that they were eligible for union membership.
Papia’s cozy arrangement with Local 122 began to unravel in early 1985. Joann Calarco, a waitress at Sally’s, had incurred significant medical expenses the past October, and was facing additional expenses in January. Calarco discussed her predicament with her mother, who advised her to contact Vince Gallo, a long-time family friend. Gallo was Local 122’s business manager, having replaced Phil Valley, the old business manager (and the union official with whom Papia mainly had dealt in the past) in 1984. Calarco explained her situation to Gallo who, much to Calarco’s surprise, told her that Sally’s was unionized and that she was eligible to join Local
When Calarco told Papia that she intended to join the union, Papia became angry. Nevertheless, Calarco joined. After Calar-co joined Local 122, two other waitresses joined, and other Sally’s employees became interested in joining (principally to take advantage of the union’s health benefits). At about this same time, Papia began to receive notices from the administrator of Local 122’s employee benefit plans about employer contributions she had failed to make under the 1982 agreement. Also around this time, the FBI began to investigate Papia’s relationship with Local 122. Papia told FBI agent Roger Trott that Gallo was “pressuring” her to unionize Sally’s. To combat this pressure, Papia’s attempt to avoid full unionization moved to a different tack.
Shortly after Papia spoke to the FBI agent, Papia and Gallo began negotiating a new contract for the period beginning in 1985. During these negotiations, Gallo pressed Papia to submit all her eligible employees’ names to the union. Papia resisted this because of the cost of paying union benefits for all her employees. Instead, Papia submitted twelve names to Gallo for union membership. However, Pa-pia did not inform these twelve employees that they would be listed on the union rolls. Papia also prepared twelve Local 122 membership cards for these employees, forged their names on them, and submitted them to the union.
On June 15, 1985, the 1982 agreement expired. Negotiations over a new contract continued. A couple weeks later, Papia had ballots prepared for her employees to indicate whether or not they wanted to join Local 122. Each ballot contained a line for the employee to sign. All employees except one (including the twelve employees whose names Papia had submitted to the union) voted against joining Local 122. Pa-pia sent copies of most of these ballots to Gallo. She did not, however, send copies of the ballots signed by the twelve employees whose names she had previously submitted to Gallo. On October 15, 1985, Papia finally signed the new contract. As she had under the old agreements, Papia continued to pay the union membership dues of the employees the contract purportedly covered.
The FBI continued to investigate Papia’s dealings with the union. In January 1986, Papia told Agent Trott that she had gotten Gallo to “back off.” Federal agents also interviewed the twelve employees whose names were on the forged membership cards Papia had submitted to the union. After learning of this, Papia prepared “permission slips” for each of these employees, backdated to May 31, 1985, that purportedly gave Papia each employee’s permission to enroll that employee in the union. Papia told the grand jury that she had received the employees’ permission to sign their names to the membership cards. As we have seen, this did not prevent the grand jury from indicting her, an indictment that led to the conviction now on appeal.
II.
As we noted at the beginning of this opinion, in 1984 Congress amended
Papia argues that we must reverse her conviction on Count 1 because the district court required the government to prove only “general intent” as opposed to “specific intent.” Papia’s argument on this point is not particularly clear because she does not state what she means by the terms “general intent” and “specific intent.” These terms have been interpreted to mean different things at different times. For example, courts have used the term “general intent” simply to connote the general
There are two ways to interpret Papia’s argument. First, Papia seems to be complaining about how this court has previously interpreted § 186(d)’s willfulness requirement. In
United States v. Kaye,
This argument is meritless. In
Moris-sette,
a defendant hunting on federal property came upon spent bomb shell casings that he thought had been abandoned. He loaded three tons of the casings onto his truck, took them away, and sold them for scrap. Morissette was tried for conversion under
The Court in
Morissette
held that conversion was a crime that required an evil intent or
mens rea.
While Morissette did not have to know that there was a law against conversion, the government had to show at least that Morissette knew the facts that made his taking a crime; in other words, the government had to show that Morissette knew the shell casings were somebody else’s (though not necessarily the government’s) property and were not abandoned. See
id.
at 270-71,
The Court in
Morissette
did not hold, as Papia suggests, that all crimes require a specific intent above and beyond a general
mens rea
or evil purpose. Nor did the court even hold that all crimes necessarily require an evil intent. Conversion was a crime Congress had codified from the common law, and the common law conception of crime had always presupposed an evil intent. However, the Court recognized that Congress could create crimes that did not require criminal intent, making acts criminal not because they are wrong in themselves but simply because Congress pronounced them so. See
id.
at 259-60,
This circuit has never gone so far as to classify § 186(d) as a malum prohibi-turn crime not requiring any mens rea. Indeed, we adopted our willfulness formulation in Incisio after specifically rejecting the argument that § 186(d) created a strict liability offense. See
Even if we thought that this circuit's willfulness standard is deficient, Papia cannot complain. The district court instructed The jury that to convict Papia on Count I, it had to find she acted "knowingly" and "willfully." The court went on to instruct the jury that, "An act is done `willfully' if done voluntarily and intentionally, and with the intent to do sornething the law forbids; that is to say, with a purpose either to disobey or disregard the law." This is precisely the formulation of willfulness that Papia argues is correct, except that the word "specific" does not preface the word "intent" (a difference that is meaningless). The Ninth Circuit in Drew approved an almost identical instruction. Compare the instruction quoted above with Drew,
Papia also seems to be arguing that even if this court has correctly interpreted § 186(d)'s willfulness requirement, that section, even before 1984, required that the government prove an intent to benefit oneself or another. According to Papia, when Congress amended § 186(d), it was merely "clarifying" the law rather than adding an additional element to the offense. This "clarification," according to Papia, shows that § 186(d) has always required the government to prove intent to benefit.
Papia cites Brown v. Marquette Savings and Loan Ass'n,
In any event, Papia's premise-that in 1984 Congress was merely attempting to
Moreover, comparing § 186(d)’s structure before and after amendment scotches any notion that Congress was not adding a new intent element. Before 1984, § 186(d) had no subsections, and provided simply that any willful violation of § 186 • was criminal. See
Papia makes one more argument regarding
There is another reason to hold Papia has waived this argument. The proper remedy for the violation Papia complains about would have been to hold separate trials on Count 1 and Counts '2 and 3. See
III.
Papia argues next that the district court erred by allowing the government to aggregate 31 separate payments she made to Local 122 into three counts. As we have noted, the indictment charged two misdemeanors and one felony against Papia. According to Papia, the indictment should have alleged 31 separate misdemeanors against her (since no individual payment exceeded $1,000).
Counts 1 and 2 aggregate 19 separate payments into two misdemeanor charges. If the government had charged each payment as a separate offense, Papia would have faced a maximum prison sentence of 19 years and a maximum fine of $190,000. See
Count 3 aggregated 12 of Papia’s separate payments in one felony charge. Aggregating what could have been separate misdemeanor charges into a felony charge is different than aggregating separate misdemeanors into one misdemeanor. Where aggregating several misdemeanors into one always benefits the defendant by reducing the maximum penalty possible, aggregating misdemeanors into felonies does not necessarily benefit the defendant. For example, if the government aggregates two $501 payments into one felony charge, the defendant’s maximum possible sentence will increase from two years in prison and a $20,000 fine to five years in prison and,a $15,000 fine (the maximum penalty for a felony violation of
Despite this difference, it is still proper in some circumstances to aggregate separate acts into one felony charge. Whether aggregation is proper depends on the facts in each case. The Fifth Circuit held it proper to aggregate a series of misdemeanor larcenies into one felony larceny under
Like the parties, we think this is an appropriate test to apply to the aggregation in this case. Under this test, the aggregation in Count 3 was proper. All the payments Papia made were pursuant to a contract she negotiated with Local 122. This contract established a scheme or mechanism under which Papia was to make recurring dues payments. Since all the payments were the result of this same scheme or mechanism, it was proper to aggregate the payments into one count. Likewise, the Billingslea test supplies an alternative basis for the aggregations in Counts 1 and 2. As with the payments charged in Count 3, Papia made the payments charged in Counts 1 and 2 as the recurring result of a single scheme or mechanism (the 1982 agreement).
Anticipating that we might reject her argument that the government had to charge 31 separate misdemeanors, Papia makes an alternative (and opposite) argument. According to Papia, if aggregation was appropriate, the government had to aggregate all the payments into one count. Papia had been paying union dues to Local 122 long before the 1982 agreement (under a series of agreements), and she continued paying such dues after the 1982 agreement expired and then after entering the 1985 agreement. Thus, says Papia, all payments flowed from one grand scheme, so only one count was appropriate. Papia goes on to argue that the government had to charge this count as a misdemeanor under the old
Despite Papia’s arguments, the government’s three-count charge in this case was proper. Counts 1 and 2 involved payments occurring under the 1982 agreement; Count 3 involved payments occurring under the 1985 agreement. There were substantial differences in Papia’s method of operating under the two contracts. Under the 1982 agreement, seven people from all job classifications were listed as union members. Those seven were aware that Papia had signed them up in Local 122. Under the 1985 agreement, Papia submitted twelve names for membership in Local 122. Those workers came from a limited number of job classifications: no hostesses, waitresses, or busboys were listed. The twelve workers listed under the 1985 agreement did not know they were union “members.” Most importantly, the evidence allowed an inference that Papia’s change in method from that she used under the 1982 agreement came about, at least in part, because of the events surrounding Joann Calarco’s joining the union and the subsequent interest among other employees in union membership, and the pressure she received from Vincent Gallo to fully unionize Sally’s. Thus, there were two schemes involved in this case, and it was proper to aggregate the payments under each scheme into different counts.
The final question is whether the 1984 amendment justified splitting the payments under the 1982 agreement (payments which occurred both before and after the amend-
IV.
Papia finally argues
3
that the district court erred by allowing the government to introduce a letter to Papia that contained a handwritten note on the bottom. The letter’s text referred to employer contributions Papia had failed to make under the 1982 agreement. The handwritten note stated, “Joey Bal told JJ and me to forget about it and not worry.” Papia did not object to the letter’s text, which was properly admissible as a business record under
The government argues that the handwritten note is not hearsay. According to the government, the note corroborates that Papia read the letter, and thus was aware of some of the costs to her of unionization. Therefore, says the government, the note sheds light on Papia’s state of mind, and was not hearsay.
We need not decide whether the note was hearsay. The government’s argument presumes Papia wrote the note. For the note to be admissible, Papia had to have written it. If the note was “offered to prove the truth of the matter asserted,”
Although Papia argues on appeal that the note was not properly authenticated, she never mentioned lack of authentication in her objections in the district court. Therefore, she has waived the authentication issue unless it was plain error for the district court to admit the note. See
United States v. Field,
That leaves Papia’s argument that the note’s potential for unfair prejudice outweighed its probative value. On appeal, Papia argues that the mention of “Joey Bal” in the note was “overwhelmingly prejudicial.” This is so, says Papia, because Joseph Balistrieri (Joey Bal) is a member of the Balistrieri family. Papia claims that the Balistrieris are known to use the name “Bal,” and that the Milwaukee media frequently report the family members to be organized crime leaders. Thus, argues Pa-pia, the note connects her to organized crime, a connection that is both unfair and unnecessary in a case having nothing to do with organized crime.
We reject this argument for two reasons. First, while Papia objected in the district court under
AFFIRMED.
Notes
. Again, this is not the case for Papia. As charged, Papia faced a maximum sentence of five years in prison and a $15,000 fine on Count 3. If the government had charged 12 separate misdemeanors, Papia would have faced a maximum sentence of 12 years in prison and a $120,000 fine. As with Counts 1 and 2, the aggregation in Count 3 worked to Papia's benefit, at least in terms of potential maximum sentence.
. If the government could charge only one count in this case, it is not at all clear the government would have had to charge that count as a misdemeanor under the old
. Papia raises two other arguments that we have disposed of in a separate unpublished order released today.